Ending Federal Marijuana Prohibition Act of 2013

Mr. Speaker, I move to suspend the rules and agree to the resolution (H. Res. 499) condemning the violation of Ukrainian sovereignty, independence, and territorial integrity by military forces of the Russian Federation, as amended.

Mr. Speaker, I ask unanimous consent that all Members may have 5 legislative days to revise and extend their remarks and include extraneous material in the Record.

Mr. Speaker, I yield myself such time as I may consume.

Mr. Speaker, I rise in support of H. Res. 499, a very important declaration of support for the people of Ukraine in this time of peril. This measure condemns Russia's unprovoked aggression in clear and in unmistakable terms. The U.S. has a strong interest in a democratic and prosperous Ukraine and a Ukraine with its territorial integrity intact.

I would like to take this time to recognize, also, Ranking Member Engel for coauthoring this bipartisan resolution, and I would also like to thank the members of the Committee on Foreign Affairs for their work to strengthen this resolution at last week's markup where it passed unanimously.

This resolution is an important part of the larger effort to aid Ukraine and impose real costs on Russia, to give Russia something to weigh in the balance, something to take into account for its unacceptable action in the Crimea section of Ukraine.

Among other resolves, the resolution condemns the violation of Ukrainian sovereignty, independence, and territorial integrity by military forces of the Russian Federation, and it declares that the Ukrainian people have the right to determine their own future free from outside interference.

Importantly, the resolution calls on the administration to work with our allies to impose visa, financial, and other sanctions, as appropriate. Russia's actions cannot go unchallenged.

To show Moscow how isolated its aggression has made it, world leaders are speaking out. Today, the House of Representatives is joining those voices. Ukraine's new government is confronting an economic and financial crisis brought on by years of mismanagement and corruption by previous government officials, and it is doing this while under military invasion and economic coercion by neighboring Russia.

The new government in Kiev cannot succeed without strong and rapid support by the international community. Last week, the House acted quickly on a loan guarantee provision. This is conditioned on Ukraine's undertaking fundamental economic reforms to stabilize its economy.

Addressing Ukraine's energy security must be part of our response here. While the United States recently became the world's largest producer of natural gas, Russia is still the largest exporter. Moscow freely uses its energy resources to advance its foreign policy goals, including by blackmailing countries which are dependent on Russia.

Russia has repeatedly used its natural gas to pressure Ukraine economically and politically. It recently announced that it will significantly hike its prices, a deliberate effort to squeeze Ukraine in order to worsen its current economic crisis and to control it politically.

Fortunately, we have a readily available option to help counter this threat, namely, reducing the current impediments to exports of American natural gas to Ukraine. While Vladimir Putin is selling oil and gas around the world, we still maintain major restrictions on selling our energy to all but a handful of countries.

We should end these self-imposed sanctions on our energy exports to Ukraine. This would undermine Putin's influence. It would bolster our allies throughout Europe and create jobs at home.

I urge all Members to support this important measure, and I reserve the balance of my time.

House of Representatives,

Committee on the Judiciary,

Washington, DC, March 7, 2014.

Hon. Ed Royce,

Chairman, Committee on Foreign Affairs, Rayburn House Office

Building, Washington, DC.

Dear Chairman Royce, I am writing with respect to H. Res.

499, ``Condemning the violation of Ukrainian sovereignty,

independence, and territorial integrity by military forces of

the Russian Federation.'' As a result of your having

consulted with us on provisions in H. Res. 499 that fall

within the Rule X jurisdiction of the Committee on the

Judiciary, I agree to discharge our Committee from further

consideration of this resolution that it may proceed

expeditiously to the House floor for consideration.

The Judiciary Committee takes this action with our mutual

understanding that by foregoing consideration of H. Res. 499

at this time, we do not waive any jurisdiction over subject

matter contained in this or similar legislation, and that our

Committee will be appropriately consulted and involved as

this resolution or similar legislation moves forward so that

we may address any remaining issues in our jurisdiction.

I would appreciate a response to this letter confirming

this understanding with respect to H. Res. 499, and would ask

that a copy of our exchange of letters on this matter be

included in the Congressional Record during Floor

consideration of H. Res. 499.

Sincerely,

Bob Goodlatte,

Chairman.

Mr. Speaker, I yield 2 minutes to the gentleman from North Carolina (Mr. Holding), a member of the Committee on Foreign Affairs.

Mr. Speaker, I yield 3 minutes to the gentleman from Indiana (Mr. Messer).

Mr. Speaker, I yield myself such time as I may consume.

Mr. Speaker, the new Prime Minister of Ukraine will visit Capitol Hill tomorrow, and this resolution is a strong show of support in the House. It shows we will support the people of Ukraine as they try to build a democratic country, a country that is more prosperous, a country that is free of illegitimate outside influence. It also sends a clear message to the leaders and elites in Russia that annexation of territory in a neighboring state will not extend Russia's influence but will instead lead to political and economic isolation.

Let me also speak to the issue of Russia's state-controlled gas company, Gazprom.

They have just threatened to cut off supplies to Ukraine. This is not new. In the past, disputes over natural gas supplies and prices and debts have resulted in Russia shutting off the pipelines in Ukraine in January of 2006 and in January of 2009, not surprisingly, in the middle of the winter, when they would inflict the most damage.

These actions also hit several countries in Europe, which are heavily dependent on Russian gas that transits by pipeline through Ukraine. Those countries are Hungary, Poland, the Slovak Republic, and Romania. This shortfall would reverberate throughout Europe.

I believe it is very important that we pass this resolution out today.

I continue to reserve the balance of my time.

Mr. Speaker, I continue to reserve the balance of my time.

Mr. Speaker, I reserve the right to close.

Mr. Speaker, I yield myself such time as I may consume.

I would like to begin by thanking the gentleman from Massachusetts (Mr. Keating) for his work on this resolution, as well as our ranking member of the committee, Eliot Engel of New York, and also recognize the long, hard work that Congresswoman Marcy Kaptur of Ohio and Mr. Gerlach of Pennsylvania have put into their engagement on this issue with Ukraine.

I would also add that, if we do not recognize that Russia is using energy as a weapon, we are missing what is really going on in Eastern Europe and Central Europe. It was, in part, Ukraine's reliance on Russia's energy that pushed the now-deposed Ukraine President Yanukovych to abandon the trade deal with the European Union.

It was that attempt to pressure him, and he was tempted by promises of discounts on natural gas. He was pressured by the threat of turning off the valve on that gas. He was pressured to turn toward Russia instead of to the European Union. We believe that Ukraine should have the right to trade with Russia and with the European Union--to trade east and west and north to Poland and south to Moldova. This should be the decision of the Ukrainian people.

I believe the administration must do far more to isolate Russia diplomatically than it has to date and that the Treasury Department should also make clear that the U.S. is on the lookout for Russian enterprises, especially banks, that are involved in illicit activities such as the transfer of stolen Ukrainian assets.

We must remember that the purpose of our pressure on Russia is not simply to punish aggression and certainly not to escalate the confrontation but, instead, to move Putin toward a resolution that protects the independence and the territorial integrity of Ukraine. That is the goal that all of us share, and I urge all Members to support H. Res. 499 and to stand with the people of Ukraine.

I yield back the balance of my time.

Mr. Speaker, on that I demand the yeas and nays.

Mr. Speaker, I yield myself whatever time I may consume.

Mr. Speaker, I rise today to express my strong support of H. Res. 499, a resolution that condemns the recent violation of Ukraine's sovereignty and territorial integrity by Russia.

I want to begin by thanking Chairman Royce for his leadership on this issue, as well as Ranking Member Engel, and for their introducing this resolution.

As the ranking member on the Subcommittee on Europe, Eurasia, and Emerging Threats, I, along with Leader Pelosi and Whip Hoyer and my colleagues on the Ukrainian Caucus and the Foreign Affairs Committee, have watched the developments in Ukraine with concern, particularly over the last 9 months.

Long before the Vilnius Summit and then-President Yanukovych's surprise announcement in November that he would not sign an Association Agreement with the EU, our administration noted with concern the pressure exerted over Ukrainian authorities to act against the interests of their own people.

It began with Russian threats of trade embargo and gas supply cutoffs in Ukraine if they signed the Association Agreement.

After peaceful demonstrators took to the streets in subzero temperatures, chilling cold, risking their own well-being in Kiev to protest the decision, Russia threatened to withhold billions of dollars in promised financial assistance if Yanukovych did not crack down on it.

In mid-February dozens of peaceful protesters were tragically killed by Ukrainian special police receiving orders from then-President Yanukovych.

Now, under the most disingenuous of pretexts, Russian President Putin has ordered his troops to invade an independent, sovereign country in blatant violation of international law. Enough is enough. We must stand with the people of Ukraine at this critical moment.

The people of Ukraine, and the people of all countries in the region, and throughout the world for that matter, have the right to determine their own future free of pressure, free of threats. As Ukrainians attempt to chart out their own course, they should know that the United States stands with them and that we are committed to helping them build a more democratic, prosperous, secure, and just Ukraine.

Before I go any further, I would like to commend the administration, and in particular Secretary Kerry, Assistant Secretary Nuland, Ambassador Pyatt, and the women and men of our Embassy in Kiev, who have worked so tirelessly throughout this crisis to support the democratic aspirations of Ukrainian people.

I witnessed them work tirelessly during this effort, not letting 2 days go by without imploring the leadership in Ukraine to move forward. I noticed the Vice President interceding virtually 3 times a week in that same effort. So I welcome the administration's initial actions in response to Russia's invasion of Crimea, including the announcement of an executive order authorizing visa bans and sanctions on individuals and entities responsible for activities threatening Ukraine's sovereignty and territorial integrity.

If Russia continues to refuse to pull back troops to its bases, there must be further consequences. These consequences must be severe, including trade and economic sanctions and expulsion from the G8. This resolution puts President Putin on notice that his reckless actions will have consequences. It calls on him to accept international monitors in Crimea and return his troops to its bases. It makes clear our support for meaningful assistance to Ukraine and to Ukraine's interim government.

Therefore, I call on all my colleagues to support this House resolution, and I reserve the balance of my time.

Mr. Speaker, at this time, I would like to yield to the gentleman from Michigan (Mr. Levin), a leader and a voice for Ukraine's strong move to democracy, a person who is cochair of the Ukrainian Caucus and a person who is committed to Ukraine and is one of the strongest voices here in the U.S. for that.

Mr. Speaker, I thank the gentleman from Michigan for his comments.

I reserve the balance of my time.

Mr. Speaker, this is important, not just with what the resolution says; it is important how we say it as a country. We are gathered here today, and it is no surprise in this Chamber that from time to time we do not see eye to eye on issues. This important matter has brought both sides together, Republican House Members standing shoulder to shoulder with Democrats, joining with the other Chamber, the Senate, both Democrats and Republicans alike with one voice with the administration.

It was only a few weeks ago that I was in Munich and had the opportunity to sit down with Vitali Klitschko, who has been in the midst of all this move for democracy, and, tragically, in the midst of all the violence and killing that has occurred. He spoke with sincerity and passion over what his people are going through right now. He spoke about his country's need to be a free people with a rule of law, stamping out corruption and moving forward in a democratic fashion. He asked that the U.S. speak as well. With this resolution, we have the opportunity to speak in one united, loud, determined voice for democracy.

I reserve the balance of my time.

Mr. Speaker, at this time, I yield to the gentlelady from Ohio (Ms. Kaptur), the cochair of the Ukrainian Caucus.

Mr. Speaker, may I inquire as to how much time is remaining?

Mr. Speaker, I yield myself such time as I may consume.

I also want to mention that it was just a few weeks ago, also, I met with Prime Minister Yatsenyuk, as well. We had time to discuss this issue. We had time to, again, recount the valor and courage of those people who took the streets and risked their lives.

It is worthwhile to note that the Prime Minister is in Washington this week, and we want to commend him for his efforts and stand beside him.

Mr. Speaker, at this point, I yield 3 minutes to the gentleman from Maryland (Mr. Hoyer), our minority whip, who has taken this action forward, who has spoken so loudly, and has provided great leadership on this issue.

I yield the gentleman an additional minute.

Mr. Speaker, I yield myself such time as I may consume.

In closing, just recounting the fact that so many of us in this Chamber have the opportunity to travel, to go to different countries, I must say that, each time I go, I will look at different countries, and I will look at the fact that there is no strong rule of law, I will look at the fact that there are no human rights protections, no protections against someone's freedom of religion, freedom of association, freedom of speech.

I come back to this country, and I kiss the ground that we walk on and take for granted daily.

I have looked at what has transpired in this region. I have looked at the way that laws were put in place in Ukraine and, fortunately, repealed that denied the right to gather together, that denied the right to speak up, human rights violations that I found to exist, too, in Russia, the country that is moving in such an aggressive manner towards Ukraine.

Since 1991, the United States has strongly supported a democratic, prosperous, sovereign Ukraine. In keeping with this commitment, we supported a peaceful, negotiated resolution of the recent crisis there and as hundreds of thousands of Ukrainian citizens came out in the streets of Kiev and throughout Ukraine to express their desire for a more democratic and just state, many of them risking their lives, too many sacrificing their lives.

The recent selection of a new interim government signaled that Ukraine was back on a path toward stability and political and economic health; but instead of gathering here to welcome this event, sadly, we are gathered, now, dealing with an international crisis in Crimea.

We must support Ukraine's efforts. Their efforts are our efforts. Their move for democracy is the staple of our own government.

I urge the entire membership to join with us, to join with Chairman Royce, to join with Ranking Member Engel, and the rest of this House on the resolution moving forward.

With that, I yield back the balance of my time.

Mr. Speaker, I thank the ranking member for allowing me this time.

I want to commend the committee of jurisdiction for bringing this bill before our body in a very timely manner. I am very proud of our country, the standard bearer for liberty across this world.

We as a Congress, in this House in particular, are in the leadership role of standing up for people in another sovereign nation who seek to have the same freedoms that we enjoy. These freedoms are hard earned.

This resolution today, H.R. 499, allows Congress to take the next steps to our firm and continued commitment to Ukrainian sovereignty, territorial integrity, and democratic advancement so Ukraine can become the great borderland nation she is destined to be.

Additionally, H.R. 499 accompanies H. Res. 447, which this House passed on January 29 and on which those of us here on the floor today were original cosponsors.

The Russian Federation's military invasion of Crimea is a clear violation of every treaty and agreement to which she is a part, including her membership in the United Nations and its 5-member permanent Security Council.

Russia's action is not only a violation of Ukraine's territorial integrity, but also the 1994 Budapest Accord and a complete breach of obligations under the United Nations charter.

The United States continues to condemn those violations. We call on Russia to immediately withdraw all military forces from Crimea. No two nations should shed bloodshed anymore that have the histories of Ukraine and Russia.

We call on the Obama administration and our European allies to impose financial, trade, and visa sanctions in increasing severity on those in Russia responsible for this travesty.

I urge my colleagues to fully support House Resolution 499, and I wish to thank the Ukrainian Caucus founded by Members here today, especially Congressman Sander Levin of Michigan, who has fought at our side for so many decades in word and deed for the freedom of Ukraine.

I want to thank the chairman of the committee, Mr. Ed Royce of California, for his continued leadership and vigilance, and Congressman Bill Keating of Massachusetts for allowing me the time today.

Most Americans and people in the world don't know the full history of Ukraine, but no place suffered more in the 20th century than that place, through forced starvation of its own people by the then Soviet Union, by the Great Terror of elimination of millions of minority groups in its borders, by then the invasion of the Nazis and the German government a while later.

Over 14 million people were slaughtered or starved to death or assassinated or buried alive inside the boundaries of what we call greater Ukraine and Belarus. There is no greater moral obligation for the world community than to stand at Ukraine's side now in her fateful hour.

I am so very proud of our country for being a positive force to get a diplomatic resolution and a peaceful settlement so the world community can muster full strength to stop any further bloodshed. What a shame that would be in this 21st century, a century that should be one of democratic advancement and liberty for all.

Mr. Speaker, I want to congratulate Chairman Royce for bringing this bill to the floor and Ranking Member Engel, and my good friend from Massachusetts for his great leadership on this issue.

Mr. Speaker, I rise to express my strong support for this resolution. Hopefully, it will pass unanimously.

Russian forces continue to occupy Crimea in gross violation of international law and binding agreements signed between Ukraine and Russia in 1994 and 1997.

Mr. Speaker, I chaired the Commission on Security and Cooperation in Europe from 1985 to 1995. It was an extraordinary era, where the Soviet Union crumbled under the weight of its bad economic system and its political terrorism. It is starting to rear its ugly head again.

President Obama and Secretary Kerry have made it very clear--and we need to make it very clear--that Russia cannot interfere in Ukraine without serious costs; and when I say, ``serious costs,'' I mean exactly that, it cannot be empty words. It cannot be ``you ought not to.'' It needs to be ``you must not,'' and ``we will not allow.''

Last week, the President proposed sanctions and travel bans against Russian leaders complicit in their military's intrusion into Crimea. If Russia were to annex Crimea, those costs would rise. A referendum has no legitimacy when there are military forces in the streets.

In any event, as I said, I chaired the Helsinki Commission. The Helsinki Final Act, passed in July of 1975 and signed by President Ford, said emphatically and explicitly that borders cannot be changed other than by political and peaceful means. Military incursion is not an option.

This resolution will send a powerful message on behalf of the American people. The people of Ukraine who want to build a future based on democracy and freedom will hear us and be strengthened by our support.

How do I know that? Because Vaclav Havel, the leader of Czechoslovakia, a Helsinki Final Act activist, spoke from that podium where the President of the United States gives the State of the Union and said the Helsinki Final Act made an extraordinary difference.

Us speaking out will give courage and encouragement.

Those who undermine that project and who threaten Ukraine's territorial integrity or its economic activity will hear us as well.

As I understand the 1994 agreement, Great Britain and the United States, two of the great powers in this world, said that we would protect and come to the aid of Ukraine when they gave up their nuclear weapons in consideration, in part, of that representation, made by us and made by the Russians.

Mr. Speaker, I urge my colleagues on both sides of the aisle to approve this resolution and send a strong and unmistakable message of solidarity with the people of Ukraine and of unity in defense of democracy in Ukraine and, indeed, throughout the world.

Mr. Speaker, I rise in support of this important bipartisan resolution. I want to commend Chairman Royce and Ranking Member Engel for bringing this measure forward.

The United States has been committed to Ukraine's prosperity and sovereignty since it gained independence in 1991. There has never been a more critical time to reaffirm this commitment than right now.

President Putin's unilateral decision to expand Russia's military operations in Ukraine was made with the calculation that the world would respond with words, not deeds. He was wrong. The world must send a clear message to Russia that there will be real consequences for these violations of international laws.

Failure to deter Russia's aggression will embolden President Putin to continue seeking illegitimate power and further threaten stability in this important region of the world. Just as importantly, failure to act would embolden bullies in other areas of the world who are no doubt watching.

This resolution calls for strong action by the United States, such as suspending military cooperation with Russia, boycotting the G8 summit, and imposing sanctions on those involved in this breach of international law. America should also take this opportunity to expand energy production and energy exports to send a clear message to Ukraine, Russia, and our allies that America will not allow Russia to use its energy resources to intimidate the world.

These actions are necessary to show Russia and the rest of the world that the United States will not sit on the sidelines when people are being used as political pawns by so-called leaders seeking to enhance their own power by the use of force.

I urge our colleagues to support this important resolution and demonstrate to friend and foe alike that America still stands for freedom and the ability of people everywhere to determine their own destiny, not have that destiny determined for them by threats, intimidation, and military might.