Providing for consideration of the bill (H.R. 1255) to prevent a shutdown of the government of the United States, and for other purposes.

Madam Speaker, by direction of the Committee on Rules, I call up House Resolution 194 and ask for its immediate consideration.

Will the gentleman yield?

I thank the gentleman for yielding. I would be happy to answer that question.

By eliminating the crushing Federal deficit that we have today? By taking the first steps we have seen in a generation to take the government out of the capital market and put the private sector back in?

I would be happy to try again, Mr. Ellison.

Madam Speaker, I rise to claim time in opposition to the point of order and in favor of consideration of the resolution.

Madam Speaker, it appears that this is going to be an April Fool's theme day, and I suppose I should have known that when I woke up this morning.

I am a little surprised that it begins with folks claiming a point of order against unfunded mandates that they are not sure at all exist in the bill; that they claim a point of order against unfunded mandates in a rule that waives those points of order if they did exist.

I want to say, Madam Speaker, I'm a big proponent of regular order. A big proponent of regular order. And the prophylactic waiver that is in the rule is designed just in case there was something that we missed.

But what is important is that we had the largest and most open debate we have had in this House in a decade on H.R. 1, the only provision that could possibly have an unfunded mandate in it and does not.

This bill does two things, the underlying legislation does two things: It both gives the Senate an opportunity to come out from under its paralyzing inaction and pass H.R. 1; and, it says that if the Senate does not, if the Senate fails to act--we are not asking the Senate to do exactly what we want them to do. We are asking them to act. If they fail to act, that Congress will not get paid. Congress will not get paid. My colleagues on the left won't get paid, my colleagues on the right won't get paid, and my colleagues in the Senate won't get paid.

I would ask my good friend Mr. Ellison, do you believe that this provision that will prevent us from getting paid for not doing our job is the unfunded mandate in that provision?

I yield to the gentleman from Minnesota.

Well, let me reclaim my time, Madam Speaker, to say that I appreciate the gentleman's support for making sure we don't get paid if we are not doing our work.

There is a divide in this town, Madam Speaker. There is a crowd that believes that government creates jobs, and the more government activity that takes place the more jobs there are. There is another crowd in this town that believes that only the private sector can create jobs.

As this bill will put more capital into the private markets, it will create jobs. As this bill will provide much-needed certainty that we cannot have under these continuing resolutions, this bill will create jobs. As this bill goes to complete the work that should have happened last Congress but did not, this bill will create jobs.

It is a cruel April Fool's Day joke on the American people, Madam Speaker, that instead of debating the underlying resolution--and I have a rule that I am prepared to bring to the floor that will allow time to debate the underlying resolution--we are instead focused on points of order that even my colleagues on the left don't believe exist.

They accuse us of perverting the process, Madam Speaker, and we have had the most open process in the first 90 days of this Congress than this Congress has seen in a decade. And, in doing so, they pervert the process, raising points of order that they do not believe exist and they know in their hearts do not exist.

With that, I reserve the balance of my time.

You want to remove the most debated provision we have

had in this entire Congress? You feel that hasn't been debated enough?

The Member pay issue is critically tied to the inaction of the folks on the funding bill. The answer is no, Mr. Ellison, I cannot agree to that.

Madam Speaker, at this time I am pleased to yield 2 minutes to a gentleman who is making sure we do keep our promises on Capitol Hill, the gentleman from California, Chairman Lungren.

Madam Speaker, I yield myself such time as I may consume to thank the chairman for that explanation, because constitutional principles are paramount, are absolutely paramount on this side of the aisle, and so is accountability, so is accountability for our actions here in this body and our actions across the way. And I could not be more pleased to be a cosponsor of the underlying resolution because it does hold us accountable and says no work, no pay. No work, no pay.

This is April Fool's Day here in the House of Representatives and across the country. We are talking about jobs every day. Every day in this body we are talking about jobs, and yet the debate this morning is focused on are we doing enough debating about a bill that already has been the most aggressively debated bill this Congress has seen in over a decade.

I want to invite my colleagues on both sides of the aisle and in the United States Senate to join me as a cosponsor of H.R. 25. H.R. 25 is the Fair Tax Act. It is the only bill in Congress that eliminates every single corporate loophole, exception, lobbyist-inserted provision. Not a one survives the Fair Tax. It is the only bill in Congress that eliminates the payroll tax, that largest tax that 80 percent of Americans pay.

Do you want to talk about American families and their pain? Let's talk about the largest tax that American families pay. It is the payroll tax, and H.R. 25 is the only bill in the United States House of Representatives that eliminates the payroll tax in favor of a flat rate personal consumption tax that ceases to punish productivity and begins to reward those activities that build jobs in this country. It is the only bill in Congress that puts American manufacturing on a level playing field with the rest of the world.

Do you want to talk about jobs or do you not? Do you want to get America back on track or do you not? Because this is a point of order that we know doesn't exist. It is a point of order just designed to fill the airwaves first thing in the morning. If you want to fill the airwaves, fill it with promises of jobs. Fill it with promises of ending the Tax Code that drives jobs out this country and bringing in that capital that we so desperately need.

Again, Madam Speaker, there are no unfunded mandates in this bill. This has been the most aggressively debated bill that this Congress has seen in a generation, I would argue. The only two things the underlying legislation does, it forces the government to stay open with funding levels, those funding levels provided in H.R. 1 if the Senate passes this bill, and it insists that no work in Congress receives no pay.

Forty days we have waited on the Senate to act. They have defeated two bills, but they have passed nothing, Madam Speaker. They have passed nothing. If you want to talk about jobs, if you want to talk about certainty, you have to bring a proposal to the table. This is a freshmen proposal that reaches out to try to do something to make things happen.

I don't know how you guys break logjams in this city. Clearly, it is not easy. Last year there was a Democratic House, a Democratic Senate, and a Democratic White House, and you still couldn't get a budget passed. You still couldn't get appropriations bills passed. So, clearly, logjams are complicated things. I am not here to assign blame for those logjams. I am here to offer solutions. Over and over and over again you see folks rising here to offer solutions.

Madam Speaker, with that, I ask that you overrule that point of order and allow us to get to the underlying bill.

Madam Speaker, for the purpose of debate only, I yield the customary 30 minutes to my good friend, the gentlewoman from New York (Ms. Slaughter), pending which I yield myself such time as I may consume. During consideration of this resolution, all time yielded is for the purpose of debate only.

General Leave

Madam Speaker, I ask unanimous consent that all Members may have 5 legislative days to revise and extend their remarks.

Madam Speaker, this rule that we have today provides for an hour of consideration on a bill that would do two very simple things.

First, it would provide that, if the House and the Senate fail to do their business, they fail to get paid. It's a pretty basic principle in America: no work, no pay. If the House and the Senate fail to get together and solve this budget crisis, no pay. All the underlying resolution asks is that the Senate act--Senate act. They don't have to agree with the House. They just have to act, act, and send something to the House for negotiation and consideration.

The second thing this bill does--and it's every bit as important as no work, no pay--is that this bill says, for whatever reason, if the Senate cannot act, if the Senate cannot pass something--they've defeated two things but they have passed nothing--then the text of H.R. 1 will control the appropriations of the United States of America and the government will not shut down, will not shut down because we will continue to operate under H.R. 1 funding levels until such time as the Senate can affirmatively pass yet a different bill.

I rise in strong support of that underlying legislation, Madam Speaker.

For the opening of this debate, I yield 5 minutes to my good friend from Arkansas (Mr. Womack).

Madam Speaker, I yield myself 60 seconds to apologize to the gentlelady from New York. I am told by my team here that normal order would have been to yield to you before I yielded to my colleague. I'm new, and I apologize for going out of order in that way.

I would just say, as I beg the gentlelady's forgiveness, that as a freshman, I'm just trying to get things done. I'm trying to make things happen. This bill is one of those steps along the way.

I thank the gentlelady.

Madam Speaker, I yield as much time as he may consume to my good friend and leader, the chairman of the Rules Committee, the gentleman from California (Mr. Dreier).

(Mr. DREIER asked and was given permission to revise and extend his remarks.)

Madam Speaker, I would like to yield 2 minutes to a freshman from Texas (Mr. Canseco), my very good friend.

Madam Speaker, I yield myself such time as I may consume.

I would like to ask my good friend Mr. Polis if he would be kind enough to lend me his chart for a moment.

I want to say--and I thank my friend for sharing with me--that's the kind of thing that goes on. I mean, folks often see the frustration on the House floor. You often see the tempers at their height. But the kind of thing that goes on behind the scenes that you don't usually see is exactly the kind of thing I grew up with on TV. And I thank the gentleman for bringing this chart this morning.

Our colleague, Mr. Hastings, actually sang this song for us yesterday. And it was a wonderful treat in the Rules Committee, I think we would all agree. But as you know, when you listen to this song, Madam Speaker, once the bill passes the House, it goes to the Senate and the Senate acts. The Senate acts.

There's all these pleas for negotiation, the suggestion as if we're not doing enough on the House side. Longest debate this House has had, most amendments, more amendments, in fact, on H.R. 1, the bill that's contained in this underlying resolution, than we had on all appropriation bills combined over the past 4 years. This is the proud work product of the House, H.R. 1.

Here's the work product of the Senate, Madam Speaker. It's right here. As my colleague asks, pleads, in fact, that we negotiate with the Senate, here's what the Senate has offered.

How do you negotiate with that, Madam Speaker? How do you negotiate with that?

This is what we learned about. This is what our students are studying across the Nation. This is what the Senate has given us to work with.

Now, you tell me, as a freshman, what is it that I'm supposed to do? What it is that I'm supposed to do when the Senate fails to act?

And what we have done is to say, if the Senate fails to act: You can't pass anything; I don't know why. So just go ahead and fund the government, prevent the government shutdown, fund the government at H.R. 1 levels, and let's continue that negotiation.

I look forward to the day when we don't have a blank sheet here.

I am happy to yield to the gentleman from Colorado.

Reclaiming my time, I thank my friend. Because he's absolutely right, and that's critically important. There are those who would have you believe that the House is insisting that it's its way or no way at all, but that's not the case at all. We just did our job here, and we're waiting for the counteroffer.

How do you negotiate with this? You can't, Madam Speaker.

I reserve the balance of my time.

Madam Speaker, I am proud to yield 2 minutes to my good friend from Michigan (Mr. McCotter).

Madam Speaker, I yield myself such time as I may consume to associate myself with the gentlewoman's remarks. Those comments on the bottom of the board are as true today as they were a year ago.

There is no deeming in this bill. And I give my colleagues on the other side of the aisle the benefit of the doubt that they know that and that is just the spin for today.

There is no deeming in this bill. This bill says one thing and one thing only about H.R. 1, and that is, that if the Senate cannot act, we are going to give the Senate some cover. If the Senate doesn't want to commit to H.R. 1 for the remainder of the year, we give them the opportunity to incorporate the language of H.R. 1 into this bill, send it to the President's desk for his signature, make it the law of the land, while we continue to work to sort out our budget differences.

Now, that is critically important; one thing and one thing only this bill does: gives the Senate the opportunity to say, you know, for whatever reasons--and the reasons are still a mystery to me--we can't pass legislation in the Senate. We can defeat things all day long, but we can't pass anything. I'm not sure why that is. This bill says: but none of us want a shutdown.

Now, I have got to be honest, Madam Speaker. I am beginning to wonder if ``none of us want a shutdown'' is actually a true statement, because there are some folks who seem to be driving us right down that road.

This is a bill that just gives us another option, another arrow in our quiver to say, if you cannot act, Senate, if you are paralyzed by inaction, pass this bill, and we will continue those negotiations while H.R. 1 is the law of the land.

And I would like to say to my friend from Michigan, I thank him for his support of the rule. I hope I can persuade him to support the underlying resolution. He suggested that by penalizing Members of Congress for failure to act and curbing our salaries, that would somehow encourage a compromise that would spend more out of other people's pockets. I certainly share that fear if that is what this bill does, but it does not.

What it says is the very best deal we have been able to negotiate among ourselves here in the House was H.R. 1. The most conservative and the most liberal, the work product of all 435 of us, is what came out of this House in H.R. 1. And it says, let's fund at those levels that we are already agreed on, that has already been the work product of the people's House, the most responsive body in politics. Let's incorporate that as our baseline while we continue to discuss.

So it is not going to spend an additional nickel out of anyone's pockets, Madam Speaker. It is only going to say to the Congress and the Senate, if you do not work, you do not get paid. And I cannot think of a constituent back home who would disagree with that.

I reserve the balance of my time.

Madam Speaker, I reserve the balance of my time.

Madam Speaker, I yield myself such time as I may consume to say that one of the great joys of serving in this body is when you get to take a stand on something you really believe in. And while I have great respect for my friend from New Jersey and I know he represents his constituency well, my constituency does not believe that the government has the power to create a single job. Not one.

In fact, my constituency believes that every single person that the United States Government hires is a job that would have been done in the private sector. It would have been done better in the private sector. It would have spurred the private sector economy, but, instead, we suck that into the Federal Government.

We understand that entrepreneurs create jobs. Entrepreneurs create jobs. And I will say as we continue to count the days since the House has passed H.R. 1 and the Senate hasn't acted, it is the same number of days, Madam Speaker, since I came to this floor, probably shortly after my friend from New Jersey spoke on the H.R. 1 rule, to say if you want to do away with those tax subsidies, if you want to go after the oil companies, if you want to go after the lobbyists, if you want to go after the special exceptions, join me on H.R. 25, the Fair Tax. Not one new friend of mine from the other side of the aisle has joined me since that speech, the only bill in Congress.

I would love to yield to the gentleman from New Jersey.

To be clear, Mr. Andrews, I absolutely said that the government cannot create jobs. It can hire people that would otherwise have been hired in the private sector.

Reclaiming my time, I am so thankful to you for bringing that up, because I actually intended to speak to that.

That is critically important, Madam Speaker, and it has been ignored throughout this whole debate.

Do you know what happens in a government shutdown? Those heroes of this country do not get paid. Now, understand that. In a government shutdown, this is a bill to provide a special rule so that we don't get paid, but by the ordinary function of law, our men and women who serve this country at home and abroad in uniform do not get paid. Do not get paid.

Now, it is alarming to me, because I know you share my passion for that, that this is the only solution that has been brought to the floor. I am one of the cosponsors who brought it to the floor, and we have had nothing but contempt for this effort. I am not saying this is the end-all, be-all of good government. In fact, I would associate myself with Chairman Dreier's remarks. I hate that we have to do this.

I have been in Congress for 90 days, Madam Speaker. I haven't gotten to work on the new agenda yet. My time has been wholly consumed with trying to sort out the problems from last year, and it is frustrating to me as someone who wants to look to the future and not look to the past.

But I thank the gentleman for bringing up our men and women in uniform, because they are outrageously disadvantaged by a government shutdown. Say what you want to, because I know my friend would agree with me; when we have a tea party rally on The Mall, they are 100 percent supportive of our men and women in uniform and want to see those folks get paid. This is the only bill to do that.

I yield to the gentleman from New Jersey.

Again, I want to point out, Madam Speaker, one of the great joys of the job is being able to work with colleagues across the aisle. I think Mr. Andrews is 100 percent right, 100 percent right, because what he struck on is one of those narrow opportunities where the Constitution actually gives the government the responsibility to act. And that is one of the wonderful things, Madam Speaker.

I may be new here on Capitol Hill, but the job came with an instruction book. It is kind of neat. It came with an instruction book. It is the United States Constitution, and it tells us what it is we should and shouldn't be doing, what it is we should and shouldn't be funding.

While I would love to yield to the gentleman, I suspect what I would hear, if I can presume, is a discussion of the constitutionality of this provision that's here before us today. The good news is I read the instruction book before I came to the floor today and I'm very comfortable with where we are headed.

I would encourage my friends to support us on this resolution. Again, it is not the end-all, be-all of government. It's a step in the right direction. And if you are going to have an all-or-nothing attitude, I'm not sure that we are going to get things done. I wish you would work with me incrementally to make this happen.

With that, I reserve the balance of my time.

Madam Speaker, may I inquire how much time is remaining on both sides.

Madam Speaker, I yield myself 15 seconds to say what I fear will fall on deaf ears, and that is that H.R. 1255 will not become the law of the land until the Senate passes it and the President signs it. The Senate passes it and the President signs it. That is the only thing we're talking about doing here today.

With that, I reserve the balance of my time.

Madam Speaker, I yield myself 16 seconds to point out the irony of being lectured on job creation by the crowd that left us $14 trillion in debt and mortgaged our children's future.

This bill is about responding to our children's needs. This bill is about providing a better day tomorrow than we have today. I stand proudly in support of it.

I reserve the balance of my time.

Madam Speaker, I yield myself 15 seconds, and I wish I had more time to refute that misdirection.

What we're asking here is that we pass the only bill that has been passed in either house of Congress. I don't care if the Senate passes H.R. 1 or not. Pass something. Do I need to bring the chart back up of what the Senate has done already? They have done nothing. They need to do something. This bill prods them to do it.

I reserve the balance of my time.

I yield myself such time as I may consume.

Madam Speaker, this has been an interesting experience for me as a freshman Member of Congress and as a cosponsor of the underlying legislation. I haven't had my motives impugned quite as much in the previous days as I've had them impugned today.

We're trying to make a difference. We're trying to move the ball forward. I wish our ``I'm just a bill'' song went on to talk about what you do when you have an intransigent Senate that can't act, a Senate that's paralyzed with inaction. I wish that were part of a song, but it's not.

In 7 days, Madam Speaker, the United States Government shuts down. I just want to make that clear. In 7 days, the United States Government shuts down if the Senate can't pass a bill and if we can't get together and define a solution. That means our men and women in uniform don't get paid. That means our USDA inspectors, who inspect all the meat and the chicken that we eat, won't go to work, and those products won't go to the grocery stores. It's not a little deal. It's a big deal. It's a big deal, and this is a step in the direction towards finding a solution. Now, this rule provides for debate on that underlying resolution. We'll get to that this afternoon, and I look forward to that.

I would ask all my colleagues on the left and the right, the conservatives and the liberals of all stripes, to support this rule so that we can move forward and debate in an open fashion the underlying resolution.

I yield back the balance of my time, and I move the previous question on the resolution.

Madam Speaker, you know, we do face a real issue here before us today, a government shutdown in a week that could hurt our security and safety as a nation, and hurt our recovery and job growth. And this real issue deserves a real discussion, a discussion and agreement between the House and the Senate and the President.

We have 6 days left to negotiate, and yet here today, instead of contributing to a solution, the House Republicans are bringing about a constitutional crisis on top of the funding crisis. That's the last thing that our fragile economy needs.

Madam Speaker, yesterday in the Rules Committee, and I think this might very well be the first time that this has occurred on the Rules Committee in my just over 2 years, every witness that came to visit our committee was opposed to what we're doing here today. The witnesses were unanimous that this approach is unconstitutional and that this approach is ill-advised. Now, in my time on the Rules Committee I don't think we've ever had such unanimity among the witnesses that have come before us.

Madam Speaker, Article I, section 7 of the Constitution, which I will include in the Record, clearly states that ``Every bill which shall have passed the House of Representatives and the Senate, shall, before it becomes a law, be presented to the President of the United States.''

Now, what's being done with this bill is entirely different. I'd like to show our friends a very basic lesson in how a bill becomes a law.

This is our friend, a bill. For a bill to become a law, it needs to pass the House and the Senate before it goes to the President. Now, we all know if there are differences between the House and the Senate version, they can be resolved through a conference committee, or it can be sent, with an amendment, back to the other body to accept that, as we routinely do.

What is being done in this case is this little guy, this little guy is deeming from the House that it has passed the Senate. Now, this is particularly unusual because, not only has this bill not passed the Senate, it's actually specifically been rejected by the Senate. And now, a bill is going to the Senate asking them to deem that they have passed something that they have actually rejected. It's some sort of Orwellian doublespeak of conforming some sort of alternate version of reality with regard to this deem and pass measure.

Now, there are some things we could be doing in this House and I hope we do. In addition to the good faith negotiations which this constitutional crisis undermines, we could be taking up Senate Bill 388. Senate Bill 388 would make sure that Members of Congress don't get paid during the government shutdown. Now, this is news to most of the American people because, you know what? Most Federal workers, they're not going to get paid if the government shuts down.

But you know who does get paid? Those of us who are speaking here before you today. That's the current law. We can change that law today.

The Senate sent over a bill that passed unanimously that would make sure that Members of Congress didn't get paid if the government shut down. We can take up that bill today. It's been sitting here at the House desk because Republican leadership has not taken up that bill. We can send it on to the President of the United States who could sign that bill, make sure that the incentive of Members of Congress is to come to the table, and we are in the same boat as the other Federal workers with regard to a government shutdown.

It's time to get serious about solving how we're going to fund the operations of government and not put a constitutional crisis on top of the funding crisis.

Article. I.

Section. 1.

All legislative Powers herein granted shall be vested in a

Congress of the United States, which shall consist of a

Senate and House of Representatives.

Section. 2.

The House of Representatives shall be composed of Members

chosen every second Year by the People of the several States,

and the Electors in each State shall have the Qualifications

requisite for Electors of the most numerous Branch of the

State Legislature.

No Person shall be a Representative who shall not have

attained to the Age of twenty five Years, and been seven

Years a Citizen of the United States, and who shall not, when

elected, be an Inhabitant of that State in which he shall be

chosen.

Representatives and direct Taxes shall be apportioned among

the several States which may be included within this Union,

according to their respective Numbers, which shall be

determined by adding to the whole Number of free Persons,

including those bound to Service for a Term of Years, and

excluding Indians not taxed, three fifths of all other

Persons. The actual Enumeration shall be

made within three Years after the first Meeting of the

Congress of the United States, and within every subsequent

Term of ten Years, in such Manner as they shall by Law

direct. The Number of Representatives shall not exceed one

for every thirty Thousand, but each State shall have at Least

one Representative; and until such enumeration shall be made,

the State of New Hampshire shall be entitled to chuse three,

Massachusetts eight, Rhode-Island and Providence Plantations

one, Connecticut five, New-York six, New Jersey four,

Pennsylvania eight, Delaware one, Maryland six, Virginia ten,

North Carolina five, South Carolina five, and Georgia three.

When vacancies happen in the Representation from any State,

the Executive Authority thereof shall issue Writs of Election

to fill such Vacancies.

The House of Representatives shall chuse their Speaker and

other Officers; and shall have the sole Power of Impeachment.

Section. 3.

The Senate of the United States shall be composed of two

Senators from each State, chosen by the Legislature thereof

for six Years; and each Senator shall have one Vote.

Immediately after they shall be assembled in Consequence of

the first Election, they shall be divided as equally as may

be into three Classes. The Seats of the Senators of the first

Class shall be vacated at the Expiration of the second Year,

of the second Class at the Expiration of the fourth Year, and

of the third Class at the Expiration of the sixth Year, so

that one third may be chosen every second Year; and if

Vacancies happen by Resignation, or otherwise, during the

Recess of the Legislature of any State, the Executive thereof

may make temporary Appointments until the next Meeting of the

Legislature, which shall then fill such Vacancies.

No Person shall be a Senator who shall not have attained to

the Age of thirty Years, and been nine Years a Citizen of the

United States, and who shall not, when elected, be an

Inhabitant of that State for which he shall be chosen.

The Vice President of the United States shall be President

of the Senate, but shall have no Vote, unless they be equally

divided.

The Senate shall chuse their other Officers, and also a

President pro tempore, in the Absence of the Vice President,

or when he shall exercise the Office of President of the

United States.

The Senate shall have the sole Power to try all

Impeachments. When sitting for that Purpose, they shall be on

Oath or Affirmation. When the President of the United States

is tried, the Chief Justice shall preside: And no Person

shall be convicted without the Concurrence of two thirds of

the Members present.

Judgment in Cases of Impeachment shall not extend further

than to removal from Office, and disqualification to hold and

enjoy any Office of honor, Trust or Profit under the United

States: but the Party convicted shall nevertheless be liable

and subject to Indictment, Trial, Judgment and Punishment,

according to Law.

Section. 4.

The Times, Places and Manner of holding Elections for

Senators and Representatives, shall be prescribed in each

State by the Legislature thereof; but the Congress may at any

time by Law make or alter such Regulations, except as to the

Places of chusing Senators.

The Congress shall assemble at least once in every Year,

and such Meeting shall be on the first Monday in December,

unless they shall by Law appoint a different Day.

Section. 5.

Each House shall be the Judge of the Elections, Returns and

Qualifications of its own Members, and a Majority of each

shall constitute a Quorum to do Business; but a smaller

Number may adjourn from day to day, and may be authorized to

compel the Attendance of absent Members, in such Manner, and

under such Penalties as each House may provide.

Each House may determine the Rules of its Proceedings,

punish its Members for disorderly Behaviour, and, with the

Concurrence of two thirds, expel a Member.

Each House shall keep a Journal of its Proceedings, and

from time to time publish the same, excepting such Parts as

may in their Judgment require Secrecy; and the Yeas and Nays

of the Members of either House on any question shall, at the

Desire of one fifth of those Present, be entered on the

Journal.

Neither House, during the Session of Congress, shall,

without the Consent of the other, adjourn for more than three

days, nor to any other Place than that in which the two

Houses shall be sitting.

Section. 6.

The Senators and Representatives shall receive a

Compensation for their Services, to be ascertained by Law,

and paid out of the Treasury of the United States. They shall

in all Cases, except Treason, Felony and Breach of the Peace,

be privileged from Arrest during their Attendance at the

Session of their respective Houses, and in going to and

returning from the same; and for any Speech or Debate in

either House, they shall not be questioned in any other

Place.

No Senator or Representative shall, during the Time for

which he was elected, be appointed to any civil Office under

the Authority of the United States, which shall have been

created, or the Emoluments whereof shall have been encreased

during such time; and no Person holding any Office under the

United States, shall be a Member of either House during his

Continuance in Office.

Section. 7.

All Bills for raising Revenue shall originate in the House

of Representatives; but the Senate may propose or concur with

Amendments as on other Bills.

Every Bill which shall have passed the House of

Representatives and the Senate, shall, before it become a

Law, be presented to the President of the United States: If

he approve he shall sign it, but if not he shall return it,

with his Objections to that House in which it shall have

originated, who shall enter the Objections at large on their

Journal, and proceed to reconsider it. If after such

Reconsideration two thirds of that House shall agree to pass

the Bill, it shall be sent, together with the Objections, to

the other House, by which it shall likewise be reconsidered,

and if approved by two thirds of that House, it shall become

a Law. But in all such Cases the Votes of both Houses shall

be determined by yeas and Nays, and the Names of the Persons

voting for and against the Bill shall be entered on the

Journal of each House respectively. If any Bill shall not be

returned by the President within ten Days (Sundays excepted)

after it shall have been presented to him, the Same shall be

a Law, in like Manner as if he had signed it, unless the

Congress by their Adjournment prevent its Return, in which

Case it shall not be a Law.

Every Order, Resolution, or Vote to which the Concurrence

of the Senate and House of Representatives may be necessary

(except on a question of Adjournment) shall be presented to

the President of the United States; and before the Same shall

take Effect, shall be approved by him, or being disapproved

by him, shall be repassed by two thirds of the Senate and

House of Representatives, according to the Rules and

Limitations prescribed in the Case of a Bill.

Section. 8.

The Congress shall have Power To lay and collect Taxes,

Duties, Imposts and Excises, to pay the Debts and provide for

the common Defence and general Welfare of the United States;

but all Duties, Imposts and Excises shall be uniform

throughout the United States;

To borrow Money on the credit of the United States;

To regulate Commerce with foreign Nations, and among the

several States, and with the Indian Tribes;

To establish an uniform Rule of Naturalization, and uniform

Laws on the subject of Bankruptcies throughout the United

States;

To coin Money, regulate the Value thereof, and of foreign

Coin, and fix the Standard of Weights and Measures;

To provide for the Punishment of counterfeiting the

Securities and current Coin of the United States;

To establish Post Offices and post Roads;

To promote the Progress of Science and useful Arts, by

securing for limited Times to Authors and Inventors the

exclusive Right to their respective Writings and Discoveries;

To constitute Tribunals inferior to the supreme Court;

To define and punish Piracies and Felonies committed on the

high Seas, and Offences against the Law of Nations;

To declare War, grant Letters of Marque and Reprisal, and

make Rules concerning Captures on Land and Water;

To raise and support Armies, but no Appropriation of Money

to that Use shall be for a longer Term than two Years;

To provide and maintain a Navy;

To make Rules for the Government and Regulation of the land

and naval Forces;

To provide for calling forth the Militia to execute the

Laws of the Union, suppress Insurrections and repel

Invasions;

To provide for organizing, arming, and disciplining, the

Militia, and for governing such Part of them as may be

employed in the Service of the United States, reserving to

the States respectively, the Appointment of the Officers, and

the Authority of training the Militia according to the

discipline prescribed by Congress;

To exercise exclusive Legislation in all Cases whatsoever,

over such District (not exceeding ten Miles square) as may,

by Cession of particular States, and the Acceptance of

Congress, become the Seat of the Government of the United

States, and to exercise like Authority over all Places

purchased by the Consent of the Legislature of the State in

which the Same shall be, for the Erection of Forts,

Magazines, Arsenals, dock-Yards, and other needful

Buildings;--And

To make all Laws which shall be necessary and proper for

carrying into Execution the foregoing Powers, and all other

Powers vested by this Constitution in the Government of the

United States, or in any Department or Officer thereof.

Section. 9.

The Migration or Importation of such Persons as any of the

States now existing shall think proper to admit, shall not be

prohibited by the Congress prior to the Year one thousand

eight hundred and eight, but a Tax or duty may be imposed on

such Importation, not exceeding ten dollars for each Person.

The Privilege of the Writ of Habeas Corpus shall not be

suspended, unless when in Cases of Rebellion or Invasion the

public Safety may require it.

No Bill of Attainder or ex post facto Law shall be passed.

No Capitation, or other direct, Tax shall be laid, unless

in Proportion to the Census or

enumeration herein before directed to be taken.

No Tax or Duty shall be laid on Articles exported from any

State.

No Preference shall be given by any Regulation of Commerce

or Revenue to the Ports of one State over those of another;

nor shall Vessels bound to, or from, one State, be obliged to

enter, clear, or pay Duties in another.

No Money shall be drawn from the Treasury, but in

Consequence of Appropriations made by Law; and a regular

Statement and Account of the Receipts and Expenditures of all

public Money shall be published from time to time.

No Title of Nobility shall be granted by the United States:

And no Person holding any Office of Profit or Trust under

them, shall, without the Consent of the Congress, accept of

any present, Emolument, Office, or Title, of any kind

whatever, from any King, Prince, or foreign State.

Section. 10.

No State shall enter into any Treaty, Alliance, or

Confederation; grant Letters of Marque and Reprisal; coin

Money; emit Bills of Credit; make any Thing but gold and

silver Coin a Tender in Payment of Debts; pass any Bill of

Attainder, ex post facto Law, or Law impairing the Obligation

of Contracts, or grant any Title of Nobility.

No State shall, without the Consent of the Congress, lay

any Imposts or Duties on Imports or Exports, except what may

be absolutely necessary for executing it's inspection Laws:

and the net Produce of all Duties and Imposts, laid by any

State on Imports or Exports, shall be for the Use of the

Treasury of the United States; and all such Laws shall be

subject to the Revision and Control of the Congress.

No State shall, without the Consent of Congress, lay any

Duty of Tonnage, keep Troops, or Ships of War in time of

Peace, enter into any Agreement or Compact with another

State, or with a foreign Power, or engage in War, unless

actually invaded, or in such imminent Danger as will not

admit of delay.

I would be happy to.

Will the gentleman yield?

Yes, you are correct that the House has passed a continuing resolution; however, that specific resolution has actually failed in the United States Senate. It's actually a rejection. On top of that, the third body, the executive, has threatened a veto of that.

What this calls for is some sort of deal that everybody can do to ensure the government continues to operate.

I thank my friend from Georgia for yielding me the customary 30 minutes, and I yield myself such time as I may consume.

Madam Speaker, over 200 years, the House of Representatives has seen almost everything. From the days as a young nation, to modern day America, the exchange of ideas and the debate of legislation is a rich and proud tradition that moves our country forward. Unfortunately, today's legislation abandons this proud history and marks a new low in the United States House of Representatives. As you know, the new majority started off the session with reading every section and every piece of the Constitution of the United States to show our reverence for it, but this morning that Constitution has been kicked under the couch out of sight, lest its presence in the room restrict what is attempting to be done here today. Indeed, this legislation proposes that we throw away 200 years of legislative history and upend the fundamental process of how a bill becomes law.

Despite the urgent and dire issues facing our constituents, here we are, the U.S. House of Representatives, considering legislation that has no chance of becoming law. Today's legislation would ``deem'' a bill that the Senate has already voted down as passed by that very Senate. It would take a remarkable mind to even come up with such an idea. This notion, while clever, will never pass through the U.S. Senate. And let me remind you that what we're doing this morning, saying that we're going to bypass the Senate, would not do anything at all unless the Senate passed it of themselves saying, forget about us. It's simply not going to happen.

The Republican majority claims this bill is a solution to a government shutdown. I hope that discussions regarding the solution to a government shutdown are taking place in offices between Senate and House Members and representatives of the administration as we speak. They are the people who can avoid that. The majority claims this bill is a solution, as I said. If this is their only solution, America is in big trouble. The solution to a government shutdown is to meet the Democratic Party at the negotiating table, not to propose scrapping the entire legislative process simply because the majority party refuses to tell the right wing of their party ``no.''

I am sad to say that today's legislation is more befitting an entry to Grimm's Fairy Tales than to this august body. I think it demeans the House to pretend to do the impossible, to pretend to do what we can't. Does the majority believe that majority confers supernatural powers upon them to bypass the United States Senate?

In the House of Representatives, there are written rules for how the legislative process proceeds, rules that were crafted by Thomas Jefferson, rules that have been tried and true since the founding of this legislative body. These rules have helped lead our country through debates much more fractured than this. From civil war to civil rights, the rules of the House have seen us through struggle and strife and kept our country strong. Today's bill would throw away these rules and very much upset Thomas Jefferson.

Every one of us knows as schoolchildren that there is no way for a bill to become law without both chambers acting on it, a conference committee to meet if necessary, and the signature of the President of the United States. I wish that I were not standing here having to explain to my colleagues how a bill becomes law. I said yesterday, and I must say it again, that I hope we have warped no children's minds. Anyone who may be watching the perversion of the process today and any teachers who are guiding children through this process, take courage, because you can see the video that will explain once again, ``I am a bill.'' Never before has anyone seriously considered the idea that one House can pass a bill and decide it will be the law of the land. Hopefully no party will ever try such a far-fetched tactic again.

Just last year, the procedure to ``deem and pass'' legislation through the House was derided by Republicans as the ``Slaughter Solution,'' a procedure we ultimately chose not to use. At the time, Speaker Boehner called the deem and pass process ``an affront to every American.'' Now he brings his own ``dream and pass'' legislation to the floor.

Finally, I want to speak to the process that leads us to the floor today. The proposed bill has seen no committee consideration of any kind, there has been no opportunity whatever for public input, it required an emergency meeting of the Rules Committee last night to rush it to the floor today, and no chair or ranking member of the four committees responsible for this legislation even came to the Rules Committee; with the Democrat ranking members saying they had never heard of the bill. They certainly did not want to come up and debate it.

We are now considering another closed rule. A process such as this is far from ``the most open and transparent Congress in history'' that we were promised. If we are moving forward with emergency legislation under a closed rule, it should be for one reason: to create jobs. We've gone 13 weeks without a single jobs bill brought to the House floor by the majority. In fact, all of us know that that is the overriding fear in the United States today. Instead, we debate legislation so far- fetched that it will never proceed beyond this House floor.

We should not waste another minute ignoring the needs of millions of Americans, those who have no job and are losing their homes, while debating fantastical legislation that will never become law. This is a bad joke on the American people and not a serious solution to our problems.

I urge my colleagues to think again about the proud tradition of the House of Representatives and how proud each of us are to be able to represent constituents here and to try to do it in a sensible way that can really move the country forward and not, as we are doing today, simply again wasting time.

I urge my colleagues to vote ``no'' on today's rule and ``no'' on the underlying bill.

I reserve the balance of my time.

There is no need to apologize. That is perfectly all right.

We all were freshmen once. We understand.

Madam Speaker, I yield 3 minutes to the gentleman from Massachusetts (Mr. McGovern), a member of the Rules Committee.

Madam Speaker, I yield 3 minutes to the gentleman from Colorado (Mr. Polis), a member of the Rules Committee.

I yield the gentleman an additional 30 seconds.

Madam Speaker, I am pleased to yield 2 minutes to the gentleman from New Jersey (Mr. Pallone).

I am pleased to yield 2 minutes to the gentlewoman from Maryland (Ms. Edwards).

Madam Speaker, I am pleased to yield 2 minutes to the gentlewoman from Florida (Ms. Wasserman Schultz).

Madam Speaker, I yield 2 minutes to the gentleman from New Jersey (Mr. Andrews).

(Mr. ANDREWS asked and was given permission to revise and extend his remarks.)

To respond, I would like to yield 15 seconds to the gentleman from New Jersey (Mr. Andrews).

Madam Speaker, I am pleased to yield 2\1/2\ minutes to the gentleman from Oregon (Mr. DeFazio), who has helped create a few jobs while he has been here.

Madam Speaker, I am pleased to yield 1 minute to one of our freshmen, the gentleman from Florida (Mr. Deutch).

Madam Speaker, I am pleased to yield 1 minute to the gentlewoman from Texas (Ms. Jackson Lee).

Madam Speaker, I yield 2\1/2\ minutes to a former member of the Rules Committee, the gentleman from Vermont (Mr. Welch).

Madam Speaker, I yield 30 seconds to the gentleman from Tennessee (Mr. Cohen).

Madam Speaker, if we defeat the previous question, I will offer an amendment to the rule to provide immediately after the House adopts this rule and brings up S. 388, a bill to prohibit Members of Congress and the President from receiving pay during government shutdowns.

As we face the possibility of a shutdown and to discuss how to prevent and deal with it, there's one point on which we all agree--that Members of Congress should not be paid during a government shutdown. The Republican bill we're about to bring up ties this bipartisan pay proposal to a partisan bill that isn't going anywhere. We could pass the Member Pay bill today and clear it for the President and simply take the Senate bill from the desk.

Madam Speaker, I ask unanimous consent to insert the text of the amendment in the Record along with extraneous material immediately prior to the vote on the previous question.

I urge my colleagues to vote ``no'' and defeat the previous question so we can debate and pass a bill that actually does something useful, and that is deal with the pay of the President and the Congress and actually has a chance, because it has already passed the Senate, of being enacted into law.

I urge a ``no'' vote on the rule.

I yield back the balance of my time.

Madam Speaker, on that I demand the yeas and nays.

Mr. Speaker, pursuant to House Resolution 194, I call up the bill (H.R. 1255) to prevent a shutdown of the government of the United States, and for other purposes, and ask for its immediate consideration.

Mr. Speaker, I yield 1 minute to my leader, the gentleman from Virginia (Mr. Cantor).

Mr. Speaker, I yield myself 15 seconds to say to my friend from Maryland, about whom I say regularly back home has a great reputation for fair dealings, that I am tremendously disappointed by that characterization of the bill.

Mr. Speaker, I would like to yield 5 minutes to gentleman from Arkansas (Mr. Womack), the bill's sponsor, to set the record straight on what the bill actually does.

Madam Speaker, at this time I am pleased to yield 2 minutes to a very serious reform-minded freshman, the gentleman from Indiana (Mr. Rokita).

Madam Speaker, at this time I am very pleased to yield 3 minutes to my good friend, a freshman Member, the gentleman from Mississippi (Mr. Nunnelee).

Madam Speaker, at this time I yield 2 minutes to a gentleman from your home State, the gentleman from Illinois (Mr. Kinzinger).

Madam Speaker, at this time I am pleased to yield 2 minutes to my good friend the gentlelady from Kansas (Ms. Jenkins).

Madam Speaker, I am very pleased to yield 2 minutes to one of my fellow freshmen, the gentleman from Arkansas (Mr. Griffin).

I yield the gentleman an additional 30 seconds.

Madam Speaker, I yield myself 30 seconds just to remind the gentlelady that Article I, section 7 says all bills for raising revenue shall originate in the House of Representatives. We failed to do that in the last Congress, and that's why the gentleman stands here today with this bill, proudly.

With that, I yield 2 minutes to a very good freshman colleague, the gentleman from Louisiana (Mr. Landry).

(Mr. LANDRY asked and was given permission to revise and extend his remarks.)

Madam Speaker, at this time I am very proud to yield 30 seconds to my good friend, the gentleman from Texas (Mr. Gohmert).

Madam Speaker, it gives me great pleasure to yield 2 minutes to one of my freshman colleagues, the gentleman from Arizona (Mr. Schweikert).

Madam Speaker, I am pleased to yield 2 minutes to a good friend and mentor, the gentleman from Georgia, Dr. Broun.

Madam Speaker, I yield myself 30 seconds to answer my friend from Vermont's question, which is that it is not an appropriate thing to mislead the American people, so I'll just read one more time:

Having passed the House, having passed the Senate, and be signed by the President.

That's the regular order.

I'll say to my friend that I'm sorry we didn't have time to finish our discussion yesterday in the Rules Committee. I really am sorry that we were called away by votes.

With that, I would like to yield 2 minutes to my very good friend, a freshman from Pennsylvania (Mr. Barletta).

Madam Speaker, I have no further requests for time, and I reserve the balance of my time.

Madam Speaker, I yield myself such time as I may consume.

We have had a lot of talk on the floor today about children. We've been reading children's stories and been shown children's books. I've been harkened back to my own childhood in the 1970s and ``Schoolhouse Rock''; and for folks who have not seen the ``Schoolhouse Rock,'' there's an entire DVD now. It's advanced. I recommend that you pick a copy up for the young people in your life because it really is a fantastic beginning step about what it is that we're all about here, what it is that we're all about.

The Preamble is in that ``Schoolhouse Rock'' category. No more kings is in that ``Schoolhouse Rock'' category. And what they talk about is what does it mean for us to be Americans; and what it means is that folks elect their Representatives and they send them to Washington, D.C., and they say get your business done, get your business done. That's what we're trying to do with this resolution here today, get our business done.

I just want to read from the bill. It saddens me. I'm so thrilled that so many Americans watch what we do here on the House floor to hold us accountable, and I'm so saddened by all the misinformation that's circulated. I read here directly from the bill:

``If the House has not received a message from the Senate before April 6, 2011, stating that it has passed a measure providing for the appropriations for the Departments and agencies of the Government for the remainder of fiscal year 2011, the provisions of H.R. 1, as passed by the House, are hereby enacted into law.''

This bill that we send to the Senate, for the Senate to pass, and the President to sign, those provisions are hereby enacted into law. Now, I just want to study that a little bit closer. If the House has not received a message from the Senate stating that the Senate has passed a measure providing for the appropriations of the United States Government.

Folks may be wondering, Madam Speaker, why is it that we're doing that now? Wasn't that supposed to be done last September? Yes, it was. It

didn't get done. Should that have gotten done last December? Yes, it should have, but it didn't get done. So we're here today to get it done.

Forty-one days ago we passed a bill to fund the government. This entire body worked its will in a process that was as open as this House has ever seen: Democrats and Republicans working together, Republicans winning amendments, Democrats winning amendments, Democrats losing amendments, Republicans losing amendments. It made me proud to be a Representative and to serve in this body. It was the best work product this House could put together. We sent it over to the Senate 41 days ago. The Senate defeated it, fair enough. Folks don't have to agree with me. Fair enough. What they do have to do is they have to act. They defeated our bill, H.R. 1. They defeated a Democrat bill. Then they've done nothing.

I got a call earlier today. I held up a board just like this talking about what the Senate had done. Well, there's nothing on this sheet of paper, folks. Golly, you held up the wrong sign. The answer is, no, it's the right sign. Nothing, nothing have we received from the United States Senate. It's the same on both sides, blank. How in the world are we supposed to fund this government with nothing from the United States Senate?

This bill does two things and two things only, Madam Speaker. It says, Senate act. You don't have to act like us, act like Democrats, just act. Act. Do something, send us something, begin the process, make it available. Act.

Madam Speaker, can you tell me how much time I have remaining?

In that case, I would be delighted to yield to the gentleman from Florida.

Mr. Speaker, to begin this debate, I yield 4 minutes to the distinguished Democratic whip, the gentleman from Maryland (Mr. Hoyer).

I yield the gentleman 1 additional minute.

Madam Speaker, I yield myself 4 minutes.

Let's do a quick review of the year. It's been 13 weeks since the Republicans took over the majority. Leading up to that point, we heard a mantra, ``Where are the jobs?'' So you might expect that on day one of the 112th Congress, they would bring a jobs bill to the floor. But no. What the Republican majority did with great fanfare was to conduct a reading of the Constitution and, as if our oath of office wasn't enough, also implemented a new House rule which required legislation to be accompanied by a ``statement of constitutional authority.'' In fact, my fellow colleague from South Carolina, Joe Wilson, read aloud Article I, section 7. What does it say?

``Every bill which shall have passed the House of Representatives and the Senate, shall, before it becomes a law, be presented to the President of the United States; if he approve he shall sign it, but if not he shall return it . . .''

Ladies and gentlemen, we all learn in grade school how a bill becomes a law, but we'll get back to that in a moment.

So 13 weeks ago when the Republicans took the majority, up to that point all we heard from them was ``Where are the jobs?'' So, then, what was the first bill we were asked to vote on? The first bill was to repeal the health care law.

Democratic policies created more jobs in the last year than the Bush administration created in 8 years. Since health reform became law, 1.1 million private sector jobs have been created.

One-fifth of those new jobs, over 200,000, have been in the health care industry. So, repeal of the health care law would end jobs, not create jobs.

Then surely, at some point in the last 13 weeks, the Republican majority would have brought to this floor a jobs bill. Three months and no jobs bill. In fact, we've passed three bills that will destroy more than 1 million jobs, which brings us to this moment, the so-called Government Shutdown Prevention Act of 2011, and article I, section 7 of the United States Constitution. I've read it, but I want to repeat a certain portion of it:

``Every bill which shall have passed the House of Representatives and the Senate shall, before it becomes a law, be presented to the President of the United States.''

But the bill before us today, not a jobs bill, says that if the Senate doesn't act prior to the expiration of the continuing resolution, that H.R. 1, a budget bill passed only by the House, will become the law of the land.

It's very simple. That is unconstitutional. We do not have a unicameral legislative body.

Then what did they cite on the statement of the constitutional authority that must accompany each bill? There are a lot of words that only a parliamentary expert could understand.

I yield myself an additional minute.

But if you ask my daughter's eighth grade class that visited us here earlier this week, they will tell you that that's not how things work under our Constitution.

But don't listen to me or the eighth graders at Dent Middle School. Listen to what some of your colleagues in the other body had to say. So our colleagues in the other body had made it very clear. Senator Coats of Indiana: ``My reaction to that is ultimately the whole body, including the executive branch, has to sign on here or we're just whistling in the wind.''

Senator Alexander of Tennessee: ``To be the law of the land, a bill has to pass the Senate and be signed by the President.''

One of our own, the Appropriations Subcommittee Chair, Representative Mike Simpson, after laughing out loud, said, ``If we can do that, can't we just deem the budget balanced?''

Madam Speaker, I know it's April 1, so maybe that's the point. I ask my colleagues on the other side to let's quit this joke and get serious.

Madam Speaker, I am pleased to yield 3 minutes to the gentlewoman from Connecticut (Ms. DeLauro).

I yield the gentlewoman an additional 30 seconds.

Madam Speaker, I yield 2 minutes to the gentleman from Virginia (Mr. Moran).

I yield the gentleman another 30 seconds.

Madam Speaker, I yield 3 minutes to the gentleman from New Jersey (Mr. Andrews).

(Mr. ANDREWS asked and was given permission to revise and extend his remarks.)

Madam Speaker, I yield 2 minutes to the gentleman from New York (Mr. Owens).

Madam Speaker, I yield 1 minute to the Democratic Leader, the gentlewoman from California (Ms. Pelosi).

Madam Speaker, I yield 1\1/2\ minutes to the gentleman from Florida (Mr. Hastings).

I yield the gentleman an additional 30 seconds.

Madam Speaker, may I inquire as to how much time I have left?

I reserve the balance of my time.

Madam Speaker, I yield 30 seconds to the gentleman from New Jersey (Mr. Andrews).

(Mr. ANDREWS asked and was given permission to revise and extend his remarks.)

Madam Speaker, I would like to yield 2 minutes to the gentleman from Vermont (Mr. Welch).

Madam Speaker, I am pleased to yield 2 minutes to the gentleman from New York (Mr. Weiner).

Madam Speaker, how much time do I have remaining?

Who has the right to close?

I yield myself such time as I may consume.

Madam Speaker, I have often referred to this palatial Hall as our Nation's classroom. It is the reason I feel that we should not just stand here to enunciate precepts; but as elected leaders, we ought to lead by example. Therefore, Madam Speaker, I think it's important for us, when we bring legislation to this floor, that we demonstrate to those young children in classrooms all across America that we will not fly in the face of that Constitution that all of us have sworn to uphold.

I believe that it's a good thing to want to move a measure, but we ought not do so while violating the Constitution of the United States. And I think it's a good reason that the Senate rejected H.R. 1, because all of the economists who evaluated that piece of legislation made it very clear that, to them, it would destroy 700,000 jobs. That bill, H.R. 1, is a job-killer. Also, that bill, H.R. 1, will say to little preschool children in Head Start, we are terminating your educational experience by at least 200,000 so you would no longer have an educational experience.

Madam Speaker, I think it's laudatory for us to put our hands on the Constitution, swear to uphold it; but I think that what is most important is for each and every one of us to lead by example instead of enunciating precepts or empty gestures.

I yield back the balance of my time.