Madam Speaker, I ask unanimous consent that all Members have five legislative days to revise and extend their remarks and include extraneous materials on the subject of my Special Order. Madam…
Madam Speaker, I ask unanimous consent that all Members
have five legislative days to revise and extend their remarks and include extraneous materials on the subject of my Special Order.
Madam Speaker, with my colleague Pramila Jayapal, from the State of Washington, on behalf of the Progressive Caucus, we are taking this Special Order hour to focus on the question of the Russian connection.
This is a matter of utmost seriousness and urgency to the American people because it goes to the question of our national security and the political sovereignty of the American people to engage in democracy on our own without foreign interference, subversion, and sabotage.
Madam Speaker, I yield to the gentlewoman from California (Ms. Maxine Waters), the distinguished Congresswoman.
Madam Speaker, I want to thank Ms. Waters for her zealous work on behalf of her constituents and all Americans.
Madam Speaker, I yield to the gentleman from New York (Mr. Nadler), our distinguished colleague, who is a leading member of the House Judiciary Committee.
Mr. Speaker, I yield to my colleague from Washington State (Ms. Jayapal), who is the co-convener of the Progressive Caucus Special Order along with me.
Mr. Speaker, I thank Congresswoman Jayapal for her fantastic leadership for the people of Washington in the city of Washington and her zealous advocacy for all of the American people.
Mr. Speaker, let me try to recap some of the themes that we have brought up this evening and talk about what is really at stake here. But I want to start with some good news, because there was really some great news out of Russia on Sunday, where more than 75,000 people across the country braved the tyranny and despotism of their government to go out into the streets to express their commitment to democracy, human rights, and against corruption.
They were focused very specifically on some of the oligarchs who surround Vladimir Putin. One of them, Prime Minister Medvedev, it has just been learned, has amassed more than $1 billion, as a public servant, in mansions, in vineyards in Italy, in fancy cars, in jewelry--$1 billion. And the people of Russia are up in arms about the corruption, the kleptocracy, the stealing from the Russian people, which is increasingly impoverished by the imperial designs and the corrupt practices of Putin and his team.
So tens of thousands of people went into the streets to protest. These are brave people, because you are talking about an authoritarian government there, a dictator, a despot, someone who orders out for the assassination of his political enemies. Many of them were arrested. Hundreds of them were arrested in Moscow, and some of them are still in jail right now.
Mr. Speaker, we should be on the side of the protesters in Russia. That is who we are as America. We are a nation conceived in revolutionary insurgency against corruption, against monarchy, against dictators and autocrats and theocrats and kleptocrats who steal from the people. That is who we are.
We should be meeting with them. We should be meeting with the human rights activists. We should be meeting with the anticorruption marchers who are putting themselves on the front lines of history. We should be meeting with the dissenters and the critics of Vladimir Putin and the oligarchs and big business kleptocrats who surround him. But, instead, our government has aligned with Putin himself, with the insiders in Russia. That is totally antithetical to the design of America, when you think about it.
Mr. Speaker, we have the great good fortune to go to work every day surrounded by portraits of people who built this country, like George Washington, who is right over there. We have got portraits of Thomas Jefferson. We have got portraits of Frederick Douglass. We have got portraits of Abraham Lincoln, who actually served in this body and, when he was here, spent a lot of his time railing about a war that was concocted with lies by President James Polk, the Mexican War.
But Lincoln knew how delicate and precious and precarious an enterprise democracy is. In the Gettysburg Address, he posed the question of how long government of the people, by the people, and for the people can last. Will it perish from the Earth? And he put the question to the people because, he said, it is up to us.
Democracy is a rarity in human history. Democracy is not the norm. That is why America is a miraculous experiment on Earth. If you don't do anything, you are going to end up with dictators and despots and kleptocrats who steal from their own people, like Vladimir Putin.
But America started a different way. The first three words of our Constitution are ``We, the people.'' We, the people; we flipped the whole design. Before that, the whole theory was that the king had the power, and the king got power directly from God; and everybody was a subject of the king, and everybody served the king.
Our Founders had the vision, in that outburst of enlightenment and enthusiasm, to say, no, we are going to try something different:
We are going to start a government based on we, the people, and we are going to separate church and state; and we are not going to dictate to people their religious worship, and we are not
going to dictate to people their political beliefs. There is going to be freedom of thought and freedom of speech.
We don't trust the collapse of all powers into one, which Madison said was the very definition of tyranny. We are going to separate powers. The legislature, Congress, will come first, Article I. It will represent the people. But then we are going to have someone else execute the laws of the people, faithfully execute the laws of the people. That will be the President. And when there are disputes, they will be adjudicated in a third branch of government, by the Supreme Court, to figure it out.
But we are going to separate the powers, because when one guy has got all the power, it endangers the freedoms and the liberties of everybody else. We even said, even though our President is limited by the separation of powers, we are going to make sure that the President and also the Members of Congress will have an undivided, zealous loyalty only to the American people.
Article I, section 9 says we cannot accept presents, emoluments, which are any kind of payments, offices, or titles from foreign princes, foreign kings, or foreign states, period. We can't accept them without the approval of Congress. It doesn't go.
There were all kinds of powers that were sending spies and saboteurs to Washington, when the country first began, to try to pay off elected officials, but our Founders had the vision to say: No, we are not going to accept that. We are not going to allow payments and bribes and fancy presents being given to our elected officials.
So one government, separated powers, based on public integrity, honesty, and devotion to the people. That is the model here.
Now, we should be on the side of democratic movements all over the Earth, like the people who assembled in Moscow on Sunday, who assembled in Siberia on Sunday. There were marchers even there. It was like our Women's March. It took place all over the country. Those are our people. We should be on the side of the people who are trying to overthrow the despotism in Russia.
But look what is happening. Tyranny and authoritarianism are on the march all over the world. Russia is the headquarters of it, but you can find it everywhere you look:
Philippines, a madman dictator who thinks he has the power to send his agents out to go and shoot people on the street because they look like they are a drug dealer and brags about it, Duterte;
Hungary, another favorite of Vladimir Putin, Mr. Orban, who is cracking down on press freedom, on human rights in his country;
Iran, authoritarian, theocratic state; people being thrown in jail for blasphemy, for heresy, for apostasy, for religious offenses;
Saudi Arabia, fomenting racist, anti-Semitic propaganda and sending it out, oppressing people based on religion, not even allowing women to drive in their society.
Everywhere you turn, tyranny, despotism on the march.
And Mr. Putin has a plan. How do we know it? Do we know it from the Democratic Caucus or the Republican Conference? No. We know it from our intelligence agencies, from the FBI, the CIA, the National Security Agency, the Defense Intelligence Agency.
Seventeen of America's intelligence agencies came back with a report, and they said Vladimir Putin has a plan to continue to destabilize and undermine liberal democracy all over the world.
Brexit was part of it. The intervention in our election was part of it. They are going after France, where they want the rightwing, ultra nationalist, anti-immigrant campaign of Marine Le Pen to triumph in France. They are trying to do it in Germany, which is now the strongest outpost of liberal democracy left on Earth, as of yet, uncontaminated by the penetration of Russian intelligence and Putin's agents.
But what did they do to us? What is this all about?
Well, we had an election in 2016. The sovereign people of America had an election. Now, unfortunately, we are still using the electoral college, which is antiquated and obsolescent. There is a movement to change it afoot to the national popular vote. But be that as it may, that is our system. We haven't reformed it yet. It is our system. It is our elections here in America. But the electoral college makes it more vulnerable because you just have to intervene in a handful of States in order to sway the vote.
What did Putin do? Again, we know this. I am not making this up. We know this from our intelligence agencies. If you don't believe me, you go to your computer and you just look up the intelligence agency report on Russian interference and espionage and sabotage in our 2016 election.
And what did they do?
They spied on different Democratic institutions, like the Democratic National Committee, and they spied on particular people.
They engaged in not just cyber espionage, but cyber sabotage.
They orchestrated a series of leaks which dominated election coverage in the United States for several weeks.
They orchestrated a campaign of fake news and propaganda in order to undermine Hillary Clinton, who was reviled--and is reviled, presumably--by Vladimir Putin because she challenged him, and she challenged the human rights situation in Russia and the involvement of Russia with various dictators in other parts of the world. So they interfered in our election.
When I first got to Congress, that was still being disputed. When we tried to talk about this, it was being said, well, there is no evidence that Russia did this. Well, guess what? The evidence is replete. It is decisive. It is determinative.
Now we are not hearing from our friends on the other side: Well, Russia didn't do this.
Now they are saying something different: Well, Russia may have done that. It may have been this massive, orchestrated campaign to undermine and subvert our elections, but there is no proof that that was actual collusion by the Trump campaign.
About that, I want to say two things. Number one, it shouldn't make any difference. Let's say nobody in the Trump campaign knew anybody in Russia and never heard of Vladimir Putin. It would make no difference because we should still view this as a radical threat to the political sovereignty of the American people.
But the second answer is even more important. As all of my colleagues were pointing out before, every day we get more evidence not just of contacts and connections, but actual collaboration and cooperation between people in the Trump campaign, the Trump family, and the Trump universe with Vladimir Putin and his closest agents and assets throughout Russia and around the world.
Let's just recap a few of those: former national security adviser Michael Flynn was forced to resign, or I guess he was fired by President Trump after he failed to disclose the scope of his contacts with Russians, including Ambassador Kislyak. He was paid more than $33,000 in 2015 by Russian-funded propaganda media, and the full extent of his relationship to the Russians is still being investigated.
Attorney General Jeff Sessions was forced to recuse himself from this whole matter because he met several times with Ambassador Kislyak, who has been described as Russia's top spy in America during the 2016 election. Then--I will speak charitably here--he misled his own colleagues in the Senate about it at his Senate confirmation hearing raising the issue and then denying that he had had any contact with the Russians at all.
Senior adviser and son-in-law Jared Kushner met with the Russian Ambassador at Trump Tower a few months ago in December of 2016. We have got former Trump campaign foreign policy adviser Carter Page, who has admitted that he met with the Russian Ambassador and other Russians in Cleveland at the Republican National Convention and met with managers from Rosneft, the Russian-owned oil company. He himself owns shares of a Russian energy company called Gazprom.
Roger Stone, Trump's longtime buddy and political adviser, was working with WikiLeaks, which published documents during the election based on information divulged because of Russian interference and espionage that
tilted the scales again in favor of Trump in the campaign, and he hosted a series on the Russian propaganda network.
Paul Manafort, Trump's campaign manager for 6 months, was an adviser to Ukrainian oligarchs who got sweetheart business deals from Putin's associates. He was also a business partner of Russian oligarchs close to Putin. He resigned in August of last year after reports surfaced that suggested that he had received $12.7 million from Ukraine's pro- Russia former president Viktor Yanukovych. He was on the payroll for $10 million, it has just come out, in order to promote the Russian perspective and Putin's propaganda in Washington, D.C., and throughout the United States in order to change the course of U.S. politics.
Now, I am sorry to put these out there as a bunch of clues. I wish we had a coherent story to tell. We don't, because what we need is a comprehensive 9/11-style independent investigation to figure out what precisely happened. In America you are presumed innocent until proven guilty. Nobody is putting any of these people in jail, but it has come out, despite their best efforts in some cases, that they are up to their necks in the Russian connection.
What does that mean for American democracy?
What we know is there was a massive independent expenditure in 2006. That is what we call it under our FEC law when you go out and spend money to try to destroy one candidate and help another. There was a massive foreign independent expenditure orchestrated by Vladimir Putin.
The question is: Was it, in FEC terms, a coordinated expenditure? That is, did the Trump team actively work with them?
As we are saying, there are lots of clues that suggest it is so. I am not willing to say that they were definitely in cahoots with them. I am not willing to say that they were necessarily collaborating the election. But the evidence accumulates every single day that points in that direction.
Now every day in Washington, D.C., what we are doing is running around because there is a coverup that has been unfolding. Today, of course, we are dealing with a resolution in the House Judiciary Committee to try to get to the bottom of what Chairman Nunes of the House Intelligence Committee actually did when he ran over to the White House with some information that he had about Trump apparently being picked up incidentally in conversations that were being tapped by the American intelligence community with foreign operatives. Again, it is shadowy because we don't know the whole thing. But what we do know is that Chairman Nunes went to the White House to tell President Trump or his deputies before he told anybody here in Congress.
Now, we have been saying from the beginning we want an independent, objective 9/11-style commission--no Democratic politicians, no Republican politicians, and no elected officials. Let's agree on gifted statesmen and stateswomen who can really get to the bottom of this if we care about the truth. Their answer has been: No, we have got the Intelligence Committee to do it instead.
But now what we have got is the Intelligence Committee chair traveling back and forth to the White House, spilling the beans, which undermines everybody's confidence in the integrity of the investigation that is taking place into the Russian connection and what actually happened in the 2016 election.
Mr. Speaker, in the American system of government, elected officials have to have undivided loyalty to the American people. That is why we have got the Emoluments Clause: no presents, no emoluments, no offices, and no titles from foreign governments. That is why we swear an oath to the Constitution of the United States of America. Each one of us who has the great honor and privilege of coming to Washington, D.C., to represent the people swear an oath to our Constitution and to our people.
We are not a country, like so many, that are defined by one religion. We are not defined by one race. We are not defined by one ethnicity. We are not defined by one political party. We are not defined by one political ideology. We are defined by one Constitution. That is what unifies us as Americans. We must be constitutional patriots here and insist upon our constitutional values and the rule of law for democracy to be meaningful in the 21st century.
There is a new model of tyrannical government traveling all over the world, and all the bullies and despots have found each other. They are in league together. They want government as a moneymaking operation. They want government as a moneymaking operation for private elites in their country, whether it is in Russia or the Philippines or Saudi Arabia. Sad to say, we are starting to see the development of that right here in the United States of America.
So we have the opportunity and we have the responsibility to exercise our rights as citizens under the First Amendment and to exercise our privileges as Members of Congress under the speech or debate clause to speak up against the march of tyranny all over the Earth. We have got an obligation to resist the corruption--the same corruption that the people in Russia were marching against on Sunday. We must demand real answers about what took place in our Presidential election in 2016. The intelligence agencies warned us that what happened in 2016 was a dress rehearsal for what is going to happen the next time and the time after that.
I want to say something about the geopolitics of this. Think about it for a second:
Who has got the strongest economy on Earth?
We do, the freest, the original democracy. We have got the strongest economy.
Who has got the strongest military?
We do.
Russia can't come close. But the way I understand what happened in 2016 was that Vladimir Putin--who is not an honest man, but he is a clever man--decided that this was a moment of opportunity for Russia. He is the former chief of the KGB. Let's not forget that. He is the guy who said that the greatest catastrophe of the 20th century was the collapse of the Soviet Union. He is an irredentist imperialist who wants to go back and reconstruct the Russian empire.
But what he saw was an opportunity, which is that today the whole world is linked, and it is linked by the internet. He created something that I think of as a Manhattan Project for military conquest and defeat of the liberal democracies in the 21st century.
He set about to figure out this question: How can we undermine and subvert the liberal democracies?
These are open societies. America is an open society. We pride ourselves on the First Amendment, on freedom of speech, and on free dialogue and discussion.
So he said to himself: How can I subvert and undermine that?
The answer became very clear: to create--really on the cheap, because compared to military might, this is pennies on the dollar--he was going to create an internet army, in effect, to try to undermine and subvert our democracy with fake news, with propaganda, and with paid trolls to get information out to try to destroy the reputations of opposition politicians and to try to promote the parties that he viewed as ``within his camp.''
Guess what?
It still is going on today. It is still happening. We are not talking about ancient history. We are talking about an ongoing project. That is why I am proud to be a member of the minority caucus here, the Democratic Party caucus, which is insisting that we create an independent, objective, neutral, 9/11-style commission to investigate the Russian connection and what happened with the attack on American democracy in 2016.
We have got to get to the bottom of it. Two-thirds of the American people in public opinion polls say that they support such a commission. There is nobody who would oppose it except for somebody who has got something to hide. But for the rest of us, we have every reason to get to the bottom of this plot to destroy our election in 2016, and we have every reason to defend this great constitutional democracy with everything we have got.
Mr. Speaker, I yield back the balance of my time.