Second Chance for Moms Act

Mr. Speaker, I ask unanimous consent that all Members may have 5 legislative days in which to revise and extend their remarks and include extraneous material on the topic of this Special Order.

Mr. Speaker, 3 years ago today, the infamous holding of Roe v. Wade and Planned Parenthood v. Casey were reversed by the Dobbs decision, brilliantly written by Justice Samuel Alito, who hails from my State and from my home county, joined by the majority of the Supreme Court.

They said this: ``The Constitution does not confer a right to abortion . . .''

They went on to say: ``. . . the authority to regulate abortion is returned to the people and their elected representatives.''

A new national debate on abortion began 3 years ago. While there will be setbacks along the way, every human rights struggle has them. I believe that growing numbers of Americans are finally recognizing the cheap sophistry, the megadeception, and the culture of denial that devalues and disrespects unborn baby girls and unborn baby boys and trivializes the harm suffered by women.

The comprehensive 2025 nationwide Marist Poll found that Americans are against taxpayer-funded abortion, both at home and overseas in our foreign aid; strongly support pregnancy care centers, I mean very strongly support them; and want significant restrictions on abortion.

A large number of elected representatives have passed pro-life laws to protect unborn children, including the State of Texas; and when a heartbeat can be detected at around 6 weeks in States like Florida, Georgia, Iowa, and South Carolina; or when the child suffers excruciating physical pain, as we know they do, from the abortion procedure, particularly as the child is being dismembered. That is a procedure used to kill these children at about 12 to 15 weeks. To date, 24 States have enacted pro-life laws to protect unborn children and women from the violence of abortion.

Meanwhile, I am happy to say there are more than 2,700 pregnancy care centers throughout the United States, each and every one of them an oasis of love, compassion, empathy, respect, and care for both mothers and their precious children.

Abortion extremists in several States, on the other hand, including in my own State of New Jersey, have enacted anti-child laws that legally authorize killing unborn babies right up until the moment of birth and also forcing taxpayers to subsidize the violent deed.

Twice the Democratic-led House of Representatives passed extremist legislation that would have explicitly sanctioned abortion throughout all 9 months of pregnancy, again, right up to the moment of birth, and would have nullified even modest restrictions enacted over the past half century, including informed consent, waiting periods, and parental notification statutes.

Let me just point out to my colleagues, the so-called abortion pill, mifepristone, is baby poison. It kills the unborn infant by starving the innocent child to death.

I have done a lot of work on the Foreign Affairs Committee over the years on food security. I have written two bills that passed the House, called the Global Food Security Act. I am all about, as we all are, mitigating hunger in our hometowns and across the world. What does mifepristone do? It starves the baby to death. The little child can't get the nutrients he or she needs to survive.

This statement by Dr. Francis makes it clear:

It leads to starvation and eventual death to the fetal

human being.

We also know now, however, that mifepristone is extremely dangerous to women as well, and this is especially important because this dangerous drug is used to procure abortion 60 percent of the time, 6 out of 10 abortions in the United States.

On April 28, 2015, the Ethics and Public Policy Center released a report titled: ``The Abortion Pill Harms Women: Insurance Data Reveals One in Ten Patients Experiences a Serious Adverse Event.'' The key findings were that women who take this drug experience sepsis, infection, hemorrhaging, and other serious adverse events within about 45 days of taking it. It was the largest study ever, known study of the abortion pill, 28 times as many abortions as were included in all FDA- cited clinical trials combined. This is the megastudy, and it found what was not found earlier because in many cases those trials were sham trials.

Let me also point out that it needs to be revisited. We call on the FDA to look at what has been done to women because of this terrible, terrible abortion drug.

Let me just conclude before yielding to my very distinguished colleagues: I believe that future generations of Americans will some day look back on us and wonder how and why a society that bragged about its commitment to

human rights could have legally sanctioned and aggressively promoted abortion by child starvation or by dismemberment, beheading, chemical poisoning, and forced expulsion from the womb. I call on my colleagues to defend life.

I also would point out, in an information age, they will wonder, as I do now, how was it that so many were deceived into believing that somehow abortion is safe. It is never safe for the baby, and it is certainly not safe for the mother, as well.

The injustice of abortion violence need not be forever, and we stand united in trying to protect those innocent human beings.

I yield to the gentleman from Louisiana (Mr. Johnson), our very distinguished Speaker of the House.

Mr. Speaker, I thank our very distinguished Speaker for his remarks. No one is more articulate, more passionate, or more informed on the issues of life across the board than our Speaker, and what a leader he is. I can't thank Speaker Johnson enough for his leadership. It is for times such as this he is here and doing a tremendous job.

Mr. Speaker, I yield to the gentlewoman from Illinois (Mrs. Miller).

Madam Speaker, I thank my good friend (Mrs. Miller of Illinois) for her leadership and legislation. We have to get that passed. She has been a tremendous spokeswoman for years and to this day, so I thank her very much.

Madam Speaker, I yield to the gentleman from Idaho (Mr. Fulcher), my good friend and colleague who serves on the Energy and Commerce Committee.

Madam Speaker, I thank Russ Fulcher for his leadership as well. He is on point.

Madam Speaker, I recognize the gentleman from Arizona (Mr. Biggs), a distinguished member of the Judiciary Committee, a very good friend, and a very powerful voice on so many issues, including defending the unborn.

Madam Speaker, I thank Andy Biggs for his leadership for so many years and for his articulate protection in defense of innocent human life, which, again, was on full display today. I really appreciate his leadership.

Madam Speaker, I yield to the gentleman from Indiana (Mr. Shreve), a member of the Transportation and Infrastructure Committee, and we serve together on the Foreign Affairs Committee.

Madam Speaker, I thank the gentleman for his strong statement. It is really an honor to serve with him on the Foreign Affairs Committee. We have many battles there as some try to push international funding for abortion.

We have a couple more speakers who will be joining us. One will be the presiding chair, who is making her way down to the podium. I thank her for her leadership, as well.

Mr. Speaker, I thank the gentlewoman for reminding us of that very profound truth from ``Horton Hears a Who!'' ``A person is a person, no matter how small.'' I love that.

I remind my colleagues that when we talk about pregnancy care centers--I briefly mentioned them earlier--they are just areas where women find help during their unintended pregnancies and afterward.

I was speaking at a pregnancy care center fundraiser some years ago, and there were two women who got up and thanked the director of the center, who was out near an abortion clinic just gently and very nonjudgmentally saying: Please reconsider. We can help you.

The two women who spoke decided right there, when they were right outside the abortion clinic and were going to abort their babies--they reconsidered, and they had their children. They thanked, with tears, that director. She was there that day between both of them and an irrefutable, unchangeable decision that would have ended the lives of their children.

Later on in the program, two young girls got up. They were teenagers, 12, 13, or 14 years old. They both stood next to the podium, side by side, and talked about sports. They talked about the value of life. It was a very good speech. At the end, they turned to the director and said: Thank you. Had you not been outside of that clinic that day 12, 13, or 14 years ago, we would have been dead.

That is the reality. We are trying to save precious lives.

Birth is an event. It is not the beginning of life. It is an event that happens to each and every one of us. Children, once born, are incredibly vulnerable. They need to be held, fed, and loved.

The idea that somehow before birth there is a nonperson there is absolutely illogical and absurd. We need to love them both. Love the women the way these wonderful pregnancy care center leaders do, and also love their babies and care for both. That is what we need to be doing as a Congress. We need to step up and do more.

Andy Biggs mentioned the over 60 million babies who have died from abortions over the years. That number is staggering. It is numbing to think so many children have lost their lives.

My wife, Marie, and I met in the pro-life movement more than 50 years ago. We were both student activists in New Jersey, at The College of New Jersey. We also worked with so many through outreach, both in the churches as well as in the secular space, with post-abortive women, to love them, too, and tell them that there is a way forward. The loss of that child is heartbreaking in the extreme, but there is a path forward. There is reconciliation. There is a way to find peace even after the fact.

My wife and I know many women who have had abortions. One woman, Alveda King, the niece of the late Dr. Martin Luther King, has said, parenthetically, in one of her speeches: ``How can the dream survive?'' The dream she is talking about is that of her uncle, Martin Luther King. If we murder the children, how can the dream survive?

She has had two abortions, and she knows the reconciliation that God can provide. Now, she speaks out to other women to say that there is a way forward.

I encourage post-abortive women to know that there are many out there, many loving people, mostly women, who will reach out and help you in that very difficult time.

I can't thank enough my colleagues who have participated.

Madam Speaker, I yield to the gentleman from Virginia (Mr. McGuire), my colleague who is a member of the Armed Services Committee and a distinguished Member of this body.

Madam Speaker, I thank my good friend and colleague and welcome him to the House. He is doing a great job. I thank him.

I would again point out that we do have one final speaker on his way, Dr. Bob Onder, who is the new co-chair of the Bipartisan Congressional Pro-Life Caucus. He will be here momentarily.

I will say, as we are awaiting his arrival, life is the first human right. If we don't have that, every other right--religion, speech, every assembly--falls. Republicans are trying to on our side and we need friends on the Democrat side to join us and to say that the most fundamental of all human rights is the right to life.

Ultrasound has exploded any myth that somehow the child is not human and not alive. My wife and I have four children. We had ultrasounds with them. We have nine grandchildren. Each of those grandchildren had a very, very significant ultrasound.

The modern ultrasound today, the details that it depicts of that baby moving, sucking his or her thumb, we see that and we know we are parents. We are not going to become a parent. We are not expectant. We know we are a parent because we have seen our child. The bonding begins even more earnestly after viewing that child on the ultrasound.

We have got to do far more. We called on the President, and the President is pro-life. I am happy to say that. He has done much by way of executive orders and also by reversing previous executive orders that were anti-life. I could go through all of them.

I think we are on the road now to protecting the innocent and the most vulnerable. I have so many good friends on the Democrat side of the aisle. I ask them to reconsider. There needs to be a reevaluation. The surface appeal arguments that have prevailed for 50 years about abortion and the slogans that have prevailed with so many need to be pierced and exposed for what they are.

One of them, as I said in my opening, is about how safe abortion is to the mom. Now we have this abortion pill. The new data shows beyond any reasonable doubt almost 11 percent of the women who take the abortion pill, mifepristone, are suffering very serious consequences within 45 days. That study needs to enlighten the FDA and others within our government to say the past trials were sham trials.

Let's not forget RU-486, the abortion pill, which was brought over by Bill Clinton. It was done in a way I find appalling. He sent FDA Commissioner Kessler to Roussel-Uclaf, the company marketing it, and told him to please bring the abortion pill to the United States. The trials, like I said, were not honest.

Then President Obama--and he was doubled down on by Biden--said don't report adverse events when somebody takes this pill. He said don't report them and that we don't have to.

How do we know if any drug is effective or is healthy and does not pose a risk if we don't report adverse events? Name a drug that says there is an adverse way of saying--that there is an adverse event and saying this drug caused this and sometimes it results in a new black box warning. We have seen that with a number of drugs over the years where they found out, oh, my God, there has been a subsequent, unanticipated consequence, a deleterious effect to the user. Let's get that out. That is not the case with mifepristone.

The Biden administration said nothing. They said to say nothing. That has to change because this new study that was just released 2 months ago shatters any thought that somehow this was a safe drug for women. It is not. It is very, very dangerous.

Madam Speaker, I yield to the gentleman from Missouri (Mr. Onder), a new member of the Bipartisan Congressional Pro-Life Caucus and our co- chair. The gentleman also serves on the Committee on the Judiciary, the Committee on Education and Workforce, and the Committee on Transportation and Infrastructure.

Mr. Speaker, I thank the Representative from Missouri (Mr. Onder) for his tremendous work, including in the legislature before he came here. He was the author of several important initiatives. We are very grateful for that. We thank him and really appreciate him. It is an honor to have him as a co-chair of our Bipartisan Congressional Pro-Life Caucus.

Mr. Speaker, I thank my colleagues for their important statements today. I will just say that we will be tenacious in defense of life. We will never quit. We pray and hope for reconciliation in America when it comes to this and all other issues that so seriously divide us.

Mr. Speaker, three years ago today (June 24th), the infamous holdings in Roe v. Wade and Planned Parenthood v. Casey were reversed by the Dobbs decision brilliantly written by Justice Samuel Alito--joined by the majority of the U.S. Supreme Court--which said: ``The Constitution does not confer a right to abortion'' and then went on ``to return to the people and their elected representatives . . . the authority to regulate or prohibit abortion.''

A new national debate on abortion began three years ago--and while there will be setbacks along the way--I believe that growing numbers of Americans are finally recognizing the cheap sophistry, mega deception and pro-abortion culture of denial that devalues and disrespects unborn baby girls and boys and trivializes the harm suffered by women.

The comprehensive 2025 nationwide Marist abortion poll found that Americans are against taxpayer funding of abortion at home and in foreign aid, strongly support pregnancy care centers and want significant restrictions on abortion.

A large number of elected representatives have passed pro-life laws to protect unborn children including Texas, and when a heartbeat can be detected at around 6 weeks--Florida Georgia, Iowa, South Carolina--or when the child suffers excruciating physical pain from the abortion procedure at 12-15 weeks.

To date, 24 states have enacted pro-life laws to protect unborn children and women from the violence of abortion.

Meanwhile, there are more than 2,700 pregnancy resource centers throughout the United States--each and every one of them an oasis of love, compassion, empathy, respect, and care for both mothers and their precious children.

Abortion extremists in several states, on the other hand, including my own state of New Jersey, have enacted anti-child laws that legally authorize killing unborn babies right up to the moment of birth while forcing taxpayers to subsidize the violent deed.

Twice the Democrat-led House of Representatives passed extremist legislation that would have explicitly sanctioned abortion throughout all nine months of pregnancy--right up until birth--and would have nullified even modest restrictions enacted over the past half century, including informed consent, waiting periods and parental notification statutes.

The so-called abortion pill--mifepristone--is baby poison that kills the unborn infant by starving the innocent child to death.

We now know however, that mifepristone is extremely dangerous to women as well and this is especially important because this dangerous drug is used to procure at least six out of ten abortions in the United States.

On April 28, 2025, the Ethics and Public Policy Center (EPPC) released a report entitled, ``The Abortion Pill Harms Women: Insurance Data Reveals One in Ten Patients Experiences a Serious Adverse Event.'' This report, led by researcher Jamie Bryan Hall, is the first in an ongoing series.

Key Finding: The report found that more than one out of ten (10.93 percent) women who take the chemical abortion drug mifepristone experience sepsis, infection, hemorrhaging, or another serious adverse event within 45 days.

Study Methods: EPPC analyzed data from an all-payer insurance claims database that includes 865,727 prescribed mifepristone abortions between 2017-2023.

Large Dataset. EPPC states that this is the ``largest-known study of the abortion pill'' and includes ``28 times as many [abortions] as were included in all FDA-cited clinical trials combined.''

Recent Data: While the EPPC study uses data that is no older than 2017, EPPC notes that ``the FDA approval of mifepristone relies on data from more than a decade ago.''

Representative Sample: EPPC explains that this ``real-world, post- market study'' is ``representational of the women who obtain mifepristone abortion in the U.S.'' Unlike other clinical trials that have been conducted, this study does not recruit ``a prescreened group of generally healthy women.''

Policy Implications: The Food and Drug Administration's (FDA) decision under the Obama and Biden Administrations to progressively weaken the safety protocols around mifepristone is based on old, flawed data.

On the Mifeprex label, the FDA claims that less than 0.5 percent of women taking mifepristone experience serious adverse reactions. This claim is based on ten older clinical trials studying a combined total of 30,966 participants. The recent report suggests that the number of serious adverse events is at least 22 times higher.

FDA has conveniently failed to collect comprehensive safety data while making unsupported claims that mifepristone is safe.

Future generations will someday look back on us and wonder how and why a society that bragged about its commitment to human rights could have legally sanctioned and aggressively promoted abortion by child starvation, beheadings, dismemberment, chemical poisoning, and forced expulsion from the womb.

And in an information age how so many were deceived into believing that abortion was safe.

The injustice of abortion violence need not be forever.

Mr. Speaker, I yield back the balance of my time.

Mr. Speaker, I ask unanimous consent that all Members may have 5 legislative days in which to revise and extend their remarks and include extraneous material on the topic of this Special Order.

Mr. Speaker, today marks the fourth anniversary of the Dobbs decision, reaffirming that

the U.S. Constitution does not grant the right to an abortion and rightfully returning the regulatory authority to State legislators.

I am excited to welcome my colleagues to speak on this topic with me. I understand some of my colleagues have commitments. I want to be respectful of the time, so I will have them start us off before I provide my own comments, of course.

Mr. Speaker, I yield to the gentleman from New Jersey (Mr. Smith).

I thank the gentleman from New Jersey for his comments.

Mr. Speaker, I yield to the gentleman from Alabama (Mr. Aderholt).

Mr. Speaker, I thank the gentleman from Alabama for his comments, he is a leader on this issue and always a good voice.

Mr. Speaker, I yield to the gentleman from Kansas (Mr. Mann).

Mr. Speaker, I thank the gentleman from Kansas for his comments.

Mr. Speaker, I yield to the gentlewoman from Illinois (Mrs. Miller).

Mr. Speaker, I thank the gentlewoman from Illinois. I appreciate her message of women and babies and the support that she has put forth in actual legislation.

Mr. Speaker, I yield to the gentlewoman from Tennessee (Mrs. Harshbarger).

Mr. Speaker, I thank the gentlewoman from Tennessee for her voice on this.

Mr. Speaker, I yield to the gentlewoman from Minnesota (Mrs. Fischbach), my good friend.

Mr. Speaker, I thank my good friend from Minnesota for her remarks.

I yield to the gentlewoman from South Carolina (Mrs. Biggs), one of our couple of remaining speakers, who I like to refer to these two new awesome Members as ``the dynamic duo'' from North and South Carolina.

Mr. Speaker, I yield to Mr. Harris from North Carolina, the second half of the dynamic duo from the Carolinas.

Mr. Speaker, that was a great message from the gentleman from North Carolina, and I appreciate his voice on this matter.

Mr. Speaker, I yield to the gentleman from Louisiana (Mr. Johnson), the current Speaker of the House, who is taking time out of his very busy schedule to share some remarks on this most important topic and anniversary of the Dobbs decision.

Mr. Speaker, I thank the gentleman from Louisiana, the Speaker, more aptly known by the more prominent title of former vice chair.

Mr. Speaker, I appreciate his voice. It is such an important, unique voice, from a law background to legislative on this very important topic.

I am very much looking forward to hearing from our last speaker this evening, the gentlewoman from Florida, who has a very unique experience, being able to talk about this, having just had a child herself. I couldn't think of a better way to end.

I thank all of my colleagues for being willing to come down and carve out extra time from our busy schedules to come talk about this very important issue. I am looking forward to hearing her remarks.

Mr. Speaker, I yield to the gentlewoman from Florida (Mrs. Cammack).

Mr. Speaker, I thank the gentlewoman and my colleague from Florida. I appreciate her words.

I wanted to just end with a few remarks myself, Mr. Speaker, as we wrap up this evening's Special Order on this very important topic.

Today is an opportunity to reflect on how far we have come to protect the right to life and supporting children, women, and families.

Today marks the fourth anniversary of the Dobbs decision reaffirming that the U.S. Constitution does not grant the right to an abortion and rightfully returns regulatory authority to State legislators. It is very plain, and it is very simple. That is what took place 4 years ago.

This decision provided the ability for more comprehensive care, representation, and opportunity for life, and it ensured that States like Utah can make decisions that align with our pro-life and pro- family values.

As a husband and father of four young boys, this is personal. Children are our future, and we must work harder to ensure every child and their mothers have the opportunity and resources to thrive and succeed.

At the end of my first year in office, my youngest son, Franklin, was born. Frankie had an H-type fistula that conjoined his trachea and his esophagus. It is a very rare disease, and he is fortunate to have amazing healthcare. Utah's Primary Children's Hospital is one of the foremost advanced places that actually does this surgery quite a bit.

I will never forget that holding him in the hospital just reminded me of our responsibility in Congress to value and protect the miracle of life and come alongside women who are also in difficult circumstances.

Since then, I have worked hard to pass pro-family legislation making life for working parents easier so no one has to choose between keeping their child and maintaining a livelihood.

I championed legislation to increase and make permanent the child tax credit, to make adoption much more affordable, and to create investment accounts for children providing them a financial launchpad to ease the burden of tuition, internship housing, transportation, and so much more.

By means of investment accounts for kids, they are going to start saving for

their retirement at the age of zero as opposed to typically at the age of 30 when we finally get around to doing that.

No one has given credit to our bill last year that literally established investment accounts for children, for babies, for babies born in the next 4 years to get a seeded $1,000 to start an investment account to give them opportunities to help them along the path of life.

Of course, people aren't drawing that correlation. They are not making that connection. We are not hearing from my colleagues on the left that we are doing things that are actually pro-family and actually pro-life. This particular issue just becomes a very toxic and horrible debate back and forth. However, when we actually look at what we have done, we are trying to focus on that next generation.

Sincerely, giving investment accounts to children, Trump accounts, starting them off on the path towards accruing something that they would have otherwise maybe never even invested in, they are going to start that when they are zero. All they have to do is sign up for it.

We are focused on life, and we are focused on improving families. There is no question about it. Our policies are directly related towards it.

As a member of both the House Values Action Team and Congressional Pro-Life Caucus, I have stood up to attempts to increase access to abortion, advocated for language restricting Federal funding for abortion, and signed legal briefs opposing mail-order abortion pills and requirements for employers to give time off for abortions.

Our focus in Congress should be focused on ensuring that every child has opportunities, no matter the circumstances of their conception or birth, and that pregnant women and mothers have the resources they need to be supported throughout pregnancy and postpartum.

I am proud of the progress we have made since that decision 4 years ago. We have passed legislation to support critical, comprehensive services for women in need, make it easier for working-class families to earn money and raise children, and support the rights and dignity of our most vulnerable.

Yes, we have much more work to do. The right to life is paramount, and I am eager to continue our work on this issue.

Mr. Speaker, I thank my colleagues who have all shared messages tonight, and I yield back the balance of my time.

Madam Speaker, I thank Chairman Smith for his leadership. I am so excited to join him today as the newest co-chairman of the Bipartisan Congressional Pro-Life Caucus.

Madam Speaker, today we celebrate the biggest victory for life in American history, the Supreme Court decision in Dobbs v. Jackson. This court case held that the Constitution does not confer a right to abortion and returned the authority to regulate abortion to the American people and to their elected Representatives.

Roe v. Wade wrongly held that the 14th Amendment's reference to liberty protects the right to abortion. Planned Parenthood v. Casey subsequently upheld that argument, but Dobbs v. Jackson rightly rejected this specious argument.

The Constitution makes no explicit reference to a right to an abortion. Why is this so? Some would claim that that is because it wasn't a relevant issue back in the 18th century when the Constitution was written, but this is not true.

Abortion has been discussed historically since ancient times. It has been documented as far back as 1075 BC in ancient Assyria. The Hippocratic oath condemned abortion in the fifth century BC.

The Founding Fathers were well aware of the reality of abortion when they drafted this Constitution. They did it guided by the principles of natural law which, according to Thomas Aquinas, is understood by the light of reason.

The precepts of natural law are written in our hearts. We are naturally horrified by evil acts, murder being chief among them. Since human law is based upon natural law, we can rightly deduce that intentional killing of the innocent has no place in a civilized society.

As our Founding Fathers were drafting the Constitution, they never intended for the Constitution to be interpreted in such a manner as to directly contradict the natural law upon which our Republic was founded.

Nevertheless, Row v. Wade did exactly that. Thank goodness, we now have a Supreme Court that understands the Founders' intent to the natural moral law.

One of the most important tasks we now have in a post-Roe world is the continuing fight for life at the Federal level. Dobbs v. Jackson did not simply kick back the issue of abortion to the States. The wording in the Court's opinion was very clear. The authority to regulate abortion is returned to the people and their elected Representatives.

Members of Congress and Senators are elected Representatives. Congress has the authority and the responsibility to legislate on this issue in certain areas.

There are many policies within our purview. For instance, Federal taxpayer dollars still flow to Planned Parenthood uninterrupted. According to the Charlotte Lozier Institute, between 2019 and 2024, Planned Parenthood was issued $66 million of direct funding through Title X.

From 2019 to 2021, Planned Parenthood received $1.5 billion--yes, that is billion with a b--from Medicaid/CHIP and $3.3 million from Medicare.

There is no reason we cannot turn off Planned Parenthood's government cash flow. The big, beautiful bill in its current form protects taxpayers from

being forced to fund Planned Parenthood. This provision must be preserved in the final bill, otherwise it will be very difficult for pro-life Members to support the final package.

Another example is the use of Federal dollars on the grotesque experiments used on baby body parts funded by the taxpayer. The National Institutes of Health spent $53 million on human fetal tissue research in 2023 and expects to spend $55 million in 2025.

This is a human rights abuse, and it has not even produced valuable research. After nearly 100 years, no therapies have been discovered or developed that require aborted fetal tissue. Meanwhile, ethical alternatives for research and treatment are available and effective.

Nonfetal cells were used to develop insulin for diabetes and Herceptin for breast cancer. Umbilical cord blood has treated thousands of people with blood disorders, and adult stem cells have saved over 1 million people worldwide.

There is no reason to continue funding aborted fetal tissue research. That is why I introduced the Protecting Life and Integrity in Research Act of 2025, which blocks all Federal funding for research involving human fetal tissue from an induced abortion. Language to accomplish this policy priority was included in the fiscal year 2025 Labor, Health, and Human Services appropriations bill. I look forward to seeing it approved and included in the 2026 bill.

Yet another issue is the rise of dangerous chemical abortions. Chemical abortions comprise over half of all abortions performed in the United States. New research shows that this regimen is very dangerous to American women.

More than 1 in 10 women who use chemical abortion pills experience serious adverse events. The rate of serious adverse events is about 22 times higher than the rate stated by the FDA. It is a blatant lie that taking mifepristone is safer than Tylenol, as Planned Parenthood likes to say.

Congress must act to protect women by reinstating the FDA's original requirement that mifepristone, the abortion pill, be dispensed in person under medical supervision and not by tele-abortions.

Prescribing these pills to pregnant women without an in-person evaluation for an ectopic pregnancy or other conditions should be considered medical malpractice, which indeed it is. I look forward to working with my colleagues to address these issues.

Today, we celebrate a milestone standing for life. A new study from the Journal of the American Medical Association found that since Dobbs v. Jackson, 22,180 more babies have been born in States that enacted pro-life protection laws. Praise God. What a beautiful gift.

As we celebrate the third anniversary of Dobbs v. Jackson, let us take comfort in knowing we advanced the cause of human dignity in the United States. Let us continue to fight for life and never give up hope. The cause of human life is a righteous one because all life is precious in the eyes of God.

Mr. Speaker, I thank my colleague from the great State of Utah, the very esteemed and important vice chair, the most important title for hosting this Special Order, marking an incredible and important anniversary.

Mr. Speaker, 4 years ago, the Supreme Court's decision in Dobbs returned one of the most important questions in our society to the American people and their elected representatives.

Since then, there has been a lot of rhetoric, a lot of fear, and a lot of misinformation. In fact, we have heard some of it tonight.

I know this all too well because I have lived it personally. See, 2 years after Dobbs, I experienced one of the most dangerous pregnancy complications a woman can face, an ectopic pregnancy. My baby had no heartbeat. Without treatment, I could have lost my life.

Doctors warned that if the pregnancy ruptured, the window to save me could be measured in minutes--not hours, not days, minutes.

I was accused of a number of things, things like special treatment and calling in favors. The truth is, it is a lie. I had no special treatment. There were no favors to call in.

Instead, I fought and advocated. I sat in the ER and read the doctors the law right from my phone. They had hesitated due to confusion.

What shocked me most was the confusion surrounding my care. It was not because Florida's law had been presented a particular way. It expressly protected women like me. It expressly said in statute that ectopic pregnancies are medical emergencies. The confusion, in fact, came from misinformation from pro-abortion activists who had geofenced hospitals with digital ads convincing healthcare providers that they would face consequences for providing lifesaving care and convincing them that treating miscarriages and ectopics is an abortion.

It is not. It never has been, not in Florida, not in any State, not by the medical establishment, and, heck, not even by Planned Parenthood. Planned Parenthood has even stated this.

This is an uncomfortable fact that the pro-abortion lobby is fighting like hell to change.

While my husband and I were going through this hell, I kept asking: What happens to the woman who doesn't know the law? What happens to her if she is scared, alone, or too sick to fight for herself?

What if she doesn't have a doctor? What if she doesn't have a car to get to help?

Four years after Dobbs, it is clear that we need a whole heck of a lot less political theater and a whole heck of a lot more honest conversations. We need to support women who face miscarriages, stillbirths, and ectopic pregnancies, and we dang sure need better maternal healthcare.

We need facts instead of fear. The pro-abortion lobby would love for Americans to believe that a ``wanted pregnancy'' is a precious baby worthy of protection and love while simultaneously labeling an ``unwanted pregnancy'' merely a clump of cells that does not deserve love or protection.

Both cannot be true at the same time. That is not a political opinion. That is the most basic principle in all of human reasoning. Aristotle called this the principle of noncontradiction. A thing cannot both be and not be the same thing simultaneously.

It is the pro-abortion lobby's position that they are hoping Americans abandon logic in order to accept a narrative that is false.

Calling it out is the least that we can do. Pushing back and having this national conversation about how we protect women is long overdue, and we need to remember that behind every statistic is a family, a baby who was loved, and a mother whose life matters.

Recently, I introduced the Bereaved Parents Rights Act. This bill would allow the parents to collect their children's remains so they can properly grieve their lost children. We must remember that these are children. They are worthy of life, protection, and love, and we must fight for them every single day along with their parents. That is the work that is ahead of us. It is a conversation that is not just worth having, it is an issue worth fighting for.

Mr. Speaker, today we celebrate 4 years of saving lives and many more to come.

Mr. Speaker, I thank Congressman Blake Moore, a great champion and great vice chairman of the House Republican Conference, for yielding. I am so delighted with what he has done with the office. I thank him for hosting this Special Order hour. It is very appropriate and a historic moment that we are in.

Mr. Speaker, I rise this evening to join all of my colleagues in celebrating the fourth anniversary of the lifesaving Dobbs decision.

As we know, and I know it has been discussed tonight, that decision reversed five decades of inhuman social engineering, the murder of tens of millions of unborn children. Ultimately, it returned the question of regulating abortion to the people's elected representatives, where it should have remained the whole time.

I was born 1 year before Roe v. Wade, almost exactly to the day. I was born in January 1972. Roe was decided in January 1973, as we know. In my 54 years of life, I will say the Dobbs decision represents the most consequential and lifesaving decision of my lifetime.

I used to go into the courts, for almost 20 years, as a constitutional law litigator to defend the sanctity of human life, but Dobbs was the big one.

Mr. Speaker, think about how many innocent, unborn children have been lost to the hands of Big Abortion. Estimates suggest it is somewhere above 65 million lives. I have always believed that is a low estimate because we know many States do not accurately report abortion numbers. It is probably much higher than that. That is just the number since Roe was decided in 1973.

It is just an unconscionable thing. It is an unspeakable evil. Thankfully, by the grace of God, the Supreme Court finally righted that egregious wrong.

The conditions that led to that decision did not materialize overnight. It took a long, long time. From the moment Roe was decided in 1973, pro-life advocates went to work to pray, organize, build faithful and effective coalitions, and educate the public on the scourge of abortion. They did not do that with hate. They were motivated by love. That is what this has always been about.

We know that mere words of support are not enough. As advocates for life, we must continue to advocate for and support the heroic mission of things like the pregnancy resource centers around the country. They do vital work that is so important. Those centers don't just provide lifesaving and practical care. They empower women to choose life.

We know the statistics. When a woman sees her unborn child on an ultrasound, she has about an 86-percent chance of going through with the pregnancy, to understand that is a child there. No matter how small, it is a person.

Of course, this anniversary and this year are particularly important. Next

Friday, we celebrate the signing of the Declaration of Independence, our 250th anniversary as a nation.

The Declaration is our Nation's birth certificate. That is how we describe it all the time, because it is. In that certificate, we boldly proclaim the self-evident truths that all people are created equally by God, and all people are endowed by Him, God, our creator, with their inalienable rights. Of course, that begins, as articulated in the Declaration, with the right to life, logically.

We still have work to do to continue building a culture of life. We still have work to ensure that we are living up to the ideals espoused in the Declaration. Tonight, we should let these anniversaries serve as calls to action, to continue building a culture of life and to advance policies that protect the sanctity and the dignity of every human life.

I again thank my good friend, a great champion for the rights of the unborn, Vice Chairman Blake Moore, for organizing this Special Order.