Madam President, last night we all witnessed a rather extraordinary event. Certainly for the first time in my time in the Senate, we saw rule XIX of the Standing Senate Rules invoked. That rule says:…
Madam President, last night we all witnessed a rather extraordinary event. Certainly for the first time in my time in the Senate, we saw rule XIX of the Standing Senate Rules invoked. That rule says: ``No Senator in debate shall, directly or indirectly, by any form of words impute to another Senator or to other Senators any conduct or motive unworthy or unbecoming a Senator.''
I certainly agree with the ruling of the Chair and the decision of the Senate as a body that that line was crossed last night. A Senator can't evade that rule by somehow claiming: These weren't my words; I was reading what somebody else said.
Specifically, in the case of our former colleague, now deceased, Senator Ted Kennedy claimed that the nominee for Attorney General was somehow a disgrace to the Justice Department and ought to resign. That certainly crossed that line.
Our colleagues want to point to a letter written by Coretta Scott King. That was part but not the whole of the speech given by the Senator from Massachusetts. I hope that maybe we have all been chastened a little bit, and maybe we have all learned a little bit of a lesson here.
I yearn for the day when the Senate and, frankly, the country as a whole would pull back from the abyss of recrimination, personal attacks, and we would get back to doing what this institution was designed to do--which is to be a great body for deliberation and debate--and we would treat each other with the civility with which we would all want to be treated.
We are at a pretty challenging time in our Nation's history, when many people who were surprised and disappointed at the last election are unwilling to accept the results of that election and the verdict of the American people. I can only hope that, after the passage of some time, they will return to their senses, and they will agree that no one is well served by this race to the bottom in terms of decorum and in terms of rhetoric, in terms of how we treat one another. The American people are better served when we treat each other with civility and respect and when we don't make personal attacks against Senators because of the positions that they take.
This debate over the nomination of Senator Jeff Sessions has taken on some rather unusual twists and turns. I want to comment briefly on some of the remarks made by our colleague from Minnesota about voting rights because I think this is exemplary of the way that Senator Sessions' record on voting rights has been misrepresented.
We all know that in 2006--those of us who were here in the Senate, including Senator Sessions, including the Democratic whip and myself-- we all voted to reauthorize the Voting Rights Act. That included section 2 and section 5, which was later struck down. Section 2 is the provision of the Voting Rights Act that applies to the entire Nation, and it authorizes a lawsuit to vindicate voting rights that are jeopardized by some illegal practice. Section 5, which was the subject of the decision by the U.S. Supreme Court in the Shelby County case that was decided in 2013--that was directed not at section 2, which applies to the entire Nation, but to section 5, which applied only to a handful of jurisdictions around the country. It was based on voting practices that existed in the middle 1960s.
I would be the first to admit that the record of vindicating the rights of minority voters in 1965 was nothing to be proud of. We have come a long way in this country, and it has been because of the Voting Rights Act. It has been because of our collective commitment to the right of every citizen to vote that I believe those statistics which existed in the mid-sixties are no longer valid today.
In fact, if you look at many of the jurisdictions covered in the 1960s, including places like Alabama, where Senator Sessions is from, they have records of minority voting that are superior to jurisdictions that are not covered by section 5. How our colleagues across the aisle can somehow condemn Senator Sessions for the Supreme Court's decision in the Shelby County case, when he voted for the reauthorization of the entire Voting Rights Act, section 2 and section 5, strikes me as extremely misleading and unfortunate, but it does seem to characterize the nature of the debate about this nominee.
During his confirmation hearing, I said: Well, those who don't know Senator Sessions are interested to learn his record and his resume, but those of us who worked with him--we don't need to read his resume. We don't need to hear a recitation of his record. We know the man. We know what is in his heart. And he is a thoroughly decent and honorable Member of the Senate, and he will do an outstanding job, I believe, restoring the reputation of the Department of Justice, as one dedicated to the rule of law above all else.
There is always a risk--and this happens in Democratic administrations, as well as Republican administrations--when the Attorney General feels like they are an arm of the White House. That is not the job of the Attorney General. The President has a lawyer, White House Counsel. The Attorney General is supposed to have some measure of independence even though he or she is appointed by the President and serves at the President's pleasure.
That is why we ask questions of people, like Deputy Attorney General Sally Yates: Can you tell the President no? Well, she said she could. And then ultimately, unfortunately, in the case of the Executive order that was issued by President Trump later on, said--even though this order was vetted by the Office of Legal Counsel and determined that this was a legal Executive order both in content and in form, she said: I still disagree with the President's Executive order, and I am going to order the Justice Department lawyers not to defend it.
Well, that is the kind of politics that we need none of in the Department of Justice. We have plenty of politicians in this country. We have plenty of politicians in the Congress and in the White House. We don't need another
politician as Attorney General. In fact, we need a nonpolitician, an apolitician, somebody who believes that their allegiance to the rule of law, irrespective of who is involved, whether it is the President of the United States or the least among us--that is what the rule of law is all about. And that is one reason why I feel so strongly that Senator Sessions will be an outstanding Attorney General, because I believe he will restore the Department of Justice to an institution that believes in and enforces the rule of law above politics, and that is a fundamentally important thing to do.
We know Senator Sessions, as I said earlier, brings a lifetime of relevant experience to this job: former Federal prosecutor, former U.S. attorney for the Department of Justice. He said those were some of the best years of his life.
I once had a colleague who now serves on the Fifth Circuit. When he became a U.S. district judge in San Antonio, he was recalling his days as U.S. attorney. He said--I still remember this after all these many years--he said he never had a prouder moment in his life than when he appeared in court and he said: ``I am here and I am ready on behalf of the United States of America.''
Senator Sessions is here, and he is ready to serve the American people as Attorney General. And we know from his service at the Department of Justice, as attorney general of Alabama, and now for the past 20 years in the Senate, that he is devoted to the rule of law and keeping our country safe. So it has really been sad to see interest groups vilifying him over and over again or people mischaracterizing him, as they have on his voting rights record, things that he is not responsible for after voting to reauthorize the Voting Rights Act in 2006. He didn't decide the Shelby County case.
This is a man we have worked with for--some for 20 years, people who have been here that long with him, and we know Jeff Sessions to be a man who has dedicated his life to public service. Our colleagues across the aisle have offered him an occasional compliment, like the Democratic leader, who once called him straightforward and fair. The assistant Democratic leader called him a man of his word. But now the decision to drag out Cabinet nominations as long as possible and to waste valuable time that could be used on other bipartisan legislation--we know our Democratic colleagues have chosen to slow-walk the process, and I think it is a shame, particularly in the case of somebody whom we all know so well and who is dedicated to the Department of Justice and the restoration of the rule of law.
Several of us have talked from time to time about how the holding up of these nominees is unprecedented. At this point in President Obama's term, 21 Cabinet members were confirmed. Senator Sessions, when we vote on his nomination tonight, will be No. 8--21 to 8. You have to go back to George Washington to find a slower confirmation timeline for a new administration. There is no good excuse for it, particularly in light of the fact that now, under the Reid precedent, our colleagues across the aisle know that all of these nominees, particularly in the case of Senator Sessions, will be confirmed. So holding up the nomination just for delay alone makes no sense at all.
Well, some have said holding up Senator Sessions' nomination is somehow similar to the confirmation process for Loretta Lynch, but that really rings hollow on examination. Let me remind them what happened when Loretta Lynch was nominated as Attorney General. At the time, our Democratic friends were filibustering a bipartisan bill that later passed 99 to 0. They were filibustering a bipartisan anti-trafficking bill for no good reason. That is my view; they may think they had a good reason. I think actually what it had to do with was the Hyde amendment and the longstanding limitation on the use of taxpayer funds for abortion that had gone back to roughly 1976. They wanted to eliminate that restriction in this anti-trafficking bill, so they refused to consider that legislation, which many of them had cosponsored, to help thousands of victims of sexual exploitation, slavery, and human trafficking find a path to healing and restoration. So the majority leader, in an action that I completely endorsed, simply said that as soon as they dropped the filibuster, we would move on with the Loretta Lynch nomination. They did finally, and we processed her nomination. So in no way were those two situations similar.
Today, our colleagues across the aisle want to keep a new President from surrounding himself with the men and women he has selected to help run the country. I think if there is one thing that should give people more confidence in the new administration, it is the quality of the men and women he has chosen for his Cabinet, and I would add Vice President Pence, somebody we know here, having served 12 years in the House of Representatives.
So the delay is really for no good reason at all and will have no achievable results. They are not going to be able to block the nomination but, rather, just try to score political points. And preventing an exemplary nominee from filling an important national security position I believe makes our country less safe.
I will give our colleagues across the aisle some credit for allowing the confirmation of Secretary of Defense James Mattis and Gen. John Kelly at the Department of Homeland Security and finally, after a long weekend, Mike Pompeo as Director of the CIA. Those are essential components of the President's national security Cabinet, but it also includes the Attorney General of the United States, someone whose nomination has been delayed until we vote on him tonight. After 9/11, the Attorney General became more than just a law enforcement officer; he became a counterterrorism official as well, integrally tied, with supervision of the FBI, to our efforts to protect the American people from terrorists who would kill us or our allies.
So there is really no good excuse for delaying the confirmation of Senator Sessions, and I am confident that tonight we will finally do what we should have done at least 3 weeks ago--confirm Senator Sessions as the next Attorney General of the United States. And I believe it is past time that we do so.
Madam President, I yield the floor.