To repeal the Authorization for Use of Military Force Against Iraq Resolution.

Mr. Speaker, I move to suspend the rules and pass the bill (H.R. 3261) to repeal the Authorization for the Use of Military Force Against Iraq Resolution.

Mr. Speaker, I ask unanimous consent that all Members may have 5 legislative days in which to revise and extend their remarks and include extraneous material on H.R. 3261.

Mr. Speaker, I yield myself such time as I may consume.

Mr. Speaker, I rise in strong support of H.R. 3261, to repeal the Authorization for Use of Military Force Against Iraq Resolution, authored by Representative Spanberger.

Less than two weeks ago, this body voted for a bill to repeal the 2002 AUMF, nearly two decades after it was originally passed. By not repealing an AUMF and allowing it to remain long after it has served its purpose, we open the door for future administrations of either party to abuse that authority and stretch the authorization far beyond its original purpose.

By failing to remove outdated authorities, Congress cedes its Article I authority to the executive branch. This is contrary to the design of our Constitution, Mr. Speaker, which gives Congress the power to make decisions on matters of war and peace.

Today, we debate a bill that would repeal an Authorization for Use of Military Force older than the 2002 AUMF. H.R. 3261 repeals the 1991 AUMF that authorized the use of the United States Armed Forces pursuant to the United Nations Security Council resolution, which was issued in the wake of Saddam Hussein's invasion of Kuwait. Yet, the 1991 AUMF remains in statute, in the United States Code, even though our military liberated Kuwait and completed its limited mission there three decades ago.

By voting this legislation out of the House, we continue to demonstrate our commitment to reclaiming our authority over war powers. One of the hardest decisions any of us can make as Members of Congress is whether to send the brave men and women of our armed services into conflict. While it is a difficult decision, it does not relinquish us of that responsibility.

I thank the gentlewoman from Virginia (Ms. Spanberger) for authoring this important legislation.

I urge my colleagues to support this legislation, and I reserve the balance of my time.

Mr. Speaker, I yield 3 minutes to the gentlewoman from Virginia (Ms. Spanberger), a valued member of the House Foreign Affairs Committee.

Mr. Speaker, I yield the gentlewoman an additional 1 minute.

Mr. Speaker, I yield myself such time as I may consume for the purpose of closing.

Mr. Speaker, I thank Mr. McCaul for working together in regard to this 1991 AUMF reform that was put forth by Ms. Spanberger. I want to tell the gentleman that, of course, we will work together, as I indicated at the last debate that we had on the floor to repeal and replace the 2001 AUMF so that we can deal with those items that make sure that we are secure and are modernizing and updating what we need to do to make sure that we are updated and strong moving forward, utilizing what the Constitution has given us, the Article I authority in war powers. I think that is absolutely key and essential.

It is difficult for all of us who sit here as Members of Congress, but it is our duty and our responsibility that we can't dodge. I think we understand that in a bipartisan way, that we are going to take up the responsibilities that we have.

Passing the repeal of the 2002 AUMF was the beginning of our work of reclaiming our authority over matters of war and peace, and today's repeal of the 1991 AUMF continues that effort.

Again, Representative Spanberger's bill before this Chamber today will remove an outdated AUMF and lessen the risk that the executive can circumvent Congress in utilizing military force.

I thank Representative Spanberger for authoring this bill, as well as the support of so many here in Congress on both sides of the aisle for defending Congress' Article I authority. We are doing this collectively, our responsibility that we are not dodging and not giving to the executive branch.

Mr. Speaker, I urge my colleagues to support this legislation, and I yield back the balance of my time.

Mr. Speaker, I move to suspend the rules and pass the bill (H.R. 3283) to repeal the joint resolution entitled, ``A joint resolution to promote peace and stability in the Middle East'', as amended.

Mr. Speaker, I ask unanimous consent that all Members have 5 legislative days in which to revise and extend their remarks and include extraneous material on H.R. 3283, as amended.

Mr. Speaker, I yield myself such time as I may consume.

Mr. Speaker, I rise today in strong support of H.R. 3283 to repeal the joint resolution entitled ``A joint resolution to promote peace and stability in the Middle East,'' offered by Representative Meijer.

Earlier, I made the case for continuing this Chamber's hard work of reclaiming congressional war powers, started less than 2 weeks ago by our vote to repeal the 2002 AUMF and continued by our debate today to repeal the 1991 AUMF and the 1957 AUMF.

I will keep my remarks short so as not to belabor the points I made earlier, as the case for repealing the 1941 AUMF similarly applies to the 1957 AUMF, if not more so.

Going way back, I was barely a toddler when this authorization was passed, and I have been here for a while. The fact that this authorization still exists as good law today indicates the vital need for Congress to take seriously its responsibility over war and peace and repeal AUMFs once their purpose has been served or expired.

Good legislative housekeeping requires us not to just authorize force when needed to protect and defend this Nation, but to recall and repeal authorities when their usefulness has passed.

The Soviet Union this authorization was meant to counter no longer exists. There is no Soviet Union now. The 1957 AUMF is a relic of the Cold War. It is outdated and obsolete.

We, as Members of Congress, have been granted the responsibility to make decisions on matters of war and peace by the Constitution, a responsibility none of us takes lightly. However, for far too long we have failed to make those decisions at all. Instead, we have ceded our Article I authority to administrations that have reinterpreted old AUMFs. The threat of that abuse continues so long as we allow these authorizations to remain in the U.S. Code.

I thank again the ranking member for working with us to bring this bill forward. I thank Representative Meijer for authoring this legislation. And I urge all of my colleagues to support this bill.

Mr. Speaker, I reserve the balance of my time.

Mr. Speaker, I yield 3 minutes to the gentlewoman from Virginia (Ms. Spanberger), a very valued member of our committee on the House Foreign Affairs Committee.

Mr. Speaker, I have no further requests for time, and I reserve the balance of my time.

Mr. Speaker I yield myself the balance of my time.

I thank Mr. Meijer for this piece of legislation. Again, I thank Mr. McCaul for working together, and I have no come back; yes, I was just a toddler, you weren't here yet.

There seems to be a theme, and if you think there is a theme that is going on today, there is a theme. The theme is that we in the United States Congress, both Democrats and Republicans, are acting to reclaim our Congressional war powers. First, we voted to repeal the 2002 AUMF, then the 1991 AUMF, and now the 1957 AUMF. These authorizations serve no current national security purpose and only risk to strip Congress of its Article I authority to decide matters of war and peace. That is the theme here today.

The work is not over. We still have to work, as I have said, and I pledge to work with Mr. McCaul to repeal and replace the 2001 AUMF. But it is our solemn responsibility to decide when, where, and how we deploy members of our armed services and not take a back seat on such decisions to the executive branch.

Mr. Speaker, working together, we will indeed do what Article I tells us to do: To determine when, where, and how we go to war.

Mr. Speaker, I urge my colleagues to support this very important piece of legislation, and I yield back the balance of my time.

Mr. Speaker, I rise today in support of repealing the 1991 Authorization for Use of Military Force.

Today, we have another opportunity to demonstrate that Congress is serious about reclaiming congressional war powers and serious about representing the servicemembers and veterans who have served our country. Too often, they have served under authorities that were signed into law decades previously.

While the Constitution is clear that only Congress can declare war, we have steadily surrendered this responsibility to the executive branch. Building off the House's vote earlier this month to repeal the 2002 AUMF, we are considering today two additional bipartisan bills that repeal other outdated and inactive AUMFs.

First, we are considering my legislation to repeal the 1991 AUMF against Iraq. This AUMF was Congress' authorization for the first Gulf war of 1991 in response to Saddam Hussein's invasion of Kuwait 30 years ago. The short military conflict that took place under this authority has been over for three decades, and we must remove this old, inactive authority from the books. Repealing this AUMF would help ensure that it is not misused or stretched by any American President going forward.

I thank the broad range of Members and advocates who have supported this legislation and helped bring us to where we are today. Representatives Gallagher, Golden, and Meijer have been critical partners in this effort to repeal inactive, outdated AUMFs. We come from different political persuasions and different areas of the country, but we share backgrounds in national security, a commitment to serving our constituents, and a focus on our constitutional responsibilities.

House Foreign Affairs Committee Chair Meeks and Ranking Member McCaul are also original cosponsors of our bill to repeal the 1991 AUMF. They have been instrumental in moving this legislation forward quickly, including a unanimous vote out of the House Foreign Affairs Committee earlier this year.

I applaud Chairman Meeks for his leadership of the committee and for sending a clear message that Congress must assert its war powers. Even as a Democratic chairman with a Democrat in the White House, Chairman Meeks is making clear that this is not about a particular President. It is about fulfilling our obligation as Members of Congress.

Intelligence Committee Chair Schiff, Armed Services Committee Chair Smith, State and Foreign Operations Chair Lee, Rules Chair McGovern, and Rules Ranking Member Cole are also original cosponsors of this bill. And I truly appreciate the many other cosponsors who have been on board with this legislation, many of whom have served our Nation in national security roles prior to coming to Congress.

I also want to thank Congresswoman Barbara Lee for her leadership on AUMF issues and congratulate her on the House voting with strong bipartisan support to repeal the 2002 AUMF earlier this month.

Notably, my bill to repeal the 1991 AUMF is also supported by a broad range of foreign policy and veterans-focused organizations.

The American Legion, the United States' largest veterans service organization, has emphasized the importance of Congress reasserting its constitutional authority over war powers. In addition, I thank the many other organizations that have been supportive of this effort for their endorsement of our legislation.

For years, Americans have been calling on their Representatives in Congress to exercise our responsibility to make decisions on war and peace. We cannot simply allow AUMFs to accumulate without congressional action.

We have more work ahead of us as we reassert congressional war powers and reform, repeal, and, in some cases, update AUMFs. But, today, we can take an important step by passing my widely supported legislation to repeal a 30-year Authorization for Use of Military Force.

Mr. Speaker, I urge my colleagues to join me in voting ``yes'' on the repeal of the 1991 Gulf war Authorization for Use of Military Force.

Mr. Speaker, I yield myself such time as I may consume.

Mr. Speaker, let me first say I support this bill to repeal the 1991 Authorization for Use of Military Force for the first Gulf war. That law provided authority to use our military to enforce specific United Nations resolutions opposing Iraq's 1990 invasion of Kuwait.

With the success of Operation Desert Storm, the Iraqi troops were expelled from Kuwait, and combat operations concluded in early 1991, more than 30 years ago.

The specific point of this law was accomplished. Therefore, there is no reason to leave it on the books.

It is, in that sense, very different from the 2002 Iraq AUMF we voted on before. That authority has been used consistently since its enactment to address terrorist threats in and emanating from Iraq and was most recently used--not that authority--but we saw a strike from the President against Shia militia proxies in Iraq and Syria. Those threats continue to this day. Unfortunately, not all can be targeted using the 2001 AUMF.

Real war powers reform means consulting with our military commanders and intelligence experts. It means updating Article I authorities so the President can use them to address the deadly terrorists who threaten Americans today.

It does not mean repealing old AUMFs without replacing them, although for this one, we don't need to. It does not mean telling the President just to rely on Article II powers when there is no consensus about their reach.

This law, which is tied to U.N. resolutions about the 1990 invasion of Kuwait, legally cannot be used to launch new military engagements in the 21st century.

I support this repeal. I thank Ms. Spanberger for bringing this. This is an example of how we can work together to clean up these old AUMFs and hopefully move forward with an updated AUMF.

Mr. Speaker, I reserve the balance of my time.

Mr. Speaker, I am prepared to close, and I yield myself such time as I may consume.

Let me just say, I want to thank the gentlewoman from Virginia (Ms. Spanberger) for bringing this repeal. It is a real step forward. I also want to thank her for her service in the intelligence community over the years, protecting this Nation from the threats that we face. I also want to thank the chairman for really exercising great leadership on this issue.

I don't know the fate of the 2002 AUMF in the Senate, but I can tell you this one, it should sail. It is a very historic moment because it could be the first time in my memory that the Congress has finally reasserted its Article I authority and cleaned up very outdated, old AUMFs.

I see this as a very positive day, working together as Republicans and Democrats on reasserting our congressional authorities, reasserting the fact that, under the Constitution, it is the Congress that has the power to declare war, not the President of the United States.

This committee addresses nothing more grave than issues of war and peace. I think this is, again, a very historic opportunity.

I know, yesterday, the President did attack Shia proxies in Iraq and Syria. I hope I can work with the chairman on updating the 2002 and 2001 AUMFs so we can repeal the 2001 and update it to what are the modern threats that we face. After all, they are over 28 years old. Many serving may not have even been born at the time those were passed by Congress.

It is refreshing to see this kind of leadership from the chairman coming out of this committee. I applaud him, commend him. I commend the gentlewoman from Virginia for bringing this measure forward. I look forward to it being passed by the Senate and cleaning up, as we say, the housekeeping on the books. I also look forward to exercising our authorities moving forward.

Mr. Speaker, I yield back the balance of my time.

Mr. Speaker, I thank my friend from Texas for yielding, and I want to be the first to admit I was alive when both of these authorizations were passed.

The Congress' current effort to review the existing authorities for military force for which the original purposes have been achieved or are no longer appropriate is an important exercise of this body's authority under the Constitution and pursuant to the War Powers Act.

I am pleased to note that Chairman McGovern and I, along with my friends, Chairman Meeks and Ranking Member McCaul, helped initiate an evaluation of the War Powers Act, its strength and limitations and its need for modernization in a hearing on this topic in March. It is fitting, and frankly overdue, that the House is considering these issues and is now poised to repeal a second and third outdated AUMF this year with strong bipartisan support.

The joint resolution to promote peace and stability in the Middle East was enacted in 1957, 2 years after the signing of the Warsaw Pact, in response to the concerns about the potential spread of communist influence in the Middle East and, therefore, threats to U.S. economic and political interests in the region is long overdue. Needless to say, much has changed in the 64 intervening years. The Berlin Wall has fallen, and six of the seven former Eastern Bloc countries are now allied with the United States through NATO. The Soviet Union, of course, is no more. Communism obviously remains in the world, but it is no longer the driving force for most threats to the United States, particularly in the Middle East.

Similarly, the Authorization for Use of Military Force Against Iraq Resolution of 1991 is not related to the current situation in Iraq, and therefore, defunct. United Nations Resolution 678 authorized member states to use force to restore peace and order in response to Saddam Hussein's invasion of Kuwait in 1990. President Bush stated on multiple occasions at the time, including in his signing statement of this AUMF, that he believed he had sufficient constitutional authority to use force in this case. However, he did not test the question, and requested and welcomed the AUMF. With or without the United Nations approval, in spite of the action's intent to enforce international law and, regardless of my support for the action taken by President Bush at that time, it was the initiation of a war, and in my opinion, the President was obligated to seek Congressional approval. However, since the issue has been long-since settled, it is time to revoke the outdated authority.

Let us reinforce with this action today, Mr. Speaker, that should the President find reason to initiate military action subject to the War Powers Act in Iraq or anywhere in the Middle East, he or she must come to Congress with information, justification, and request for approval.

Also going forward, I strongly suggest this and future Congresses consistently establish a sunset of future authorizations either by a firm expiration date in the authorization or triggered by satisfaction of clear and specific objectives.

Once again, I support the passage of H.R. 3283 and H.R. 3261.