H.Res. 1160

Mr. Speaker, I thank the gentleman from Texas for yielding me the customary 30 minutes, and I yield myself such time as I may consume.

Mr. Speaker, the world is watching. It is time for Congress to act, and act we must.

America's allies have been waiting for this Republican majority to get their act together.

People are dying in Ukraine. Democracy is on the line in Ukraine, and this Republican majority has been twiddling their thumbs.

I am glad my friends have finally come to realize the gravity of the situation and the urgency of getting this aid to our allies.

What have Republicans done? Nothing. No action to help our allies. It is all delay, distract, deny, and blame Joe Biden.

Ukrainians are fighting for democracy--theirs and ours--and they have been set back as a result of Republican extremism. They have suffered because of Republican inaction.

I will remind my friends that Ukrainians didn't choose this war. It chose them.

Two years ago, when Putin illegally crossed the border and invaded, he was banking on the United States and our allies growing weary. He was hoping we would give up. He was hoping we would do nothing. He was betting we would abandon our friends and our internal divisions would leave us in disarray, at odds with one another.

I hope Putin is wrong, Mr. Speaker, because after 2 years of unrelenting war, Ukrainians are still willing to hold the line.

I visited Ukraine with former Speaker Pelosi shortly after Putin attacked them, and we learned about the particularly cruel nature in which Putin has been fighting this war. If you care about human rights, you have to care about what is happening in Ukraine. That is what this is all about.

Ukrainians are still ready to defend their democracy, but they cannot continue to do so without our support.

I won't sugarcoat it here. Ukraine's defense of democracy has suffered because there is a faction here in this House, a MAGA minority, that doesn't want to compromise. They don't want to take this vote because they are afraid of what the outcome might be--not that it will fail, but that it will succeed.

That argument might hold sway in the Kremlin, Mr. Speaker, but this is the United States. We are the people's House, an institution designed to reflect the will of the majority.

Today, the majority's voice is being heard here on the House floor-- not a majority of one State, one party, or one faction, but a majority that wants to help Ukraine hold the line, a majority that says bring these bills to the floor for an up-or-down vote.

Democrats are providing the votes necessary to advance this legislation to the floor because, at the end of the day, so much more is at stake here than petty partisan brinkmanship.

Putin is looking to rebuild the Soviet Union, and mark my words, he will not stop at Ukraine. Anybody who thinks that is delusional.

If the world doesn't help them defend their democracy, this war will not end. It will grow.

Mr. Speaker, I don't agree with everything in this package. I have deep, deep problems about the unconditional aid to Israel. I was among the first calling for a cease-fire, and I still call for a cease-fire. I have demanded more humanitarian aid for civilians in Gaza, and I will continue to do so. I have called for a two-state solution. I believe Prime Minister Netanyahu is putting Israel on a path that, quite frankly, undermines his own country's security. I am outraged by his cruelty and inhumanity toward the people of Gaza and the West Bank.

There is no justification for that. There is none. Israel has a right to defend itself--nobody questions that--but what is happening now, I believe, is outrageous and unconscionable.

We will have separate debates, and we will have separate votes on all of these bills, and people can decide where they want to be.

Quite frankly, some Republicans wanted a different path. They wanted to extort this rule for a campaign ad on border security for Donald Trump. We almost had no Ukraine aid because that is what some of my Republican friends wanted and advocated for. They advocated for a bill with no humanitarian aid for anybody who is suffering--not just in Gaza, but also in Ukraine and other parts of the world--and they wanted all this kind of ugly border security language attached to this measure.

There is a lot at stake at this moment, and we are all supposed to be grownups. We should act like it. Let's proceed in a way that allows everyone to vote their conscience.

Mr. Speaker, I reserve the balance of my time.

Mr. Speaker, I yield 2 minutes to the distinguished gentleman from Texas (Mr. Doggett), a champion for human rights.

Mr. Speaker, I yield 3 minutes to the distinguished gentlewoman from New Mexico (Ms. Leger Fernandez), a valued member of the Rules Committee.

Wow, Mr. Speaker, I guess the gentleman from Texas is unaware of the fact that there was a bipartisan border security deal that was agreed to that, unfortunately, House Republicans and Trump decided to kill.

I ask unanimous consent to insert in the Record an Axios article titled: ``Trump, House Republicans plot to kill border deal.''

Mr. Speaker, I am prepared to close, and I yield myself the balance of my time to do so.

Mr. Speaker, the Democrats have had to make some tough decisions about how to vote on this rule, and let me tell you why I voted to support it last night. I have disagreements with many aspects of the various pieces of legislation that will come before us, and there are some of these pieces that I will vote against.

Again, there will be separate votes, and there will be separate debates, but as we learned last night in the Rules Committee, the alternative that some of my Republican friends were pushing to this approach was an Israel-only package with no humanitarian aid, not just for the people of Gaza, but for any suffering people that the aid would benefit and some really ugly border provisions, which I found unconscionable and some other bad stuff as well.

Democrats, once again, will be the adults in the room, and I am so glad Republicans finally realized the gravity of the situation and the urgency with which we must act. But guess what, Mr. Speaker? You don't get an award around here for simply doing your damn job. President Biden told us last year, 6 months ago--over 6 months ago--that this was urgent and important, that Ukraine needed us, that Putin was not going to stop, that the war against Ukrainians was particularly vicious. Every major human rights organization in the world has told us the impact of Russia's attack against Ukraine.

The Senate voted months ago. The Senate can barely agree on what to have for lunch, and they voted months ago. What did the House do? What did my House Republican friends do? They did nothing. There was no action to help our allies. It is all delay, distract, deny and blame Joe Biden. I would just say to my colleagues, look at what MAGA extremism has gotten you; nothing. It has gotten you nothing, not a damn thing.

In fact, it has empowered Democrats. At every critical juncture in this Congress, it has been Democrats who have been the ones to stand up for our country and do the right thing for the American people. Democrats ensured the U.S. didn't default on its debt last year in case anybody forgot. Democrats supplied votes to keep the government running in September of last year, in November of last year, and in March of this year. Democrats supplied the votes to pass the National Defense Authorization Act. Democrats supplied the votes for the tax relief bill that passed earlier this year. Democrats have done the job that Republicans have refused to do.

Again, we have different priorities, and I think, based on what I have heard in this last Congress, different values. We don't even agree on a lot of what has come before the full House. Democrats have done the job that Republicans have refused to do. We don't want an award for it. We don't want a trophy for showing up to work. All we want is for Republicans to do their job, stop blaming Joe Biden for their own incompetence, and work with our side to find common ground. We are in a divided government. A Democrat is President, we have a Democratic controlled Senate, and we have a narrow Republican majority in the House. Nobody is going to get everything they want. We have to work together. We have to compromise.

I hope today's vote loosens the grip that MAGA extremism has on this body, and especially when it comes to supporting our allies. You know, the Rules Committee is the committee that has been known as the traffic cop of Congress. Every bill of consequence comes through the Rules Committee. I mean, we set the bills for debate on the House floor.

The last bill that the Rules Committee reported that actually became law was almost 10 months ago. All the other bills that we have sent that made it over to the White House and become law had to be brought up under different processes and procedures. I mean, let that sink in. Something is not working here. You either want to be a body that is constructive and that gets stuff done, or you just want to be a party that just obstructs everything and gets nothing done, because at the end of the day, there is nothing to show for all the yelling and screaming and finger-pointing that we see on a regular basis on this House floor.

My friends have to choose. History is going to judge them by how they answer one simple question: Are they going to work together with Democrats; in this case, stand with our allies and stand for America, or are they gonna throw in their lot with MAGA Trump and Putin? We are living in very uncertain times, Mr. Speaker, and people around the world are counting on this country to stand up and lead.

People in Ukraine, people in Taiwan, people in Gaza, people in Israel--you know, the eyes of the world are on this body. There are a lot of things in this package I disagree with. And in my opening statement, I talked about my concern about the unconcerned aid package to Israel. My concern is that Netanyahu's government is not moving in a direction that, quite frankly, is a direction that I think will lead to more security for Israel; it is exactly the opposite. I worry that what he is doing is, quite frankly, a violation of the human rights of so many innocent people in Gaza and in the West Bank.

I was hoping that they would pursue a different pathway. Instead, we now hear that he wants to go into Rafah. There is a famine happening in Gaza. People are starving to death. Aid is being frustrated from getting there, food medicine, important supplies. People are dying. Surely we should all care about that. We should be able to advocate for Israel's security but also advocate for the people of Gaza, children of Gaza, senior citizens. People are just trying to get on with their lives.

Notwithstanding the fact that we may have disagreements--and some of my Republican friends obviously disagree whether we should be helping Ukraine or not. I disagree with you, fine, but we have a process that you will be able to vote on all of these things separately, and you will be able to make your views clear. I have got to tell you, you know, you don't have to

agree on everything to agree on something. We ought to agree that these issues are important enough to debate and to have up or down votes on.

The people who are advocating that we do nothing, you know, or that we--you know, that we attach things to this bill that will guarantee that it goes nowhere in the Senate, and therefore, we help nobody, I don't understand why you are even here quite frankly. We need to move this process forward.

The House has to function. As we have seen, under Republican control, that only happens when Democrats are the adults in the room. I say that not to be partisan. I say that because that is what has been happening. I gave you a list of things that needed to be done, you know, not just in terms of helping our allies, but in terms of saving our economy, that could not have been done unless Democrats stood up and behaved like adults.

Mr. Speaker, this should have been dealt with a long time ago, months ago, but here we are. Here we are.

Mr. Speaker, I hope that as we proceed, we have rational and thoughtful debate, knowing that we will have disagreements and knowing that some of us will have different ideas on how we should proceed forward.

This is the United States House of Representatives. We are supposed to debate issues. We are supposed to vote on things. Unfortunately, this has become a place where trivial issues get debated passionately and important ones not at all.

Well, these are important issues that are in this bill. Some of them I agree with; some of them I don't agree with. Let's debate them, let's vote on them, and then let's move on.

Mr. Speaker, I yield back the balance of my time.

Mr. Speaker, I ask unanimous consent that all Members have 5 legislative days to revise and extend their remarks and include extraneous materials on H.R. 8035.

Madam Chair, I yield myself such time as I may consume.

Madam Chair, I rise in support of H.R. 8035, the Ukraine Security Supplemental Appropriations Act, as well as the other two national security supplemental bills and a fourth bill that is full of strong conservative policy priorities.

As we stand here today, a strategic military troika of evil sits over the horizon marching toward the destruction of the values that we and our democratic allies hold so dear.

We can either turn our heads away and hope to appease this great evil, or we can stand with our allies and confront this nefarious scourge.

History has taught us that appeasement does not work. It was attempted not that long ago through the failed Obama-Clinton reset with the Communist KGB thug, Putin. That administration believed that Putin could be satiated with Georgia and Crimea.

They were wrong, and today Putin's appetite has only grown. Now he wants all of Ukraine, tomorrow Moldova, the Baltics, and Poland?

Madam Chair, history repeats itself. I am reminded that in 1947, Congress provided military and economic support for Greece and Turkiye, keeping them out of the hands of the Soviet Union.

Today, this Congress has the chance to do the same by supporting these bills that confront the troika, and fully fund our security commitments to support Israel, Taiwan, and Ukraine, which are confronting existential challenges to their very existence.

The only way to stand up to Putin and others like him, in the words of Ronald Reagan, is peace through strength. That is why every Member voting ``yes'' on these bills is standing for today.

This bill supports that principle, two-thirds of which will be spent here at home to investments in the U.S. defense industrial base and replenishing our military equipment.

The supplemental also provides critical security assistance to help ensure that Ukraine has the training and

weapons it needs to stop Putin, such as additional artillery rounds and air defense systems.

Please take note of this, Madam Chair. This bill requires a clear strategy from the administration that defines and prioritizes U.S. national security interests in Ukraine.

It also includes unprecedented oversight and accountability requirements, including robust funding for our Inspectors General and end use monitoring of U.S. defense transfers.

Also, economic assistance to Ukraine is subject to extensive burden sharing and transparency requirements, including unprecedented cost matching by our European and other allies.

Madam Chair, in addition, for the first time ever, this bill requires that the funding we provide to Ukraine for economic assistance be subjected to repayment to the United States of America.

In sum, Madam Chairwoman, this is a critical bill that directly supports the national security interests of the United States. I urge a strong ``yes'' vote, and I reserve the balance of my time.

Madam Chair, I yield 1 minute to the gentleman from Ohio (Mr. Turner), the chairman of the Permanent Select Committee on Intelligence.

Madam Chair, I yield 1 minute to the gentleman from North Carolina (Mr. Edwards), who is a member of the Appropriations Committee.

Mr. Chair, I yield 1 minute to the gentleman from Florida (Mr. Waltz).

Mr. Chair, I yield 1 minute to the gentleman from Alabama (Mr. Rogers), the chairman of the Armed Services Committee.

Mr. Chair, I yield 1 minute to the gentleman from Texas (Mr. Self).

Mr. Chair, I yield 1 minute to the gentleman from Nebraska (Mr. Flood).

Mr. Chairman, I yield 1 minute to the gentleman from Florida (Mr. Gimenez).

Mr. Chairman, I yield myself the balance of my time to close.

Mr. Chairman, we may be nearing a dangerous inflection point in this war. If the thug Putin were to win, it would be a disaster for our national security; frankly, on par with the Biden administration's chaotic withdrawal from Afghanistan.

Imagine how this outcome would embolden Russia's key strategic ally, Communist China, to undertake military coercion and aggression against Taiwan and the fateful consequences that would stem from that.

I remind my colleagues that appeasement never works. Harry Truman and Ronald Reagan both understood, as President Reagan said: ``We know only too well that war comes not when the forces of freedom are strong, but when they are weak. It is then that tyrants are tempted.''

It is time to be resolute. Let's heed the lessons of history and support this bill.

Finally, I thank Speaker Johnson for his principled leadership and his fortitude in moving forward with this bill. In the face of daunting obstacles, his resolve is a testament to his strength of character.

I also thank Chairman Cole and Ranking Member DeLauro for their leadership on this bill. I urge a strong ``yes'' vote.

Mr. Chair, I yield back the balance of my time.

Mr. Chair, I claim the time in opposition.

Mr. Chair, I rise in opposition to this amendment from one of the people I most admire, a dear friend and colleague from Florida.

This is clearly a well-intended amendment. Frankly, when I was listening to her presentation, there were so many things I agreed with in what she said, but it would strike all funding in the bill, except for the foreign military financing.

As I mentioned, there are so many things I agreed with in what she said. I agree, for example, that over time the United States must focus our efforts on intelligence and essential military support. I totally agree with that.

She also talked about how we need to narrow the scope. I would argue that, unfortunately, the amendment needs to be narrowed a bit. It should have been narrowed a bit because it would be really counterproductive the way it is written at this time. Let me, respectfully, explain why.

First, the amendment would zero out funding to keep U.S. personnel in our Embassy in Ukraine safe. I don't think that is something that we should be doing right now.

Also, the funding to enhance the U.S. Government's presence in order to conduct oversight, which is something that I have been clamoring for, that a lot of us have been clamoring for, begging and pleading and working for, this would eliminate that, as well. By the way, it would also eliminate funding for the oversight of the military portion of the assistance.

Secondly, it would eliminate funding for the State Department's and USAID's inspectors general from whom we require unprecedented oversight plans. Obviously, we need to give them the resources for this critical work because we have to have oversight.

That is something that I know, at least on my side of the aisle, we all agree on, regardless of what you believe our role should be in Ukraine. Again, unfortunately, as I mentioned, this would eliminate the funding for that.

Third, it would also eliminate the funding for investigations of Russian war crimes in Ukraine, as well as assistance to help secure Ukrainian nuclear facilities. We have seen those in the news under threat by the Russians. Also, it eliminates funds for potential clearance of Russian mines.

Finally, it would eliminate economic support for Ukraine, and that is something that the sponsor of this amendment is really focused on. I would argue even there that this is essential at this moment right now.

Look, it is pretty clear that Putin has been targeting farmlands, infrastructure, energy infrastructure, road infrastructure, and Ukraine's industrial base.

By the way, he is doing that for a reason. You see, crippling Ukraine's economy, and Putin knows this, has a direct impact on Ukraine's ability to stop Putin.

As chairman of the State, Foreign Operations, and Related Programs Subcommittee, I can assure you that not only do I understand the sponsor of this amendment's frustration, but I get it and share it. That is why, again, we need to have the language that is currently in the bill.

I understand her concern and frustration because of the lack of transparency and strategy on the funding that has already been provided. That is why this is very clear. That is why this legislation includes many of the critical oversight and burden-sharing priorities that I am very proud originated in the FY24 State-Foreign Operations bill. These include unprecedented cost matching requirements so that other donors step up. They must step up. The bill imposes layers and layers of conditions on the funding, including for in-person monitoring, for example.

This bill requires--I know, a novel concept--a strategy that must be developed and submitted so that Congress can evaluate the execution of aid and its alignment with U.S. national security interests.

Another significant change, by the way, from the Senate supplemental is a requirement in this bill that the economic support to Ukraine be repaid, transforming assistance from a grant to a loan.

I am so grateful to the sponsor of this amendment for her work. I appreciate the intent of this amendment,

but we cannot afford to shortchange our oversight funding, our diplomatic security funding, and other strategic priorities.

Mr. Chair, for those reasons, with, again, great admiration and respect for the sponsor of this amendment, I must urge a ``no'' vote on this amendment.

Mr. Chair, I yield back the balance of my time.

Mr. Chair, I move that the Committee do now rise.

Mr. Speaker, by direction of the Committee on Rules, I call up House Resolution 1160 and ask for its immediate consideration.

Mr. Speaker, for the purpose of debate only, I yield the customary 30 minutes to the gentleman from Massachusetts (Mr. McGovern), pending which I yield myself such time as I may consume. During consideration of this resolution, all time yielded is for the purpose of debate only.

General Leave

Mr. Speaker, I ask unanimous consent that all Members may have 5 legislative days in which to revise and extend their remarks.

Mr. Speaker, I yield myself such time as I may consume.

Mr. Speaker, late last night, the Rules Committee met and reported a rule, House Resolution 1160, providing for consideration of four measures: H.R. 8034, the Israel Security Supplemental Appropriations Act, under a closed rule; H.R. 8036, the Indo-Pacific Security Supplemental Appropriations Act, under a structured rule; H.R. 8035, the Ukraine Security Supplemental Appropriations Act, 2024, under a structured rule; and H.R. 8038, the 21st Century Peace through Strength Act, under a structured rule.

The rule further provides that after the House's consideration of these measures, the Senate will be quickly able to move to consideration of the legislation that we pass.

Mr. Speaker, today, it is important that we support the underlying rule and the underlying legislation. Specifically, I rise in support of our allies after the attack on Israel by Iran 10 days ago. That unprecedented attack has reaffirmed the need for strong American leadership and support for our allies abroad, especially Israel and now our allies in the Indo-Pacific.

I am well aware there have been concerns in our Conference and really on both sides of the House about the southern border and national debt.

As a Member from Texas, as a member of the Budget Committee, I fully understand these concerns and share all of them, but the requirement for America to insert itself as the leader of the free world is not optional. It is not a requirement we can put on pause.

Israel has been attacked. China talks menacingly about reunification with Taiwan. Ukraine is in crisis and is in need of our help to survive Russian aggression.

Now, I would say to the President that this legislation on the floor today perhaps could have been facilitated by some leadership from the executive branch, but despite the circumstances that brought us here, we stand before the House to support our allies and reaffirm America's leadership on the world stage.

H.R. 8034, the Israel Security Supplemental Appropriations Act, will provide much-needed material support to the Jewish state as it faces twin threats from Hamas and the Islamic Republic of Iran. This includes $4 billion to replenish Israel's Iron Dome and over a billion dollars for the Iron Beam defense system.

H.R. 8036, the Indo-Pacific Security Supplemental Appropriations Act, 2024, will work to counter the Chinese Communist Party and create a strong deterrence in the region.

H.R. 8035, the Ukraine Security Supplemental Appropriations Act, will assist Ukraine as they counter Russian aggression.

Of the latter, all financial assistance to the Ukrainian Government is converted into a loan, ensuring that the Ukrainian Government is held accountable to the American people.

Mr. Speaker, there is no doubt that our failure in Afghanistan was the spark in the tinderbox that led to the subsequent invasion of Ukraine in 2022.

That conflict had been smoldering for a long time, certainly at least since 2014 and two previous administrations. Had the administration in 2014, as well as the current administration, had more foresight to provide aid and arms to Ukraine before February 2022, there might have been a different set of circumstances that we were contemplating today, and there might have been a more swift resolution to this conflict, with the saving of untold lives.

Mr. Speaker, I stand with my colleagues requesting more information from the administration. The American people deserve answers about how previous funding has been used. They deserve answers about what the long-term goals by the administration are to resolve this conflict.

I welcome more oversight. I welcome additional information from the administration and will continue to push its accountability. Today, we are at an inflection point, and the longer we wait, the more expensive any solution to this conflict will become, both in terms of dollars and lives.

Lack of aid now could cost us much more dearly later, and I don't want that to become a reality. I would hope my colleagues on both sides of the aisle feel the same.

Mr. Speaker, I urge passage of the rule. I urge passage of the underlying legislation. I reserve the balance of my time.

Mr. Speaker, I yield 4 minutes to the gentleman from Oklahoma (Mr. Cole), the chairman of the Committee on Appropriations.

Mr. Speaker, I yield 2 minutes to the gentleman from Kentucky (Mr. Massie), a valuable member of the Committee on Rules.

Mr. Speaker, I yield 2 minutes to the gentleman from Texas (Mr. Roy), another valuable member of the Rules Committee.

Mr. Speaker, I yield 3 minutes to the gentleman from Kentucky (Mr. Barr) from the Financial Services Committee.

Mr. Speaker, I yield an additional 1 minute to the gentleman from Kentucky.

Mr. Speaker, I would just ask if the gentleman from Massachusetts has additional speakers. If not, I am prepared to close, and I reserve the balance of my time.

Mr. Speaker, I yield myself the balance of my time.

Mr. Speaker, our adversaries, notably Russia, China, and Iran, are watching to see how we will respond. Our reaction to these crises will determine how they will choose to proceed. An important difference between this package of bills today and the previously passed Senate supplemental is the addition of the 21st Century Peace through Strength Act. The legislation is important as it includes sanctions and policies that counter our adversaries through the inclusion of the REPO Act, the removal of our payment for foreign pensions, and requiring the administration to provide a game plan in Ukraine, something that many of us have been asking for, for some time.

Ronald Reagan told us peace comes through strength. By failing to act now, it will signal the opposite of strength. It will invite future aggression, as failure to act has done so often in the past.

Mr. Speaker, I also feel obligated to point out that this Congress has had two votes on providing aid to Israel. One occurred in October, right after Speaker Johnson was elected. Indeed, it was one of his highest priorities. I thought that aid package was responsibly offset through cuts to other Federal agencies here. Senator Schumer didn't see it that way and said we have never conditioned aid to Israel with anything, so there can be no offset, that it can't be paid for.

In the House, in February of this year, I think it was Mr. Calvert of California who introduced a bill to provide the same aid to Israel without the offset. It was blocked, this time by people on my side.

The Speaker said, okay, let's bring it up under suspension, and maybe we can get agreement between Members on both sides. In fact, under suspension, the two-thirds majority required was not achieved, so that bill failed in February, as well.

Had any one of those bills passed, we might not be here today because we all know 1 week--10 days ago--Iran attacked Israel, the missiles and drones originating from Iranian soil, the first time that has ever happened, and the crisis advanced.

Yes, we did have an opportunity to provide that aid to Israel. It might not have been what my friend from Massachusetts would have wanted, but at the same time, we had the opportunity to provide that.

Unfortunately, now, even members of my committee are upset with where we are today, but we had the opportunity to sort of head off all of this by simply passing that aid package last February, and we wouldn't do it.

What happens if we don't do this today? Does it get better or worse for us down the road? Nobody knows the answer to that, but history tells us it is very likely to get worse.

We have two votes now, Mr. Speaker, on Israeli aid. On both counts, I think most of us in this body want to see that pass.

I will stress again that weakness invites aggression, and we cannot allow our allies in the Middle East, the Indo-Pacific, and Ukraine to be abandoned. By doing so, we will not prevent future aggression but will invite it.

Today, we have an opportunity to deliver critical aid to our allies, and I believe it is appropriate to do so.

Mr. Speaker, I yield back the balance of my time, and I move the previous question on the resolution.

The previous question was ordered.

Mr. Speaker, on that I demand the yeas and nays.

Madam Speaker, I ask unanimous consent that all Members may have 5 legislative days to revise and extend their remarks and include extraneous material on H.R. 8038.

Madam Chair, I yield myself such time as I may consume.

Madam Chair, the most serious matters that any committee deals with are matters of war and peace. It is those votes that are the most consequential votes of your career.

This is one of those moments. As Secretary Pompeo and General Keane recently wrote in a letter to Congress: `` . . . we write at a pivotal moment in our Nation's history to applaud your efforts to secure vital support to America's allies and to strengthen America's defenses.''

They know that the world is on fire, from Putin's full-scale invasion of Ukraine; to Chairman Xi threatening Taiwan and the Pacific; to the Ayatollah rearing his ugly head, invading Israel through his proxies.

The eyes of the world are upon us, and history will judge us by what we do here and now.

I thank Speaker Johnson, who has been under enormous pressure. He has said he wants to be on the right side of history, and with this vote today, he absolutely is. He put the interests of the Nation above himself. He is truly a profile in courage.

President Reagan taught us that peace is achieved through strength, and that is what this bill is about. It is about providing the deterrence so we don't have another war as we did during my father's generation, and that is why I titled it, ``The 21st Century Peace Through Strength Act.''

This bill includes my REPO Act that allows the transfer of frozen Russian sovereign assets in the United States so that Putin pays for the war he started. This is not just morally the right thing to do, it is also the fiscally responsible thing to do on behalf of the American taxpayer. Let Putin pay for it.

That is why President Trump's former economic advisor, Larry Kudlow, supports this provision.

This bill also protects Americans, especially our children, from the malign influence of the Chinese Communist Party-controlled TikTok. This app is a spy balloon in Americans' phones. It is a modern-day Trojan horse of the CCP used to surveil and exploit Americans' personal information.

This bill also includes the most comprehensive sanctions against Iran that Congress has ever passed, including sanctions on exports of Iranian energy. China has bought $80 billion worth of energy from Iran. Madam Chair, that is money that Iran is using to fund terror operations like the ones that we saw last weekend. This bill also imposes sanctions on anyone involved in Iran's drone and missile program.

Think about this, Madam Chair: Iran makes the drones and the missiles that are bought by Russia to kill Ukrainians. As we saw last Saturday, Iran is also manufacturing these drones, with Russia's support, to kill Israelis. This must be stopped.

As Reagan said: ``When it comes to keeping America strong, when it comes to keeping America great, when it comes to keeping America at peace, then none of us can afford to be simply a Democrat or a Republican. We must all stand united as Americans.''

Once again today, we need to speak with one voice, as one Nation, especially when addressing our adversaries, for Putin is watching us, Chairman Xi is watching us, and the Ayatollah is watching us.

Now is the time to act.

Madam Chair, I reserve the balance of my time.

Madam Chair, I yield 1 minute to the gentleman from Arkansas (Mr. Hill), a member of the Foreign Affairs Committee.

Madam Chair, I yield 1 minute to the gentleman from New Jersey (Mr. Kean), the chairman of the Europe Subcommittee.

Madam Chair, I yield 1 minute to the gentleman from New York (Mr. Lawler), a member of the Foreign Affairs Committee.

Madam Chair, I yield an additional 15 seconds to the gentleman from New York.

Madam Chair, I have no further speakers, and I reserve the balance of my time.

Madam Chair, in the late 1930s, Winston Churchill described what he saw as the gathering storm, the forces of Hitler and the axis of evil threatening freedom and democracy.

I recall when Mr. Meeks and I were on the border between Poland and Ukraine watching thousands of mothers and their children fleeing their own country in fear after the invasion. The Poles told us: This is just like 1939 when Hitler invaded Poland.

Today, we are at a similar inflection point in history. The fall of Afghanistan sent a powerfully dangerous message to our adversaries that America was weak. Almost immediately after, the Russian Federation began moving toward Ukraine.

Once Chairman Xi met with Putin at the Olympics and cemented their unholy alliance, they invaded. Chairman Xi has become more aggressive in the Pacific; and mark my words, Xi is watching what happens in Ukraine to determine whether he invades Taiwan in the Pacific.

Then the Ayatollah raised his ugly head in the Middle East. Last Saturday, the world watched as Iran for the first time in history invaded Israel, sending 300 missiles and drones to kill innocent Israelis.

These dictators, including North Korea, are all tied together. They are all tied together. We cannot separate them. We don't pick and choose our enemies; they choose us.

My father served as a bombardier in World War II. He was part of the Greatest Generation. I recently took my son to the air base in England where my father was stationed. While there, we visited the church where my father prayed, not knowing if he would live or die.

I took my son to the national cemetery for the U.S. airmen who never made it home, and I pointed to the 4,000 crosses and said: Son, those are the ones who did not make it home. In the chapel there is inscribed on the ceiling:

In honor of the airmen who on their last flight met the

face of God.

Met the face of God.

It was a moving experience, father and son, teaching my son, like my father taught me, about the importance of patriotism and the cost of freedom. It was also a reminder of the dangers that we face today, for today like then, it could have been prevented. Deterrence is the key.

As Churchill wrote in his book, ``The Gathering Storm:''

``One day, President Roosevelt told me that he was asking publicly for suggestions about what the war should be called. I said at once, `The Unnecessary War.' ''

Think about that, the unnecessary war. He said: ``There never was a war more easy to stop than that which has just wrecked what was left of the world from the previous struggle.''

I often think about the blood and treasure that could have been saved from my father's generation had we simply stopped Hitler earlier. Now we are faced with a similar opportunity.

As Ronald Reagan told us: ``We know only too well that war comes not when the forces of freedom are strong, but when they are weak.''

He was right. Our adversaries are working together to undermine our Western values and demean our democracy. We cannot be afraid at this moment in time. We cannot be afraid of our shadows. We must be strong. We have to do what is right. Evil is on the march.

History is calling, and now is the time to act, for the world is watching. Our adversaries are watching us here today, and history will judge us all by our actions here today and now.

As we deliberate on this vote, you have to ask yourself the question: Am I Chamberlain or am I Churchill?

Madam Chair, I yield back the balance of my time.

Madam Chair, I support this amendment. I believe it will greatly enhance the Department of Defense's China Military Power Report by increasing our understanding of China's critical and emerging technology sector, which is a central feature of the great power competition that we have with China.

I thank the gentleman for bringing this amendment.

Madam Chair, I thank the gentleman from Iowa for this amendment, and I support this amendment. It enhances congressional oversight as he talked about. Under Article I, we have a responsibility over restricted Iranian assets and accounts, including those in Qatar and Iraq.

For too long, this administration has not been transparent with the Congress and the American people about sanctions and the like in reporting that to Congress, so I think this is a good step forward.

Madam Chair, I move that the Committee do now rise.

Madam Chair, I yield myself such time as I may consume.

Madam Chair, this is indeed a historic moment. Sometimes when we are living history, as we are today, we don't understand the significance of the actions, of the votes that we make on this House floor, and of the effect that it will have down the road for children yet unborn. This is a historic moment.

Yesterday, one of the rarest things that has ever happened on this floor took place. Generally, in this body, it takes the majority party to pass its rule, and the minority party never votes for it. However, this moment is so big that House Democrats said: We are not playing politics with this. This is too important for our Nation's security. This is too important for our allies' security. This is too important for the free world's security.

Therefore, we did something that we have never done before. We voted in a bipartisan way to pass the rule to get these bills on the floor. Quite frankly, I would have loved to have done this 2, 3, 4 months ago. However, this is a historic moment. Ukraine is now on the brink. The humanitarian catastrophes in Gaza and Sudan and Haiti and elsewhere require immediate aid.

Israel faced an unprecedented, direct attack from Iran less than 1 week ago, and we need to rebuild our industrial base and support a free and open Indo-Pacific.

We stand here today, finally, doing the people's work; doing, as I said just a few minutes ago, what we should have done months ago-- supporting our friends, supporting our allies around the world, and quieting the doubts about whether America is a reliable partner or not; whether the United States will continue leading on the world stage or not. I am so proud of President Biden because he has displayed that leadership time and time again.

Now, today, we have a number of bills that we need to pass for our national security. On REPO, pertaining to the seizure of Russian sovereign assets, there is no doubt that Russia should pay for its crimes against humanity in Ukraine, as Vice President Harris has termed it. This bill, importantly, irons out legal questions that make sure that the United States does not act alone, but rather in coordination with our G7 and other partners, and we have seen President Biden pull them together immediately. Coordinating with our allies on this issue is important, not just for our standing as a paragon of the rule of law, but for our long-term economic interests.

There is an array of Middle East sanction bills included in this package, including several we voted on this week.

Importantly, the majority agreed to add a humanitarian exception in three of those bills. I had been requesting that for a while. Fortunately and thankfully, we got it in now.

I hope that, going forward, including these exceptions is a matter of course rather than something added via last-second negotiation, but I thank my friend, Chairman McCaul, for the good-faith negotiations on the Middle East section of this legislation.

The Foreign Affairs Committee sanctions section is not perfect, but it does provide important humanitarian exceptions and waivers throughout the bill. Given the focus on the REPO bill the last few days, I will highlight that a key authority in the bill is permissive.

I do not think that a sanction should be the opening salvo of diplomacy. Many may have heard me talking about how I believe in diplomacy so strongly, but sanctions are an important instrument of economic statecraft that can, on occasion, deter bad actors, curb human rights abuses, and promote diplomatic outcomes. I believe we lose our moral credibility if American sanctions are seen as causing indiscriminate deprivation, and we lose our policy flexibility if we tie the executive branch's hands instead of giving it useful tools.

Yet, it is important that would-be invaders and dictators around the world

see they will face real consequences if they undermine the international order.

This legislation also contains several bills in the Financial Services and Energy and Commerce lanes. Important changes were made to these bills.

I had voted against H.R. 7521 on the floor out of concern that it would be a broad authorization that could be misused far beyond what we in Washington are currently debating, beyond just TikTok. However, I think the bill took a step in the right direction with a more realistic timeframe for a complex divestiture process.

Let me say for the record that I believe this bill is about one company and that additional authorities provided to the executive branch are to be interpreted narrowly.

Let me also take a moment to speak to those who oppose this legislation and say we can't support Ukraine in its fight against Russia's invasion because, to use their words, we are facing an invasion here at home. That is an absurd comparison.

Vladimir Putin invaded Ukraine because he wanted to topple the democratically elected Government of Ukraine and reconstitute the Soviet Union. He launched his unprovoked war of aggression with a willingness to kill millions of Ukrainians, not to mention his own forces.

By contrast, people come to our border because of the tumult in their home countries or in search of a better life for themselves and their children. They do so because this is the greatest Nation, the greatest country, in the history of this planet.

With all of our ills, with all of our faults, with all that we need to do, we come together. There is no question that the example that we show, by the people and the citizens of this great country, it is the greatest Nation on this planet.

Today, once again, on this House floor, where we are right now, we are proving that fact by overcoming, by proving that this is the greatest country in the world, and by proving that we are the leaders of the free world. We are doing this by overcoming our partisan divides, by showing that we will work together and stand together, Democrats and Republicans, for the right thing and for our country.

We are passing a historic bill, a bill that our children and grandchildren will be reading and looking at in the years to come. It promotes not just U.S. national security but the security of democracy over authoritarianism, law over lawlessness, and prosperity over chaos or famine.

Madam Chair, the camera of history is rolling, and when they play it back, they will see we stood together. When they play it back, they will see that we stood for freedom, justice, and equality.

Madam Chair, I reserve the balance of my time.

Madam Chair, I yield 2 minutes to the gentleman from Virginia (Mr. Connolly), a member of the House Foreign Affairs Committee.

Madam Chair, I yield 2 minutes to the gentleman from Texas (Mr. Castro), the ranking member of the Foreign Affairs Subcommittee on the Western Hemisphere.

Madam Chair, may I inquire how much time I have remaining.

Madam Chair, I yield 1 minute to the gentleman from New Jersey (Mr. Pallone).

Madam Chair, I yield the remainder of my time to the gentleman from Illinois (Mr. Krishnamoorthi), the ranking member

on the Select Committee on the Strategic Competition Between the United States and the Chinese Communist Party.

Madam Chair, I yield back the balance of my time.

Madam Chair, I claim the time in opposition to this amendment.

Madam Chair, the Treasury opposes this amendment because they believe the reporting time is so short, and the requirements are so onerous. They believe it is so onerous that they will have to pull people away from doing the important work on finding illicit actors that should be sanctioned and make them work on this report.

There are also concerns about business confidentiality here. I am guessing, if there were more time, we could make changes in this bill. We could work together to make it more workable and strike a deal here. But given that this is an up-or-down vote on the floor for an amendment now, I must oppose.

Madam Chair, I yield back the balance of my time.

Madam Chair, I demand a recorded vote.