H.Res. 726

Mr. Speaker, I thank my friend, the chairman of this committee, for yielding. We have traveled in various parts of the world together. We have seen pain, and we have seen progress. We are seeing pain now, and all I can say with respect to the remarks that were just made by the gentleman from Texas (Mr. Green), amen.

I thank Mr. McCaul for his working not as a Republican, and I thank Mr. Meeks not as a Democrat, but as Americans, Americans confronted with a crisis, a crisis for democracy, a crisis for the global community. I thank them both because they have, in the best traditions of this House and of this country, worked together to bring to the floor a resolution, which, indeed, speaks to the pain and to the moral responsibility of all those who love freedom and democracy.

Mr. Speaker, on Tuesday, as Russian missiles rained down on the cities of his country, Ukraine's heroic President, President Zelensky, virtually addressed the European Parliament in Brussels.

Mr. Speaker, President Zelensky spoke of a horrendous missile attack that had just struck the main square of the besieged city of Kharkiv. ``This,'' he said, is ``the largest square in Europe . . . it is called `freedom square.' '' He went on to say: ``And believe you me, in every square today, no matter what it is called, it is going to be called `freedom square.' In every city of our country. Nobody is going to break us. We are strong.''

Frankly, Mr. Speaker, he didn't have to tell us that. We have seen that strength. We have seen that courage. We have seen that determination in the face of overwhelming force confronting them.

These past 7 days, the people of Ukraine have indeed shown the world they are strong, they are courageous, they are united, and they are resolved to defend their freedom and their democracy.

Mr. Speaker, I served as co-chairman of the Commission on Security and Cooperation in Europe, otherwise known as the Helsinki Commission, for 10 years from 1985 to 1995. It was a historic time where democracy won the Cold War. It was in the final years of that Cold War that Ukraine in the nineties emerged and was guaranteed essentially by the international community, but certainly by Russia and the United States, that they would be a sovereign nation not just in the east but in the west as well.

I had the opportunity, Mr. Speaker, to travel to Kyiv, to Riga, to Vilnius, to Tallinn, to Sofia, to other cities behind the Iron Curtain on a relatively regular basis during those 10 years, certainly in the 6 years from 1985 to 1991. In each place I saw a ``freedom square'' where either before or shortly after my visit people would gather to demand the right to choose their own future, their own leaders, and their own laws.

I saw in many others who traveled to those cities and to those countries a yearning, I saw the commitment to democracy, their courage and determination.

President Zelensky is correct: ``Wherever democracy thrives, every public square is a `freedom square.' '' It may have another name, but it is a ``freedom square.''

Americans have sacrificed much over the generations to secure our freedoms and to our great credit the freedom of others around the world.

I tell people, Mr. Speaker, that America is the nation that had the most hegemony of power and used it so without acquiring the nations that it protected or imposing its will on the nations that it protected which is the least acquisitive superpower in the history of the world.

Americans have sacrificed much over the generations to secure our freedoms and the freedoms of others. The land of the free and the home of the brave.

Now, the tyranny and autocracy of Vladimir Putin tests us again.

Though American forces will not be engaged directly in this war, that does not mean that America is sitting on the sidelines. Far from it. And we must be engaged. This resolution speaks to engagement.

President Biden has unified not only NATO but a broad coalition of the world's democratic nations and those committed to the post-war order of respecting peace, borders, and, yes, diplomacy.

Dozens of nations have partnered to stand up to Putin and to support the freedom fighters in Ukraine. Together, we have imposed punishing sanctions that are already hurting Putin's regime.

We are already seeing thousands of Russians taking to the streets in their country to demand that Putin end this unjust war, this unprovoked war, this criminal war, and stop the unnecessary death and destruction on both sides for which Vladimir Putin alone bears responsibility.

Today, this House, the people's House representing the greatest democracy in history, the leading democratic nation in the world, is expressing our support for the Ukrainian people in their struggle for freedom and self-government.

I hope and I urge that this resolution pass with not a single negative vote. Let there be no mistake throughout the globe that, yes, we have differences between Republicans and Democrats, but we in this House are all Americans committed to freedom, committed to democracy, committed to the peaceful relations between nations.

It recognizes the egregious and inhumane actions undertaken by the Russian military at Putin's command, including the shelling of civilian targets and the killing of innocents in order to instill fear and weaken Ukrainian resolve.

We know that resolve, however, Mr. Speaker, will not be broken. We have seen it in the eyes of the President, and we have seen it in the eyes of the citizens in those freedom squares.

This resolution further recognizes importantly that Russian aggression against Ukraine did not begin last week. It began as soon as the Ukrainian people rejected a Putin-backed autocrat, established a true democracy, and sought the security and protection of stronger bonds with its fellow democracies in Europe and NATO, which, of course, it had every right as a sovereign nation to do.

Putin sent his forces to occupy Crimea. Mr. Speaker, in my view we were not as determined that that should not happen at that time. We must not repeat that mistake. Putin instigated a violent, separatist uprising in the Donbas region that has festered for 8 long years.

His unprovoked and unjustifiable invasion of Ukraine comes after it became increasingly clear that the separatists could not achieve Putin's expansionist aims on their own. He tried to do it surreptitiously through agents. It did not succeed, so he took the next step, a tragic, criminal step.

This resolution also makes clear that the United States will continue to support Ukraine by providing both military and humanitarian assistance while maintaining painful sanctions against Putin for as long as he pursues this war of choice.

In no small part, this resolution puts into action the promise that President Kennedy made when he took office at the height of the Cold War.

This will not be a free war for any of us in the free world. It is going to cost us something. Gas prices may go up. But we want to stand on freedom's side.

I am in politics largely because John Kennedy ran for President as I was at the University of Maryland, and I was inspired by his call to service.

I would urge all of you to read one more time John Kennedy's inaugural address. It is an extraordinarily inspiring address, an address not only to the American people, but to the entire world. And in it he said this: ``Let every nation know, whether it wishes us well or ill, that we shall pay any price, bear any burden, meet any hardship, support any friend, oppose any foe to assure the survival and success of liberty,'' and of those freedom squares to which President Zelensky referred.

Mr. Speaker, Americans and our allies are being asked to pay a price, to bear a burden, to meet some hardship in the days and weeks and months ahead, not to sustain fire, not to live in buildings being bombed, not to have to move from their home to a refuge or another country, but some hardship.

I know that our fellow Americans are up to the task. They have always been up to the task because those who say we take freedom for granted, who say the cost is too high, the burden too great, have always underestimated the American people.

When we see Putin's corrupt, evil, and menacing grab for power and tyrannical control, we are reminded of the tyrants and evil ideologies that Americans have fought and vanquished through our collective commitment and shared sacrifices.

Mr. Speaker, today, let us make this House Freedom Square. Let us stand with those who are assaulted by a tyrant.

The generation before mine, John Kennedy referred to England as ``Why England Slept.'' If we do not meet this tyrant now, we will pay greatly later.

I urge my colleagues to stand with these brave Ukrainians who stand for freedom and liberty and international law. Let us all overwhelmingly, unanimously vote for this resolution and send a message, not just to Putin but to all the tyrants of the world who would test us once again, that we will not blink.

Mr. Speaker, I move to suspend the rules and agree to the resolution (H. Res. 956) to support the People of Ukraine.

Mr. Speaker, I ask unanimous consent that all Members have 5 legislative days in which to revise and extend their remarks and include extraneous materials on H. Res. 956.

Mr. Speaker, I yield myself such time as I may consume.

Mr. Speaker, I rise today in support of my resolution, which I introduced with Representative Spartz, to demonstrate bipartisan congressional support for the Ukrainian people.

Today, we are witnessing the most devastating escalation of violence on the European Continent in decades.

Vladimir Putin has launched an unjustifiable, senseless war on a peaceful, sovereign nation, Ukraine. We are already seeing thousands of casualties, both Ukrainians and Russians, and hundreds of thousands of refugees fleeing to the European Union.

As we speak, Putin's army is encircling Ukrainian cities, including the capital of Kyiv. His forces are bombing indiscriminately, ruthlessly killing civilians, and destroying critical infrastructure.

In his despicable and utterly false claims to denazify Ukraine, he has bombed the memorial at Babyn Yar, where, just weeks ago, Representative Spartz and I stood with other Members of Congress at the site where tens of thousands were killed in massacres during the Holocaust. The streets we walked just a few weeks ago are now a battlefield, its citizens now soldiers.

Let us be clear. This is but one person's war. This is caused by one individual by the name of Vladimir Putin. It is his war.

Ukraine, the United States, and our allies have all actively engaged in a historic diplomatic push since before Russia marched their troops into the sovereign territory of Ukraine. Nevertheless, Putin chose the path of an unprovoked war instead.

It is a peaceful Ukraine that is pleading for a cease-fire so that diplomacy and sanity can triumph over bloodshed and madness.

Just this morning, the U.N. General Assembly held an emergency session that voted overwhelmingly against Russia's aggression. This vote reaffirms the values that we stand for and unequivocally demonstrates that the world stands with Ukraine.

In this dark time, the United States has helped usher unprecedented amounts of assistance from the United States, Europe, and our allies and partners from all around the world, from North Africa to North America to the Indo-Pacific, to aid Ukraine in defense of its nation. I believe we must sustain that assistance as long as Ukrainians fight for a democratic future free from Russian oppression.

The defensive security assistance we have provided and continue to provide Ukraine to help fend off its autocratic invader is absolutely critical.

Also, it is of utmost importance that we continue to surge humanitarian aid to Ukraine and the countries in the region accepting the growing influx of refugees. As of yesterday, nearly 700,000 had left their homes, left their country to seek safety, unsure of whether they will ever again see their homes. Estimates project that that number will quickly reach into the millions, as well as those who are displaced but remain in Ukraine.

Our allies in Europe have acted admirably, so they have been accepting those fleeing the destruction. We must do our part to help them as well.

Amidst all the bloodshed, we are seeing astounding courage displayed by President Zelensky, the Ukrainian Government, and, above all, the Ukrainian people. We are also seeing the unity of the transatlantic alliance, more unified than ever in the face of Vladimir Putin's war.

The people of Ukraine must continue to hear a message of loud and clear support from us, the United States Congress. They must see that we see their suffering, that we stand with them in their fight against an authoritarian invader, and that we will continue to usher as much support to their cause as the United States can muster.

Mr. Speaker, this resolution outlines the plan and sheds an indisputable light on the atrocities the Putin regime and the Russian military are committing. It demands an immediate cease-fire and full withdrawal of Russian forces from Ukraine. It backs additional coordinated economic measures to hold Putin accountable.

It reaffirms our NATO Article 5 commitments, reaffirms Ukrainian sovereignty over Crimea and Donbas. It highlights the unprecedented global multilateral efforts the Biden administration has helped usher.

It states our commitment in the United States Congress to support the Ukrainian people throughout this terrifying ordeal and delivers perhaps the most important message a resolution can deliver right now, that the House of Representatives will never ever recognize any illegitimate government that Putin hopes to install in Ukraine. It is up to the Ukrainian people and the Ukrainian people alone to choose their political leadership and their future.

I support this resolution, and I want to offer my sincerest thanks to Representative Spartz, but also to my ranking member. We worked diligently on this resolution, to make sure that this was a bipartisan resolution. I appreciate Ranking Member McCaul for his friendship and the way that we work together now, especially on this resolution.

Democrat and Republican leadership worked collectively also. For working with me, I want to thank them. They have worked with me for what I believe is a very strong message, a unified message, to support the people of Ukraine.

It is also a unified message to Vladimir Putin, whose objective was to divide us. He would have loved to have divided us from our European allies, loved to divide us from NATO, loved to divide us from within.

But with this resolution, it becomes crystal clear: Mr. Putin, you can't win this. We are going to stand against you, and we are going to preserve democracy because that is what is at stake here.

Mr. Speaker, I reserve the balance of my time.

Mr. Speaker, I yield 1 minute to the gentleman from Texas (Mr. Allred), who was walking the streets of Ukraine with us just a few weeks ago.

Mr. Speaker, I yield 1 minute to the gentleman from Texas (Mr. Castro), the chair of the Subcommittee on International Development, International Organizations, and Global Corporate Social Impact.

Mr. Speaker, I yield 2 minutes to the gentleman from Virginia (Mr. Connolly), the president of the NATO Parliamentary Assembly, who has seen with his own eyes the unity that we now have with our NATO allies.

Mr. Speaker, I yield 1 minute to the gentlewoman from Ohio (Ms. Kaptur), the cofounder and co-chair of the Ukraine Caucus, who has worked on this her entire congressional career.

Mr. Speaker, I yield 1 minute to the gentlewoman from Texas (Ms. Jackson Lee), a dynamic Representative from the great State of Texas.

Mr. Speaker, I yield 1 minute to the gentleman from Texas (Mr. Green), a dynamic Representative.

Mr. Speaker, it is now my honor to yield 1 minute to the gentleman from Maryland (Mr. Hoyer), the distinguished majority leader of the United States House of Representatives.

Mr. Speaker, I yield myself such time as I may consume.

Mr. Speaker, the camera of history is rolling on all of us today. What is happening today children yet unborn will be studying and looking at what we did, what we stood for, or did not. They will be studying in their history books whether or not when democracy was at stake, when sovereign nations were in peril, whether or not we stood up and stood out to protect freedom, sovereignty of states, independence, or not.

The fact of the matter is, if we don't stand up now, those same children that I am talking about may not be able to live in a democratic society. That is why this is so important.

Putin may think that he is encircling Kyiv now, but this United Nations vote, where 141 nations said they are not going to allow that to happen, is encircling Putin and his thugs. And we will stay there for as long as it takes until freedom rings because that is what this is all about.

I think of today those that I met when I was in Kyiv, those that I had dinner with, those that worked in our U.S. Embassy, those that were driving taxis. As I see the pictures of them walking these streets today in front of Russian tanks, unafraid--I saw a picture of a woman standing and pointing at a Russian soldier, saying they would die there before she gives up. That is what this is all about.

The words that the activist told me while I was in Kyiv, that we are ready to fight, just provide us the support that we need to protect our country and freedom.

Slava Ukraini. Glory to Ukraine and its people.

Mr. Speaker, I thank Mr. McCaul and Congresswoman Spartz for working with me so that we can make a bipartisan message right here on the people's floor.

Mr. Speaker, I yield back the balance of my time.

Mr. Speaker, on that I demand the yeas and nays.

Mr. Speaker, I thank the chairman for yielding, and I rise enthusiastically to support H. Res. 956 and as well to make mention of H. Res. 943 that was introduced by myself and Steve Cohen on February 25.

Let me salute this resolution that is bipartisan that immediately calls on a ceasefire by Putin. This is Putin's war. H. Res. 943 has been affirmed by its call for the shutting down of our airways to Russian carriers, and that has been done.

But the real point is that we are now standing firmly for democracy and the fight of individual grandmothers and young people and individual Ukrainians with their bare hands and with their weapons that have been given to fight for democracy. But the real question that we are also standing for, and thank you for the United Nations vote, is that Vladimir Putin is a war criminal who is killing children.

Mitka, a parliamentarian that I met at the OSCE of which we were a part of meeting in Lithuania and Vienna, talking to the soldiers that were on the border of Belarus and Lithuania--thank you to those soldiers that are now placed, almost 100,000 U.S. soldiers--is that Putin is killing without cause. He is killing grandmothers. He is killing children. Can we tolerate this bloodshed? No, we will not. And we will stand with this resolution to demand that democracy stands in the region and that we denounce his actions.

Mr. Speaker, I rise today in strong support of H. Res. 956, a resolution condemning the unprovoked aggression and invasion ordered by Vladimir Putin, the authoritarian head of the Russian Federation against the sovereign nation of Ukraine and supporting the right of the people of Ukraine to freely determine their future, including their country's relationship with other nations and international organizations, without interference, intimidation, or coercion by other countries.

I thank the Chairman of the Committee on Foreign Affairs, Congressman Meeks of New York, for introducing this bipartisan resolution and urge all Members to support it to show the solidarity of the people of the United States with the people of Ukraine.

Mr. Speaker, I support this resolution because it calls upon and commends the Biden Administration to honor and abide by the commitments undertaken by the United States pursuant to Article 5 of the North Atlantic Treaty, signed at Washington, District of Columbia, on April 4, 1949, and entered into force on August 24, 1949.

The resolution also commits this body to the promotion and protection of democratic values, transparent and accountable government institutions, and support for needed economic structural reforms in Ukraine, including in the fiscal, energy, pension, and banking sectors, among others.

The resolution also calls upon and commends the Biden Administration for assembling and working with an international coalition of the world's leading nations to ensure that all nations refuse to recognize the illegal invasion of Ukraine by the Russian Federation and to ensure that the Russian Federation is held accountable and sustain maximum economic damage from the imposition of sanctions as a consequence of its utter disregard for international law and norms.

I am particularly pleased that the Biden Administration has adopted the recommendation advanced in H. Res. 943, a resolution I introduced on February 25, 2002 condemning this unprovoked attack by the Russian Federation, to ban all Russian airlines, including Aeroflot, from entering the airspace of the United States or landing on its soil.

The United States is strongly committed to the sovereignty, independence, and territorial integrity of Ukraine.

The United States strongly supports efforts to assist Ukraine to defend its territory against military aggression by the Russian Federation and by separatist and paramilitary forces.

Ukraine was the second-most populous and powerful of the fifteen republics of the former and disintegrated Union of Soviet Socialist Republics and the hub of the union's agricultural production, defense industries, and military arsenal.

In the three decades since gaining its independence, Ukraine has sought to forge its own path as a sovereign state and sought closer economic, social, and political ties with the free market and democratic nations of the West.

Since 2013, the Russian Federation has undertaken a campaign of political, economic, and military aggression against Ukraine, including the shooting down of Malaysia Airlines Flight 17, a civilian airliner, by Russian-backed Ukrainian separatists using a Russian-made missile taking the lives of all 298 innocent persons on board.

In February 2014, the military of the Russia Federation, without merit or cause, invaded the eastern part of the free and independent country of Ukraine, including the Crimean Peninsula, and backed a separatist insurgency in the Donbass region in eastern Ukraine, where fighting has killed over 14,000 people.

The United States, a strategic ally of Ukraine, reacted swiftly to the Russian invasion, condemning the military action in strong and bipartisan fashion, and providing military, humanitarian, and non- military financial assistance to the determined but beleaguered nation of Ukraine, which since 2014 has totaled approximately $1.5 billion.

On September 14, 2014, the House of Representatives adopted H. Res. 726, a resolution supporting the right of the people of Ukraine to freely determine their future, including their country's relationship with other nations and international organizations, without interference, intimidation, or coercion by other countries, and committed itself to solidarity with the people of Ukraine.

Interference and unprovoked aggressions by the Russia Federation ordered and led by Vladimir Putin continued unabated, including the mobilization and stationing of 150,000 Russian troops surrounding Ukraine and armed forces positioned in Belarus to attack Ukraine from the north, including war planes and offensive missile systems, and the movement of Russian naval vessels in the Black Sea to Ukraine's south, including amphibious assault ships, missile cruisers, and submarines, and the positioning of blood and medical equipment into position on their border.

Vladimir Putin sought authorization from the Russian parliament to use military force outside of Russian territory by staging a fraudulent on-camera meeting of his Security Council to grandstand for the Russian public and by recognizing sovereign Ukrainian territory as so-called independent republics in clear violation, again, of international law, all of which was intended to set the stage for further pretexts and further provocations by Russia Federation to make further aggressions against Ukraine by military action.

Vladimir Putin rejected every good-faith effort the United States and its allies and partners made to address mutual security concerns through dialogue to avoid needless conflict and avert human suffering.

On February 23, 2022, the Russia Federation military, at the direction of Vladimir Putin, began a premeditated brutal assault on the people of Ukraine without provocation, without justification, without necessity, making outlandish, false, and baseless claims that Ukraine was about to invade and launch a war against Russia and that Ukraine was prepared to use chemical weapons, and that Ukraine had committed a genocide.

These actions were taken by Vladimir Putin at the very moment that the United Nations Security Council was meeting to stand up for Ukraine's sovereignty to stave off invasion, culminating in missile strikes on historic cities across Ukraine, followed by air raids and the invasion of Russian tanks and troops.

Mr. Speaker, through this resolution the United States strongly condemns and opposes the unprovoked invasion and egregious act of aggression against sovereign state of Ukraine by the Russian Federation, the most provocative and destabilizing act of foreign aggression since the 1938 invasion of the Sudetenland by the Third Reich led by Adolph Hitler.

I ask all members to join me in voting for H. Res. 956 to support the right of the people of Ukraine to freely determine their future, including their country's relationship with other nations and international organizations, without interference, intimidation, or coercion by other countries.

Mr. Speaker, I yield myself such time as I may consume.

Mr. Speaker, let me just thank Chairman Meeks for his leadership. This is really a historic time, not for only this Nation, but the world, for Ukraine. It is a time when we come together, not as Republicans or Democrats, but as Americans in strong support of the people of Ukraine.

I also want to thank Congresswoman Victoria Spartz, who is from Ukraine, who knows this story firsthand, and who very passionately has told her story about what it means, a country that has endured Hitler, a country that has endured Stalin, and now a country that is enduring Mr. Putin and Russian aggression.

As we stand here, Ukrainians are fighting for their country and for their very lives. Vladimir Putin has launched the largest attack in Europe since World War II.

His war machine has unleashed a brutal barrage of missiles and rockets on innocent Ukrainian civilians. In fact, there are 40 miles just north of Kyiv of tanks and military weaponry that is getting ready to go in and encircle the capital city.

But the people of Ukraine are inspiring the world with their bravery in the face of this, of Putin's evil and unprovoked attack. Fathers and mothers, teachers and shop owners, taxi drivers and students are all taking up arms, making Molotov cocktails, joining Ukrainian soldiers to defend their country.

They are standing in front of the tanks, standing in front of the tanks. I have seen a child standing in front of a tank just like Tiananmen Square and the images coming out that are sent around the world so we can all witness this, this war against humanity and human rights, war crimes.

They are risking their lives to fight for freedom, and that is what this Nation stands for, freedom and democracy.

Despite the terror inflicted upon them by Putin's bombs and rockets, the Ukrainian people have courageously refused to relent. Vladimir Putin has underestimated them. He has underestimated their strength and their bravery. The resiliency of the Ukrainian people has been an inspiration, really, for the world.

We were told in our briefings, well, this will last 2 or 3 days, but they have stood up. Putin needs to understand that he has miscalculated, and this will cost him a very, very high price. He has underestimated the strength and bravery to his own peril.

So I am pleased that we are able to come together, not as Republicans or Democrats, as I said, but really, as Americans, as we should, to express and send a strong message in support of the people of Ukraine and against this tyrant and this monster who is savagely killing civilians, as I speak.

We have all seen the images of the women and the children and the refugees as they leave their fathers and husbands behind who are left to fight this war.

This resolution really does one thing: to tell the world in one united voice that the United States of America stands opposed to oppression, that we stand with the people of Ukraine, and we stand against Mr. Putin's aggression. We must ensure that Putin fails, and I believe long term, he will.

I am hopeful that today's resolution will also lead to additional constructive bipartisan steps to properly arm the Ukrainians in any way possible, as they have told us, we don't need your troops, but we need your weapons to fight against the Russians.

You know, there was a tweet that came out from a dead Russian soldier who sent a text to his mother, saying, I thought they were going to welcome us, that we were liberating them. And yet I am seeing Ukrainians and children being run over by our tanks. And he says to his mother, this is the worst thing I have ever seen.

He lies. He is deceptive. He lied to his own people that he is liberating these Ukrainians who are oppressed by the Russians. This is no liberation. This is not a liberation ceremony.

This is tyranny at its worst, and oppression. We need to continue to support them as long as even one Ukrainian citizen continues to stand up to Russia's tyranny.

As in February 1941, facing a devastating bombing campaign by the Nazis--we can see the parallels here--this is similar to Hitler invading Poland.

When they talked about the blitz, Winston Churchill made a direct plea to the United States for assistance, and it is timeless. It actually resonates today. He said, ``Put your confidence in us. . . . We shall not fail or falter; we shall not weaken or tire. Neither the sudden shock of battle, nor the long-drawn trials of vigilance and exertion will wear us down. Give us the tools, and we will finish the job.''

Mr. Speaker, this is what the Ukrainian people want. It is what they are asking for. It is what they need. It is what the United States of America and our NATO allies will deliver.

Today, facing the onslaught of Putin's missiles and tanks, the Ukrainian President, Zelensky, a most courageous leader, as we have seen, who didn't run away from his country like President Ghani. He is in the bunker right now, knowing that his very life and his survival is on the line.

He made the same plea to us, and today, we have the opportunity to tell Ukraine that we have confidence in them by supporting this measure, that we will give them the tools they need to finish the job.

So let me, once again, thank the chairman. This is when the Foreign Affairs Committee is at its best, when we come together as Americans. As Eliot Engel always said, partisanship stops at the water's edge, and I firmly believe that commitment as well.

I urge my Members to support this. I reserve the balance of my time.

Mr. MEEKS: Mr. Speaker, I yield 1\1/2\ minutes to the gentleman from Rhode Island (Mr. Cicilline), who just recently was walking the streets of Kyiv, talking to the people, listening to them, and their determination to preserve their democracy. Mr. David Cicilline.

Mr. Speaker, I yield as much time as she may consume to the gentlewoman from Indiana (Mrs. Spartz), the lead Republican on this resolution, who was born and raised in Ukraine. Her grandmother is still there and has told her the stories of Hitler and Stalin and how bad this situation is on the ground.

Mr. Speaker, I yield 2 minutes to the gentleman from New Jersey (Mr. Smith), a member of the Foreign Affairs Committee and one of the longest serving Members of Congress as well.

Mr. Speaker, I yield 1\1/2\ minutes to the gentleman from Ohio (Mr. Chabot), the ranking member on the Subcommittee on Asia, the Pacific, Central Asia, and Nonproliferation.

Mr. Speaker, I yield 1 minute to the gentleman from the great State of Texas (Mr. Pfluger), a member of the Foreign Affairs Committee.

Mr. Speaker, I reserve the balance of my time.

Mr. Speaker, I continue to reserve the balance of my time.

Mr. Speaker, I yield myself such time as I may consume.

Mr. Speaker, I thank the leader for his remarks. I think it is very important this Chamber passes this resolution unanimously to send one voice to Putin that the American people stand for the Ukrainian people and against Mr. Putin.

I think it is no coincidence--to me, it is fitting--that today is Texas Independence Day. My forefathers fought for freedom and liberty for the same purpose, from tyranny.

Since 2014, the world has watched the Ukrainian people fight to forge their own destiny in the face of violent attacks by Russia. They are facing down

Putin's missiles and tanks, risking life and limb for their freedom today.

As President Zelensky warned the Russian troops invading his country just a few days ago, as he sits in the bunker, putting his life on the line, he said: ``If they try to take our country, our freedom, our lives, the lives of our children, we will be defending ourselves. . . . As you attack, it will be our faces you see, not our backs.''

Today, we have the opportunity to honor his leadership and the bravery of the Ukrainian people, to send a strong message to these brave men and women that they are not alone, that the United States stands with them and will continue to stand with them for as long as it takes.

Mr. Speaker, again, I urge my colleagues to vote in support, and I yield back the balance of my time.

Madam Speaker, I yield myself such time as I may consume.

Madam Speaker, while missiles and machine guns rain down death on innocent Ukrainians, President Zelensky is pleading with America and all free nations to stop buying Russian oil to fund this inhumane war.

This weekend, America should know that both parties in Congress came together, worked together in agreement to immediately ban purchases of Russian energy. I was proud to have helped lead that bipartisan effort of the House Committee on Ways and Means and Senate Committee on Finance, and pleased that President Biden, who fought the Russian energy ban tooth and nail, finally relented and accepted the moral choice to stand with the people of Ukraine.

The bill before us is certainly not as strong an energy ban as what Congress crafted, nor does it include Congress' crucial economic sanctions to revoke favorable trade relations with Russia and Belarus, which would have targeted all the products America buys from Russia. But President Biden insisted that these economic sanctions be dropped so that nearly half of all Russian imports to the U.S. will go untouched. For some reason, he is insisting we treat Russia, the invader, the same as Ukraine, the invaded.

It's puzzling why Russian diamonds and vodka deserve continued special treatment here in America. Those revenues all help strengthen Russia's economy to fund the war against Ukraine. President Biden insisted, regrettably, in this bill they remain protected. Our allies will certainly get a laugh.

This bill directs our trade representative to urge other nations to revoke the special trading status for Russia, even though America refuses to do it at this time. That is not a profile in courage.

I wish our President was as committed to crippling economic sanctions as neighboring Canada, which banned both Russian oil and revoked the special trading treatment for Russian products. To be clear, neither the President's executive ban nor this bill takes any action to replace Russian oil with Made-in-America energy.

Nothing in this bill includes Republican-led proposals to extend secondary sanctions on Russian energy purchases in financing around the world--as we already impose on Iran and North Korea. Nothing in this bill creates access to more American-made energy on and offshore. Nor does it approve American pipelines that could easily replace Russian oil with U.S. and Canadian energy, or accelerate approval for delayed permits for American export facilities to help the rest of the world wean themselves from the grip of dirty Russian energy.

Answer this question: Why is our country begging Venezuela and Iran, terrorist nations and thug regimes, to produce more dirty oil to send to America when America is fully capable of producing all the cleanest oil and gas in the world that we need right here at home?

As expected, the President is blaming everyone and everything for high prices and inflation--including the war. Higher prices, as you know, have hammered Americans for a solid year, all starting with the President's $2 trillion unpaid-for COVID stimulus that ignited inflation, paid people not to work, and fueled the worst inflation in 40 years.

Thanks to the White House, America is in a dangerous wage-price spiral, and as a result of the President's failed economic leadership more and more experts are predicting a recession this year. No wonder most Americans believe our economy is already in a recession or depression and have lost faith in the President's ability to rebuild our economy.

To close, I will tell you this. The ban on Russian oil alone is worth our support. Ukraine is waiting, as Chairman Neal points out. After this bill, I urge Congress to do more: to revoke Russia's special trade status and unleash America's own ability to be energy independent, to replace Russian oil with American sources, and use our energy strength to wean the world from Russian energy.

Madam Speaker, I reserve the balance of my time.

Madam Speaker, I yield 1 minute to the gentleman from Nebraska (Mr. Smith), the Republican leader of the Trade Subcommittee.

Mr. Speaker, I yield 1 minute to the gentleman from Texas (Mr. Arrington).

Mr. Speaker, I yield 1 minute to the gentleman from Georgia (Mr. Ferguson), the chief deputy whip for the Republican Conference.

Mr. Speaker, I yield 2 minutes to the gentleman from South Carolina (Mr. Rice), the Republican leader of the Oversight and Reform Committee.

Mr. Speaker, I yield 1 minute to the gentleman from Pennsylvania (Mr. Smucker), who is a member of the Ways and Means Committee.

Mr. Speaker, I yield 1\1/4\ minutes to the gentleman from North Carolina (Mr. Murphy).

Mr. Speaker, I yield 1\1/2\ minutes to the gentleman from New Jersey (Mr. Smith), who is a longtime leader on human rights.

Mr. Speaker, I yield 1 minute to the gentleman from Texas (Mr. Cloud).

Mr. Speaker, I yield 1 minute to the gentlewoman from California (Mrs. Kim).

Mr. Speaker, I yield 1 minute to the gentleman from Georgia (Mr. Clyde).

Mr. Speaker, I will just point out, all of that was nonsense. The truth of the matter is, it was Democrat President Clinton who forced Ukraine to turn over 1,800 nuclear weapons to Russia and President Obama who stood by when Putin took over parts of Ukraine. Now, under President Biden, we stand by while he looks to invade and take over a sovereign nation.

Mr. Speaker, I yield 3 minutes to the gentleman from Louisiana (Mr. Graves).

Mr. Speaker, I yield myself such time as I may consume for the purpose of closing.

Mr. Speaker, at the appropriate time, I will offer a motion to recommit this bill to the Committee on Ways and Means.

I will also ask to have my amendment, that suspends permanent normal trade relations with Russia, included in the Record.

While there is broad agreement to stop imports of Russian energy, to stand with Ukraine, Congress does need to do more. That is what this motion does.

As we talked earlier, when we talked about amending the rule to offer American-made energy production, the idea of doing sanctions without American energy production is incomplete at best.

But when it comes to trade with Russia, we also need to take stronger steps, stronger bipartisan steps. We had a good, bipartisan agreement that stopped oil imports from Russia but also removed preferential trade on other products from Russia.

The bill we are voting on today allows about 40 percent of the total products we buy from Russia to receive preferential trade treatment. That is why we are so disappointed and puzzled about why this provision was removed from the bill, because I believe that there is sincerely broad, strong bipartisan support in Congress to remove and suspend that.

I know that Chairman Neal is committed to working together toward that goal. By not revoking PNTR, Russia enjoys the same preferential trade status and lower tariffs as all of our American allies.

Ironically, unless we change the bill, Russia will maintain the same trade status on nonenergy products, like Russian diamonds and vodka, as Ukraine, the country they invaded. That is not right by any measure. We need to be tougher together.

Congress can lead by passing this motion to recommit, which simply substitutes the bipartisan agreement we reached that both shuts down Russian oil imports and removes the preferential trade status for all of the other products we import from Russia.

America needs to lead, Congress needs to lead, to take this important bipartisan step and vote ``yes'' on the motion to recommit.

I strongly believe the effort in this bill to immediately stop purchases from Russia has support and should have support from every American, but we need to do more.

I urge my colleagues and I urge our President to stand with us with strong economic sanctions and more American-made energy to replace Russian oil.

Mr. Speaker, I yield back the balance of my time.

Mr. Speaker, I have a motion to recommit at the desk.

Mr. Speaker, on that I demand the yeas and nays.