Floor Statements

Mr. Speaker, I yield myself such time as I may consume, and I thank my friend, the gentleman from Georgia, for yielding me the customary 30 minutes for debate.

Mr. Speaker, I am here today to debate the rule for consideration of H.R. 469, the Congressional Article I Powers Strengthening Act; and H.R. 732, the Stop Settlement Slush Funds Act, two Judiciary bills that are deficient in both process and in substance.

First, let me address the Congressional Article I Powers and Strengthening Act, a bill that my Republican friends purport will provide commonsense solutions to curbing regulatory abuse, but will, in fact, undermine the ability of Federal regulators to protect the health and safety of Americans, threaten the privacy of victims of government misconduct, and intrude on the Department of Justice's enforcement discretion, raising serious separation of powers concerns.

Mr. Speaker, just as appalling as the substance of this bill is the process by which we are considering it and many other bills deriving from the Judiciary Committee lately.

This bill is actually three Judiciary Committee bills wrapped in one Rules Committee print. However, one of the bills, H.R. 4070, was introduced last week without a hearing, without a markup, without notice to Democrats on the Judiciary Committee, and without consultation with constitutional

lawyers and experts and interested citizens.

This process is truly a slap in the face of regular order. A bill that has zero input from members on the Judiciary Committee or been the subject of any thoughtful discussion is suddenly on the House floor for a vote.

Interestingly, when I listened to my friend from Georgia, who I know is particularly serious about his approaches to legislation, I sat here and then I looked into the gallery, and there were 20 people who were seated there. I didn't see on the faces of those that I could see any understanding of one thing that he said, not because of the speed of his manner of speech, but because of the complexity of issues that give rise to us.

Among the things he said was transparency, accountability, and wanting to make sure that we, this body, exercise our prerogative with reference to for the people, by the people, and of the people.

I would imagine that people listening to this debate would want to believe that half of this body, half of the people who are represented in this country had input to this legislation. Let me tell you, People, they had none, zero. No Democrat had any input to this measure that I just discussed.

How can we expect Members of this body, let alone the American people, to have any idea as to what we are voting on with this measure and what its impact will be when it seems the path it took to getting a vote is based solely on the whim of the chairman of the Judiciary Committee?

Unfortunately, there is total disregard for even a semblance of regular order. That term is utilized a lot here, and, again, the American people, many of them, don't have a clue what we are talking about.

What we are talking about, basically, is matters that go to committees have hearings, have both sides have input, have witnesses who are experts or have responsibilities in that arena, and then the matter comes to the Rules Committee and is granted a bill of substance to come here to the floor, and that process is generally known by those of us with Congress-speak as regular order.

It is nothing new for the Republican-controlled Judiciary Committee, which has been the worst offender of regular order, when it comes to pushing for a closed process.

During the 115th Congress, bills coming to the floor from the Judiciary Committee were granted the most closed rules of any of the committees in this august body, eight closed rules. There is no committee chair in this Congress who has requested the Republican- controlled Rules Committee grant more closed rules than the chairman of the Judiciary Committee.

Indeed, this departure from a process that we refer to as regular order, from a process that allows input from outside experts and other witnesses, a process that allows both parties, if there is a hearing, to ask questions of those witnesses, this departure is astounding, and that is within the context of this Congress, which, in just the first 10 months, will soon become the most closed Congress in history.

I remember when I ran for office in 1992, I appeared a lot on radio stations. In many of those appearances, the opposition, not just my opponent, but the major party, had begun a drumbeat of the Democrats are not following regular order, they are having closed rules.

Little did I know in 1992, nor did I aspire when I came here, to be on the Rules Committee to have a better understanding, but I kept listening to this closed rule argument, and many persons lost their elections because of that.

If there is ever a time for us to address it, it would be now. We have that prerogative to be able to open up this process so that all Members can be involved.

When this Congress began, the distinguished Speaker of this body promised an open and transparent House. He called for a return to regular order. After what we have seen over the last 10 months, I shudder to think what the distinguished Speaker considers a closed process.

I might add, the next tier under closed is structured rules, which we are here today on, which, yet again, limits the number of activities by others, amendments, and other processes that would be appropriate.

Yesterday, when my colleague and I were in the Rules Committee, we had before us matters that were germane to this issue that were denied, that could have, under an open process, been made in order so that we could discuss it here today.

This Republican process, shutting out the voice and input of representatives of nearly half the country, is not just an affront to normal House procedure, which it is, it is downright undemocratic and emblematic of the Republican majority's true inability to govern.

Mr. Speaker, I turn to the second bill encompassed in this rule, H.R. 732, a bill as misguided and substantively unnecessary as the first bill was lacking in process. In fact, in the last Congress, a law professor testifying on an identical bill described it as a solution in search of a problem.

That was as true in the last Congress as it is in this one, which is too bad, because we do not lack in actual problems in desperate need of sensible solutions.

H.R. 732 would prevent Federal agencies from requiring third-party payments, such as those to charities, in settlement agreements with entities accused of wrongdoing.

Now, there in the report pointed out by the chairman of the Rules Committee yesterday shows the number of banks and mortgage companies and others that have violated the law and entered into settlements with the government for billions of dollars. Such payments, in excess of what the victims have agreed to, and the settlements that have been entered into and approved by judges, each one of these settlements, my friend said these payments may have gone to politically motivated--may be politically motivated organizations, and he cites to La Raza, which did receive money, but so did other charitable organizations: the New Christian Joy Full Gospel Baptist Church, the Catholic Charities of the Archdiocese of Chicago, the Catholic Charities Financial and Housing Counseling.

We sought yesterday while we were in the committee--I sought and asked staff to provide for me some of the organizations that my friends say may be politically motivated, or activists, as he referred to them, and it is 49 pages of organizations that were available to receive these funds, and, yes, some of them are liberal and also some of them are conservative organizations as we know them.

Such payments to charities are a common enforcement tool in settlements and have long been used to help provide communities with relief from systemic harm caused by illegal behavior.

Now, for example, following the 2008 financial crisis, in some of the settlement agreements with Wall Street banks, President Obama's Department of Justice required banks to donate money to charities committed to neighborhood stabilization and foreclosure prevention efforts, and this made perfect sense.

In the wake of the crisis, as many as 10 million families lost their homes to foreclosure. Both the Government Accountability Office and the Federal courts have long upheld this practice in settlement agreements. Perhaps unsurprisingly, my Republican colleagues considered these provisions to be an attempt by President Obama's administration to use, as they say, ``a slush fund,'' to enrich, ``liberal friends,'' despite the fact that certified charities eligible to receive these payments encompass liberal and conservative groups alike.

They even launched an investigation which yielded no credible evidence to substantiate their claims. Yet, despite the GAO, the Federal courts, and a Republican-led investigation showing no wrongdoing, we are considering this bill today to ban this longstanding legal practice aimed at assisting communities in the wake of suffering systemic abuse--abuse that I will underline again, and even say slowly, hurt Democrats and Republicans.

I suppose the only question left to ask my Republican friends is, 10 months into the new administration, nearly a year after the last election, why are they continuing to conduct

pointless and partisan oversight of the Obama administration?

Let me see if I can make this clear. President Obama is no longer the President of the United States, nor is Bill Clinton or George Bush. The President of the United States now is a new individual who we have to deal with, and it would be helpful if we were to address some of the matters ongoing that this particular administration is deserving of oversight.

I know that President Obama was a useful foil for many in the Republican Party when it came to messaging and campaigning, but he is not the President anymore. He won his two elections. That is the past. This bill represents nothing but the Republican majority grasping at straws and trying their best to turn their oversight attention away from doing their duty and providing oversight of the Trump administration.

Today, two new inquiries, I don't even have the time or wouldn't take the time to go into the inquiries that ain't going nowhere, have been announced, certainly as a distraction to many of the negatives that come out by virtue of this particular Congress not having done anything. It is the do-nothing Congress on steroids.

If there was ever an administration that needed rigorous oversight, it is the current one. In just 10 months, we have had reports of gratuitous use of private jets, the use of private email servers by senior staff, and I might add that one of those things identified today is they are going to go after Hillary or have oversight hearings on Hillary Clinton's emails. Enough already. Hillary Clinton lost her election, and lost with the emails as well, but we have current staff who are using private email servers. Given your history, should that not at least pique your oversight interest?

Spending tens of millions of taxpayers' dollars to use Mar-a-Lago for official meetings, waste, cronyism, the list goes on and on and on. How about oversight of a little, old company in Montana that doesn't have any successful history getting a $200 million no-bid contract in Puerto Rico to reestablish those facilities there? Out of Montana, little, old company, $200 million, no-bid. You got it. You go forward. You talk about waste and cronyism. And what do we get from the Republicans? Deafening silence.

Mr. Speaker, I find it ironic that we are considering the rule for a bill today entitled Article I Powers Strengthening Act when this Republican Congress has shown they can't even undertake the basic Article I duty of providing oversight of the executive. They don't need to strengthen Article I, they need to just start doing their jobs in the first place.

Mr. Speaker, I reserve the balance of my time.

Mr. Speaker, I yield myself such time as I may consume.

Mr. Speaker, I am ready to have my friend understand that I am getting close to closing. I don't think I have any speakers, but I do have words that I wish to put forward right now.

It is shameful that we would be in a position where the DACA program is being threatened without a single thought to the consequences this decision would have on the 800,000 young lives this program protects.

While this may appear to be off message with regard to the measures that are before us, the minority is given an opportunity to present what is called a previous question, and it can be on matters germane to the thoughts of the minority and can be on any subject that they choose. In this instance, we choose to, with the previous question, address DACA.

Do the American people even want DACA to end? The answer is clearly no. According to a Politico/Morning Consult poll, support for allowing these immigrants to remain in the United States spans across party lines: 84 percent of Democrats, 74 percent of Independents, and 69 percent of Republicans think they should stay. Congress must act to protect our DREAMers.

Mr. Speaker, here is a chance to rectify the President's decision and restore the American people's faith in this institution.

If we defeat the previous question, I am going to offer an amendment to the rule to bring up H.R. 3440, the Dream Act. This bipartisan bicameral legislation would help thousands of young people who are Americans in every way except on paper.

Mr. Speaker, I ask unanimous consent to insert the text of this amendment in the Record, along with extraneous material, immediately prior to the vote on the previous question.

Mr. Speaker, I reserve the balance of my time.

Mr. Speaker, I yield myself such time as I may consume.

Mr. Speaker, earlier I mentioned that there were 49 pages--I didn't realize how extensive it really was--of organizations that were eligible to receive funds under the Justice Department's prerogative. It includes organizations that did, in fact, receive these funds.

They come from a wide array of organizations in our respective communities that, in my judgment, have on-the-ground ability to be efficient and to make sure that the expenditure of those funds benefit those who have suffered from systemic inequities by large organizations.

Mr. Speaker, I include in the Record a portion of these organizations that were eligible to receive funds under the Justice Department's prerogative.

Agency Name

Money Management International, Anchorage, AK.;

Neighborworks Anchorage Formerly Anchorage Neighborhood

Housing Services; Organized Community Action Programs Inc.--

Covington County; Birmingham Urban League, Inc.; Gateway

Financial Freedom/CCCS of Central Alabama; Jefferson County

Committee for Economic Opportunity; Jefferson County Housing

Authority; NACA (Neighborhood Assistance Corporation of

America) Birmingham. AL; Neighborhood Housing Services of

Birmingham, Inc.; United Way of Central Alabama, Inc.; United

Way of Central Alabama, Inc.; Community Action Partnership of

North Alabama--Cullman Branch; Community Action Partnership

of North Alabama, Inc.; Community Action Agency of Northwest

Alabama, Inc.; Hale Empowerment and Revitalization

Organization (HERO); Organized Community Action Programs

Inc.--Butler County; Organized Community Action Programs

Inc.--Lowndes County; CCCS of Tennessee River Valley;

Community Action Partnership, Huntsville/Madison & Limestone

Counties. Inc.; Family Services Center, Inc.

CCCS of Mobile--Jackson; Telamon Corporation; CCCS of

Mobile; Center for Fair Housing; Mobile Housing Board; CCCS

of Alabama--Montgomery; Legal Services Alabama Inc; CCCS of

Mobile--Montrose AL; Community Action Partnership of North

Alabama--Moulton Branch; Organized Community Action Programs

Inc.--Dale County; Housing Authority of the City of Prichard;

Community Action Agency of Northwest Alabama--Franklin

County; Organized Community Action Programs Inc.--Crenshaw

County; Community Action Agency of Northwest Alabama--Colbert

County; Organized Community Action Program, Inc.; Community

Service Programs of West Alabama, Inc.; Organized Community

Action Programs Inc.--Bullock County; Credit Counseling of

Arkansas--Bentonville; Mississippi County, Arkansas Economic

Opportunity Commission, Inc.; Hope Enterprise Corporation.

Family Service Agency--CCCS; Arkansas River Valley Area

Council, Inc.; Money Management International El Dorado;

Credit Counseling of Arkansas; Crawford Sebastian Community

Development Council; Credit Counseling of Arkansas Fort

Smith; Northwest Regional Housing Authority; Southern Bancorp

Community Partners; Jonesboro Urban Renewal and Housing

Authority Housing and Community Development Organization

(JURHA HCDO; Arkansas Development Finance Authority; Better

Community Development, Inc.; Community Resources Technicians,

Inc.; Family Service Agency--CCCS; In Affordable Housing,

Incorporated; NACA (Neighborhood Assistance Corporation of

America) Little Rock, AR; Southern Bancorp Community

Partners; Universal Housing Development Corporation; Credit

Counseling of Arkansas--Springdale; Southeastern Arizona

Governments Organization; Community Action Human Resources

Agency.

Housing Solutions of Northern Arizona, Inc.; Money

Management International, Inc. Flagstaff, AZ; Northern

Arizona Council of Governments; Administration of Resources

and Choices; Money Management International, Inc. Glendale,

AZ; Western Arizona Council of Governments (WACOG)--Kingman

Branch Office; Housing Counseling and Education Services;

Money Management International, Inc. Mesa, AZ; Springboard--

Mesa; Chicanos Por La Causa--Nogales; Nogales Community

Development Corporation; Chicanos Por La Causa, Phoenix; City

of Phoenix Neighborhood Services Department; Community

Housing Resources of Arizona; Desert Mission Neighborhood

Renewal; Greater Phoenix Urban League; Labor's Community

Service Agency; Money Management International Phoenix Phone

Center; Money Management International, Inc. Phoenix, AZ

Central.

NACA (Neighborhood Assistance Corporation of America)

Phoenix, AZ; Neighborhood Housing Services of Phoenix; NID-

HCA Phoenix Randolph; Take Charge America; Money Management

International, Inc. Prescott, AZ; Campesinos Sin Fronteras;

Comite De Bien Estar, Inc.; Credit Advisors Foundation; Money

Management International, Inc. Phoenix, AZ--North; Housing

America Corporation; Greenpath Debt Solutions; Money

Management International, Inc. Tempe, AZ; Newtown Community

Development Corporation; Administration of Resources and

Choices; Catholic Community Services of So. Arizona, Inc. DBA

Pio Decimo Center; Chicanos Por La Causa-Tucson; Family

Housing Resources; Money Management International, Inc.

Tucson, AZ--SE; Money Management, Inc. Tuscon, AZ--NW; Old

Pueblo Housing Development, Inc.

Southern Arizona Legal Aid, Inc.; Southwest Fair Housing

Counsel; The Primavera Foundation, Inc.; Tucson Urban League;

Northern Arizona Council of Governments; Western Arizona

Council of Governments (WACOG); Western Arizona Council of

Governments NCOA HECM; Consumer Credit Counseling Service of

Orange County; CCCS of the North Coast; CCCS of Kern and

Tulare Counties; Community Housing Council of Kern Co.;

Consumer Credit Counseling Service of Orange County; Korean

Resource Center; Surepath Financial Solutions; Consumer

Credit Counselors of Kern and Tulare Counties; Money

Management International Chula Vista; California Rural Legal

Assistance--Coachella; Clearpoint Credit Counseling

Solutions--Commerce Branch; Catholic Charities of the East

Bay; Eden Council for Hope and Opportunity (ECHO).

Money Management International Concord; National Asian

American Coalition (Formerly Known as Mabuhay Alliance);

California Rural Legal Assistance--Delano; Able Works;

Springboard--El Cajon; California Rural Legal Assistance--El

Centro; Inland Fair Housing and Mediation Board--El Centro

Branch (Imperial County); Community Housing Works; Pacific

Community Services Fairfield; Consumer Credit Counseling

Service of Orange County; Money Management International

Fremont; Project Sentinel; California Rural Legal

Assistance--Fresno; Clearpoint Credit Counseling Solutions

Inc.--Fresno Branch; Community Housing Council of Fresno;

Housing Authority of the City of Fresno; California Rural

Legal Assistance--Gilroy; Project Sentinel; Clearpoint Credit

Counseling Solutions--Glendale Branch; Clearpoint Credit

Counseling Solutions--Granada Hills Branch.

NACA (Neighborhood Assistance Corporation of America) Los

Angeles, CA; Eden Council for Hope and Opportunity (ECHO);

Springboard--Hemet; Inland Fair Housing and Mediation Board--

Indio Branch (Riverside County); Amador Tuolumne Community

Action Agency; Springboard--Ladera; Clearpoint Credit

Counseling Solutions--Lakewood Branch; California Rural Legal

Assistance--Lamont; Pure Hearts R Us Housing Corporation;

Eden Council for Hope and Opportunity (ECHO); Tri-Valley

Housing Opportunity Center; Home Preservation and Prevention

(HPP Cares); Operation Hope Inc.--Long Beach Branch;

Springboard--Long Beach; East La Community Corporation

(ELACC); Korean Churches for Community Development; Korean

Resource Center; Los Angeles Neighborhood Housing Services,

Inc; New Economics for Women; NID-HCA Reeves;

Operation Hope, Inc; Operation Hope, Inc.--La Branch;

Shalom Center for T.R.E.E. of Life; Thai Community

Development Corp.; Watts Century Latino Org.; West Angeles

Community Development Corp.; California Rural Legal

Assistance--Madera; California Rural Legal Assistance--

Marysville Office; Operation Hope, Inc.--Maywood Branch;

National Asian American Coalition (Formerly Known As Mabuhay

Alliance); California Rural Legal Assistance--Modesto;

Community Housing and Shelter Services; Habitat for

Humanity, Stanislaus County; Project Sentinel; Montebello

Housing Development Corp.; California Rural Legal

Assistance--Monterey; Fair Housing Council of Riverside

County, Inc.; Project Sentinel; Eden Council for Hope and

Opportunity (ECHO); Habitat for Humanity East Bay/Silicon

Valley.

Money Management International Oakland; NACA (Neighborhood

Assistance Corporation of America) Oakland, CA; National

Association of Real Estate Brokers--Investment Division, Inc;

NID-HCA Oakland Main Branch; Operation Hope, Inc.--Oakland

Branch; The Spanish Speaking Unity Council of Alameda County,

Inc. (The Unity Council); Faith Based Community Development

Corporation; Money Management International Oceanside; Inland

Fair Housing and Mediation Board; Neighborhood Partnership

Housing Services, Inc.; Neighborhood Housing Services of

Orange County; California Rural Legal Assistance--Oxnard;

Ventura County Community Development Corporaton; Fair Housing

Council of Riverside County, Inc.; Eden Council for Hope and

Opportuntiy (ECHO); California Rural Legal Assistance--Paso

Robles; Pacific Community Services, Inc.; Operation Hope,

Inc.--Poway Branch; Hometown Community Development Corp, Dba

Homestrong USA; Housing Opportunities Collaborative--Inland

Empire Branch.

Community Housing Development Corporation of North

Richmond; Richmond Neighborhood Housing Services, Inc.;

Community Connect; Fair Housing Council of Riverside County,

Inc.; Springboard--Shine Center (Latham); Springboard Non

Profit Consumer Credit Management Inc.--HPF Affiliate;

Springboard Non--Profit Consumer Credit Management, Inc.;

Clearpoint Credit Counseling Solutions--Sacramento Branch;

Sacramento Home Loan Counseling Center; Sacramento

Neighborhood Housing Services, Inc.; California Rural Legal

Assistance--Salinas; Housing Resource Center of Monterey

County; Clearpoint Credit Counseling Solutions--San

Bernardino Branch; Neighborhood Housing Services of The

Inland Empire, Inc.; NID-HCA Inland Empire J. Jackson;

Bayside Community Center; Clearpoint Credit Counseling

Solutions--San Diego Branch; Community Housing Works; Housing

Opportunities Collaborative; Housing Opportunities

Collaborative--Branch for San Diego/Imperial Counties; Money

Management International San Diego.

National Asian American Coalition (Formerly Known as

Mabuhay Alliance); Navicore Solutions--San Diego, CA;

Neighborhood House Association; San Diego Urban League; Union

of Pan Asian Communities; Asian Incorporated; CCCS of San

Francisco; Consumer Credit Counseling Service of San

Francisco--HPF Affiliate; Mission Economic Development

Association (MEDA); Project Sentinel; San Francisco Housing

Development Corporation; Neighborhood Housing Services

Silicon Valley; Project Sentinel; Santa Clara County Asian

Law Alliance; Surepath Financial Solutions--San Jose; NID-HCA

San Leandro--Chambers; California Rural Legal Assistance--San

Luis Obispo; Peoples' Self Help Housing; Fair Housing of

Marin; Clearpoint Credit Counseling Solutions--Santa Ana

Branch.

Consumer Credit Counseling Service of Orange County;

Housing Opportunities Collaborative--Orange County Branch;

Legal Aid Society of Orange County; Orange County Fair

Housing Council, Inc.; California Rural Legal Assistance--

Santa Barbara; Project Sentinel; California Rural Legal

Assistance; California Rural Legal Assistance--Santa Maria;

Wise & Healthy Aging; California Rural Legal Assistance;

Catholic Charities, Diocese of Santa Rosa; CCCS of San

Francisco; Centro Familia Esperanza; Operation Hope Inc.--

South Gate Branch; California Rural Legal Assistance--

Stockton; Clearpoint Credit Counseling Solutions--Stockton

Branch; NID-HCA A. Jones; Visionary Home Builders of

California; Project Sentinel; Northern Circle Indian Housing

Authority, United Native Housing Development Corp.

City of Vacaville Department of Housing Services; Cabrillo

Economic Development Corporation; Inland Fair Housing and

Mediation Board--Victorville Branch (San Bernardino County);

CCCS of Kern and Tulare Counties; Community Services and

Employment Training, Inc. (CSET); Self Help Enterprises;

California Rural Legal Assistance--Oceanside; Surepath

Financial Solutions--Watsonville; Rural Community Assistance

Corporation; Community Resource and Housing Development

Corporation--Alamosa; City of Aurora Community Development

Division; Boulder County Housing Authority; Greenpath, Inc.;

Upper Arkansas Area Council of Governments; CCCS of Greater

Dallas--Colorado Springs; Adams County Housing Authority;

Colorado Housing and Finance Authority; Colorado Housing

Assistance Corporation; Del Norte Neighborhood Development

Corporation (NDC); Denver Housing Authority.

Greenpath, Inc.; Money Management International Denver,

Aurora Branch; NACA (Neighborhood Assistance Corporation of

America) Denver, CO; NEWSED CDC; Northeast Denver Housing

Center; Southwest Improvement Council; Housing Solutions for

the Southwest; Regional Housing Alliance La Plata Homes Fund;

Brothers Redevelopment, Inc.; Greenpath Debt Solutions;

Neighbor to Neighbor; Northeast Colorado Housing, Inc.; Tri-

County Housing & Community Development Corporation; Neighbor

to Neighbor; Grand Junction Housing Authority; Greenpath Debt

Solutions; Money Management International Highlands Ranch;

Douglas County Housing Partnership; Boulder County Housing

Authority; Neighbor to Neighbor.

Catholic Charities of the Diocese of Pueblo, CO;

Neighborworks of Pueblo; Summit County Family Resource

Center; San Miguel Regional Housing Authority; Community

Resources and Housing Development Corporation; Money

Management International Westminster; Bridgeport Neighborhood

Trust; Housing Development Fund, Inc.--Bridgeport Branch;

Housing Development Fund--Danbury Branch; Financial

Counselors of America Connecticut Branch; Money Management

International East Hartford; Community Renewal Team, Inc.;

Hartford Areas Rally Together; Housing Education Resource

Center; Mutual Housing Association of Greater Hartford, Inc.;

NACA (Neighborhood Assistance Corporation of America)

Hartford, CT; Urban League of Greater Hartford, Inc.; Money

Management International Milford; Neighborhood Housing

Services of New Britain, Inc.; Greater New Haven Community

Loan Fund.

Mutual Housing of South Central CT, Inc.//Neighborworks New

Horizons; Neighborhood Housing Services of New Haven;

Catholic Charities, Norwich, CT; Connecticut Housing Finance

Authority; Housing Development Fund, Inc.; Urban League of

Southern Connecticut; Neighborhood Housing Services of

Waterbury, Inc.; National Council on Aging (NCOA); Asian

American Homeownership Counseling; Carecen--Central American

Resource Center; Greater Washington Urban League; Homefree--

USA Washington DC Branch; Housing Counseling Services,

Incorporated; Latino Economic Development Corporation;

Lydia's House; Manna, Inc. Marshall Heights Community

Development Organization; NACA (Neighborhood Assistance

Corporation of America) Washington, DC; National Capacd;

National Community Reinvestment Coalition.

National Community Reinvestment Coalition, Inc.; National

Council of La Raza; National Foundation for Credit

Counseling, Inc.; Neighborhood Reinvestment Corp. DBA

Neighborworks America; NID-HCA Williams; Operation Hope,

Inc.--DC Branch; United Planning Organization; United

Planning Organization--Anacostia Center; United Planning

Organization--Petey Greene Community Svc. Center; United

Planning Organization Shaw Community Svc. Center; University

Legal Services; University Legal Services; CCCS of Maryland

and Delaware; Delaware State Housing Authority; First State

Community Action Agency, Inc.; National Council on

Agricultural Life and Labor Research Fund, Inc. (NCALL

Research, Inc.); First State Community Action Agency, Inc;

National Council on Agricultural Life and Labor Research

Fund, Inc. (NCALL, Research, Inc.); Hockessin Community

Center; First State Community Action Agency, Inc.

National Council on Agricultural Life and Labor Research

Fund, Inc. (NCALL Research, Inc.); YWCA Delaware; Telamon

Corporation; CCCS of Delaware Valley, DBA Clarifi; CCCS of

Delaware Valley, Inc. DBA Clarifi; CCCS of Maryland and

Delaware; Delaware Community Reinvestment Action Council;

Housing Opportunities of Northern Delaware, Inc.; Interfaith

Community Housing of Delaware; Neighborhood House,

Incorporated; West End Neighborhood House; Homes in

Partnership, Inc.; We Help Community Development Corporation;

Florida Cooperative Extension--Holmes County Cooperative

Extension Service (Terminated); Boynton Beach Faith Based

CDC; Catholic Charities Diocese of Venice, Inc.; Manatee

Community Action Agency, Inc. F/K/A Manatee Opportunity

Council, Incorporated; Florida Cooperative Extension Levy

County Cooperative Extension Service; Florida Cooperative

Extension--Hernando County Cooperative Extension Service;

All-American Foreclosure Solutions, Inc.

Cape Coral Housing Development Corporation; Florida

Cooperative Extension--Washington County Cooperative

Extension Service (Terminated); Bright Community Trust, Inc.;

Clearwater Neighborhood Housing Services, Inc.; Consumer

Credit and Budget Counseling, DBA National Foundation for

Debt Management; Consumer Credit and Budget Counseling, DBA

National Foundation for Debt Management; Housing Services of

Central Florida; Tampa Bay Community Development Corporation;

Homes in Partnership, Incorporated; Credit Card Mgmt Svcs,

Inc. D/B/A Debthelper.Com; Florida Cooperative Extension--

Brevard County Cooperative Extension Service; Florida

Cooperative Extension--Brevard County Cooperative Extension

Service (Duplicate); CCCS of West FL; Florida Cooperative

Extension Dixie County Cooperative Extension Service; Florida

Cooperative Extension--Pasco County Cooperative Extension

Service (Terminated); Adopt A Hurricane Family, Inc. DBA

Crisis Housing Solutions; Apprisen--CCCS--Davie; Florida

Cooperative Extension--Broward County Cooperative Extension;

Central Florida Community Development Corporation; Community

Legal Services of Mid-Florida, Inc.

Mid-Florida Housing Partnership, Inc.; Florida Cooperative

Extension--Walton County Cooperative Extension Service;

Florida Cooperative Extension--Volusia County Cooperative

Extension Service; H.E.L.P. Community Development Corp.;

Affordable Housing by Lake, Inc; Centro Campesino,

Farmworkers Center, Inc.; New Visions Community Development

Corporation; Urban League of Broward County Main Office;

Urban League of Broward County (Branch Office); Affordable

Homeownership Foundation Inc; Home Ownership Resource Center

of Lee County; Housing Authority of the City of Ft.

Myers; Lee County Housing Development Corporation; CCCS of

West FL; City of Gainesville Housing Division; Florida

Cooperative Extension; Florida Cooperative Extension--

Alachua County Cooperative Extension Service; Florida

Cooperative Extension--Alachua County Cooperative

Extension Service (Duplicate); Neighborhood Housing &

Development Corporation; CCCS of the Midwest.

Community Housing Partners Corporation; Community Legal

Services of Mid-Florida, Inc.--Inverness Office; Black

Bottom/Springfield Human Development Corporation, DBA St.

Joseph Homeownership; Community Home Ownership Center, Inc.

F/K/A Jacksonville FL Chapter Assoc. of Housing Counselors &

Agencies CDC; Family Foundations of Northeast Florida, Inc.;

Florida Cooperative Extension--Duval County Cooperative

Extension Service; Greenpath, Inc.; Habitat for Humanity of

Jacksonville, Inc.; Jacksonville Area Legal Aid, Inc.;

Jacksonville Urban League; NACA (Neighborhood Assistance

Corporation of America) Jacksonville, FL; Operation New Hope

CDC; Wealth Watcher, Inc; Community Legal Services of Mid-

Florida, Inc.--Kissimmee Office; Florida Cooperative

Extension--Osceola County Cooperative Extension Service; The

Agriculture and Labor Program, Inc.; Florida Cooperative

Extension--Columbia County Extension Service; Springboard--

Lake Mary; Catholic Charities of Central Florida; Keystone

Challenge Fund, Inc.

Florida Cooperative Extension--Pinellas County Cooperative

Extension Service; Broward County Housing Authority; Florida

Cooperative Extension--Citrus County Cooperative Extension

Service; Debt Management Credit Counseling Corp; Debt

Management Credit Counseling Corp; Debt Management Credit

Counseling Corp.; Florida Cooperative Extension--Suwannee

County Cooperative Extension Service; Greenpath Debt

Solutions; Florida Cooperative Extension--Baker County

Cooperative Extension Service (Duplicate); Florida

Cooperative Extension--Baker County Cooperative Extension

Service (Terminated); Florida Cooperative Extension--Madison

County Cooperative Extension Service (Terminated); Community

Housing Initiative, Inc; Cuban American National Council,

Inc.--Miami; Little Haiti Housing Association, Inc.;

Neighborhood Housing Services of South Florida; Real Estate,

Education and Community Housing, Inc.; SER Jobs for Progress;

Miami Beach Community Development Corp; NID-HCA Florida

Felton; Housing Development Corporation of SW Florida, Inc.

Mr. Speaker, I do want to acknowledge that my friend from Georgia does have a companion bill in the other body. I believe it is S. 333. I would--like I will when the Georgia-Florida game comes up--make a wager with my friend that that bill ain't going nowhere. But, anyway, we are here talking about it, so my wager with the gentleman will be under appropriate measures. I wish he and I could go to Jacksonville together at what they say is the greatest cocktail party in the world.

Mr. Speaker, I just mentioned that at least one of the bills wrapped up in today's, in my view, nonsense, ought to continue to be described as a solution in search of a problem. I am not fully convinced that the observation is not an apt one for the whole lot of bills before us today. As I just mentioned, this is particularly disturbing as this country has real problems which need real solutions.

The Children's Health Insurance Program has expired, and there seems to be little to no will on the other side of the aisle to right this wrong at this time. Sure, we hear possibilities of a solution. When I came back this week, I thought that we would certainly address it. September 30 was when it expired. Yet we and, more importantly, millions of children and organizations wait for an answer.

We know that we are fast approaching a government shutdown, but instead we come to the floor week after week forced to debate ridiculous bills that, in substance, are well-thought-out by the persons presenting them, but, in reality, are not going to become law and are nothing more than talking points of the day, when these things that we should be addressing are going unmet.

We need to reauthorize the Federal Aviation Administration, yet the answer to this issue evades my friends across the aisle. We need to reauthorize the National Flood Insurance Program, yet we wait.

We need to address the crippling epidemic that is gun violence in this country. We need to remember that not even a month ago, this man out in Las Vegas took aim from the 32nd floor of a hotel and rained terror down upon thousands of innocent people enjoying a music festival. The weapons of war he used that night are just as readily available today as the day he bought them.

Finally, I understand people may want to forget the following, but we cannot, and I will not let you forget that there are millions of people across the United States Virgin Islands and Puerto Rico, and there are thousands in Florida and in Texas who are still awaiting visits from

Mr. Speaker, on that I demand the yeas and nays.

Mr. Speaker, I demand a recorded vote.

Mr. Speaker, I rise today to honor Mrs. Geneva Green Russell of Boynton Beach, Florida, who passed away at the age of 100 on May 6, 2017. Georgia-born and Florida educated, Mother Russell received her primary education in Delray Beach public schools.

Mother Russell spiritual life began at the young age of twelve. She was one of the charter members of the then, newly established Church of God in Boynton Beach and served over the years in numerous capacities, including church secretary, musician, and the Women's Ministries President. On June 21, 1936, Mother Russell married Bishop Milton Russell of Abacoa, Bahamas, and alongside him ministered to the needs of her church, family, and community.

She was also a passionate philanthropist, serving as past president of the Parent Teacher Association and distinct member of the Senior Citizens Community Help Club. During this time, she provided medical transportation for sick and elderly citizens and amongst her friends and neighbors, became the ``Designated Driver'' for her group known as the ``Golden Girls.''

Mother Russell led her family by example as a strong Christian loving mother, and endlessly server of her community. Fond memories of her will forever remain with her seven children: Milton Jr., Jean, Joyce, Marjorie, Bernard, Evelyn and Stanley; fifteen grandchildren, twenty- one great-grandchildren, and twelve great-great-grandchildren, along with many relatives and friends.

Mr. Speaker, Mrs. Geneva Green Russell will be remembered by the many people she touched in her 100 years of life. She was truly a shining star of the Boynton Beach community. I am so pleased to honor her life and legacy. She will be dearly missed.

Mr. Speaker, it is with tremendous sadness that I rise today to honor the life and contributions of Diane Glasser. Diane was a former Vice Mayor of the City of Tamarac, a dear personal friend, a constituent, and an activist who contributed greatly to the growth of Democratic politics in Broward County and Florida. She passed away on October 10, 2017 at the age of 89, and is survived by her son Craig Glasser of Sunrise, Florida.

Originally from Mill Basin in Brooklyn, New York, Diane and her husband moved to the City of Tamarac in 1973. She worked in the construction industry for twelve years. In 2004, Diane was appointed First Vice Chairwoman of the Florida Democratic Party.

She was then elected to the Tamarac City Commission in 2008, where she served until her retirement in 2016. She also served on various Boards in Broward County, including the Broward School Board Senior Advisory Task Force and the Broward Human Rights Board.

Diane was an Elected Florida Delegate in the last six Democratic National Conventions, and cast her vote in the Electoral College for the State of Florida in 1996 for Former President Bill Clinton and in 2000 for Former Vice President Al Gore.

Mr. Speaker, Diane was a very special woman who profoundly impacted our community. Her spirit and loving memory will always live on. She will be dearly missed.

Mr. Speaker, on Tuesday, October 3, 2017, I mistakenly voted NAY on Roll Call Vote 550 for S. 782--To reauthorize the National Internet Crimes Against Children Taskforce Program, and for other purposes. I intended to vote YEA on the measure.

Mr. Speaker, I yield myself such time as I may consume, and I thank the gentleman from Texas for yielding me the customary 30 minutes for debate.

Mr. Speaker, I rise today to debate the rule for consideration of H.R. 2824, the Increasing Opportunity Through Evidence-Based Home Visiting Act; and H.R. 2792, the Control Unlawful Fugitive Felons Act of 2017.

The first measure, H.R. 2824, reauthorizes the Maternal, Infant, and Early Childhood Home Visiting Program, or MIECHV, and provides pregnant women and families access to resources to improve maternal and child health and promotes child development.

I am glad to see this bill getting the attention that I think we all agree it deserves, considering the important role the program plays in all of our communities. However, my concern is that, once again, we are witnessing my Republican friends take a policy that should garner broad, bipartisan support and instead scuttle the effort by playing politics.

H.R. 2824's State matching provision is a threat to the core existence of this program. Because of this change from the past authorization, I fear that many States will lose Federal funding and will be forced to cut off home visiting services altogether.

Where do you propose poorer States with lower investments in home visiting get the money to meet the matching requirements?

Then, Mr. Speaker, what about Tribal programs? They are especially vulnerable to the devastation that will be wrought by making them come up with a 30 percent match. Native American communities struggle enough, as it is, without having to put up with these absurd requirements.

I do compliment Mrs. Noem for fighting along with our colleague on the Rules Committee, Tom Cole, for a 5-year hiatus before they would have to make the match. But as one who represents two Tribes, the Seminoles and the Miccosukees, I don't even think, after 5 years, their vulnerability to devastation is going to be avoided.

Mr. Speaker, I ask: Why are my Republican colleagues again choosing to abandon bipartisanship in favor of partisan politics?

Our goals should be to reauthorize the vital program, not change long-established and successful policies that will hurt the most vulnerable in our country.

This program, as traditionally reauthorized, puts families first in order to strengthen communities and improve outcomes for kids and their families. Without the MIECHV Program, at-risk families will suffer.

I strongly support moving quickly to reauthorize this program before it expires on September 30, 2017. But adding a provision that will make it impossible for many States to fully participate in this program is not only not the way forward, it is downright dangerous.

The second measure is H.R. 2792. It is a sidecar bill, as its only purpose in being considered is to offset the cost of the MIECHV Program.

H.R. 2792 would reinstate an old, failed policy that had damaging effects for many seniors and people with disabilities by taking away Supplemental Security Income benefits from every individual who has an outstanding felony warrant, regardless of the seriousness of the alleged violation, the age of the warrant, or the condition of the recipient.

Mr. Speaker, over 110 national, State, and local organizations have warned that H.R. 2792 is a cruel bill that could have catastrophic consequences for some of our most vulnerable citizens.

Everyone can agree that dangerous criminals should not receive public benefits while fleeing justice. In fact, the Social Security Administration already provides regular notification to law enforcement of any beneficiary who has an outstanding warrant. This bill, on the other hand, despite its title, would harm seniors and people with severe disabilities, not felons.

Mr. Speaker, a larger issue at hand is not simply the dangerous policy changes in the first bill, nor the failed unnecessary policy found in the second, but rather the partisan manner in which these bills are being considered, especially in the face of the laundry list of items that this body needs to urgently address in a bipartisan manner.

We do not have the luxury of time to debate the majority's attempts to legislate failed and dangerous policies that will threaten families.

We should be acting in the most exigent fashion to address issues such as ascertaining the full scope of Hurricane Maria's devastation on Puerto Rico and the U.S. Virgin Islands and what we need to do to make our brothers and sisters in those areas whole again.

We should not be spending our time taking a partisan approach to a program that provides pregnant women and families access to resources to improve maternal and child health. Rather, we should be working across the aisle to address the real pressing issues facing our country.

Congress should be addressing the plight of the millions of American citizens living in total devastation in Puerto Rico and the U.S. Virgin Islands.

Five days after Hurricane Maria decimated what Hurricane Irma had spared, 15,000 people remain in government shelters, thousands of homes are destroyed, roads are blocked, bridges buckled, and a dam in Puerto Rico is on the edge of collapse, threatening the lives of nearly 70,000 people with flash flooding. Two hospitals in the Virgin Islands have been destroyed, and lest I

not mention that we have not dealt adequately with what is required in Texas and in southwest Louisiana and in Florida.

Today, in my office, numerous representatives of government officials and organizations came to present issues concerning ongoing matters having to do with their concerns in our area. The Speaker of the House and the chairman of appropriations were with several of us in the Florida delegation last week to review and view the damage that has occurred in the Keys. And here we are, rather than dealing with a humanitarian crisis as towns are left without fresh water, power, and fuel, we are dealing with a dangerous bill that will address vulnerable people in a negative way.

Officials reported that 1,360 of Puerto Rico's 1,600 telephone cell towers are down. The same holds in the Virgin Islands. With 85 percent of aboveground and underground phone and internet cables knocked out-- the same in the Virgin Islands--officials still had not had communication with 9 of the 78 municipalities. It has been difficult or nearly impossible for individuals to reach or connect with their loved ones.

Let me make something very clear that many Members of the House do not understand. Everybody cries that FEMA should do all of the things that we would want it to do as the Federal Emergency Management Agency, but FEMA today is dealing with 30 disasters in this country.

I sat here a moment ago and heard our colleague from Montana describe over a million acres of fire ongoing there. In southern California, there is an extraordinary fire that is taking place in that particular area.

This devastation, these disasters as in Puerto Rico, the Virgin Islands, and elsewhere are only cracks of the service of the long to-do list that Congress is confronted with. The list is long and time is short.

In addition to the MIECHV program, which the majority has decided to undermine here today, at the end of the week, the Children's Health and Insurance Program--CHIP, the Children's Health and Insurance Program-- Medicare provisions, and the Community Health Centers Fund all expire without any discussion at all in this House. We are leaving not only our constituents, young and old, and the American people in a quandary about their health insurance or treatment facilities, but adding unnecessary anxiety to their lives.

Mr. Speaker, I would argue that the snowball is only going to grow with the end of the calendar year looming right around the corner.

Let me just remind my colleagues in the majority what needs to be addressed by December 8: reauthorizing the National Flood Insurance Program--I don't know what that was yesterday that they were trying to do with the FAA authorization--an absolute necessity in the wake of these devastating storms; keeping the government open and EPA pesticide registration fees. And by the end of the year, we must also act to reauthorize the Foreign Intelligence Surveillance Act, FISA, which we now know plays a critical role in the fundamental aspects of our democracy.

The Affordable Care Act's annual fee on health insurance providers needs to be addressed, important for the health of the marketplace, and the Oil Spill Liability Trust Fund financing rate.

Now, Democrats stand ready to work in a bipartisan fashion to address each and every one of the matters that I just talked about, and all of them must pass pieces of legislation. What we are witnessing today is a clear indication that my Republican friends do not share the same spirit, but would rather play politics.

Let me just add one little bit about that. In the other body, the United States Senate, we saw an example of partisan politics play out to its extreme, and it is not likely that there is going to be an important measure dealing with the healthcare of Americans coming from the United States Senate back to this body that passed something that was an awful bill earlier in the year.

But what did it do?

It caused Lamar Alexander and Patty Murray, who were working on bipartisan measures, to stop their bipartisan efforts so that we could go forward in the Senate on a partisan measure that is going nowhere. People sent us here to work together. They did not send us here to be partisan in every one of our moves. What we are witnessing here today is another example of partisanship.

Mr. Speaker, I reserve the balance of my time.

Mr. Speaker, I hope my colleague will support the DelBene amendment, which will eliminate the matching funds for Tribes altogether. I mentioned that earlier.

Mr. Speaker, I yield 3 minutes to the gentlewoman from Colorado (Ms. DeGette), my good friend.

Mr. Speaker, I yield myself such time as I may consume.

It is shameful that President Trump would end the DACA program without a single thought to the consequences

this decision would have on the 800,000 young lives this program protects.

Do the American people even want DACA to end?

The answer is clearly no.

According to a Politico/Morning Consult poll: ``Support for allowing these immigrants to remain in the United States spans across party lines: 84 percent of Democrats, 74 percent of Independents, and 69 percent of Republicans think they should stay.''

Congress must act to protect our DREAMers.

Well, Mr. Speaker, here is our chance to rectify President Trump's heartless decision and restore the American people's faith in us. If we defeat the previous question, I am going to offer an amendment to the rule to bring up H.R. 3440, the Dream Act. This bipartisan, bicameral legislation would help thousands of young people who are Americans in every way except on paper.

Mr. Speaker, I ask unanimous consent to insert the text of my amendment in the Record, along with extraneous material, immediately prior to the vote on the previous question.

Mr. Speaker, through the Chair, I would advise my friend from Texas that I have no further speakers and that I am prepared to close.

Mr. Speaker, I yield myself the balance of my time.

We stand here today with a to-do list a mile long, and we don't have much time to cross items off that list. By kicking the can down the road on nearly every past piece of legislation, this Republican majority has shown itself completely unable to govern. They have abdicated their duty to the American people to accomplish even the most basic of legislative tasks: passing a budget. Without Democratic help, they wouldn't be able to even keep the lights on.

My sincere hope is that the next time we meet we will take up legislation that provides some much-needed relief to our brothers and sisters in Puerto Rico and the Virgin Islands, as well as my home State of Florida and Texas and southwest Louisiana; and address the other disasters that are occurring throughout our country, more specifically having to do with wildfires in Montana, in Oregon, and in California; and that we will begin the process of addressing every single one of the needs of this Nation, particularly its health and its healthcare in a bipartisan way.

My colleagues on this side of the aisle stand ready to do so. I urge a ``no'' vote on the rule.

Mr. Speaker, I yield back the balance of my time.

Mr. Speaker, on that I demand the yeas and nays.

Mr. Speaker, I demand a recorded vote.

Mr. Speaker, I rise today to honor the City of Riviera Beach, Florida. Riviera Beach is celebrating its 95th anniversary with a major event, ``Happy Birthday, Riviera Beach.''

Riviera Beach is known as the ``little city by the sea.'' Descendants of Bahamian settlers were among those who decided on September 29, 1922 to create the Town of Riviera. At the time of its incorporation, Riviera was one of the largest shipping points for fish on Florida's east coast. That fishing capacity drew more Bahamians to the area, including many black Bahamians.

Mr. Speaker, in 2012, that strong tie would become the basis for the formation of a sister city relationship between the cities of Riviera Beach and Freeport on Grand Bahama. Riviera Beach, with its diverse population, has become known as a great place to live, work and play. I am very proud of this fine city, its residents and its elected officials, and I am glad that it has always been part of my Congressional district. Happy Birthday, Riviera Beach.

Mr. Speaker, I rise today to recognize Dr. Anthony Lockhart, Principal at Lake Shore Middle School and Florida's 2017 Principal of the Year. Mr. Lockhart has shown outstanding merit and dedication to his profession. He has been a source of inspiration and courage for hundreds of students for more than 20 years with the Palm Beach County School District. He has gained well-earned accolades for his ability to connect with his students and has gone above and beyond his call of duty to improve the performance of a struggling school. Dr. Lockhart was named the Legacy Magazine 2015 Top High School Educators of the Year and was also named one of the top 50 most influential black professionals.

After graduating from Jackson State University, Dr. Lockhart worked as a counselor to young people--it is this critically important work that would eventually lead him to become a school guidance counselor and work his way up to principal. Dr. Lockhart believes that education is the great equalizer--that no matter what socioeconomic or racial background an individual comes from, they can accomplish anything if they obtain an education.

Lake Shore Middle School faced many challenges when Dr. Lockhart became Principal. Not shy about rolling up his sleeves and getting to work, he started interviewing teachers and community members to ascertain what needed to be done to make the school as successful as he knew it could be. Dr. Lockhart, armed with this information, then worked with teachers and community members alike to change the school culture. This diligent work resulted in the school going from being graded at a F- to a C rated school and being recognized by Florida Governor Rick Scott for being in the top ten percent of middle schools in five categories. Dr. Lockhart has no doubt that this achievement could not have been possible without the efforts from a supportive community, a focused group of educators, and a dedicated administrative staff. Instead of seeing students that embraced a failing attitude, he saw children that had not been given an opportunity to succeed; he saw teachers that needed encouragement, training and support; and a community that could be convinced that success was possible.

Mr. Speaker, as we recognize and honor Dr. Anthony Lockhart today for his accomplishments and his dedication, may we also recognize the hope and light educators like Dr. Lockhart bring to the future of this country.

Mr. Speaker, I yield myself such time as I may consume.

I thank the gentleman from Georgia, my friend, for yielding me the customary 30 minutes for debate.

Mr. Speaker, I echo the sentiments of my friend from Georgia with reference to the ongoing recovery period that we are experiencing in region four, and I especially offer compliments to the Federal family of agencies that have been on the ground working in all of our region.

Like my friend from Georgia, my home is without power, and we urge patience. The authorities are working with the utility companies and they really do have a lot of people on the ground, and it is expected that they will be able to restore power and we will be able to take the long-range view with reference to recovery.

Certainly, we want to thank the first responders. The local authorities have been on their game at their best, as well as the National Oceanic Weather Service that has supplied a lot of information to all of us.

Mr. Speaker, I rise today to debate the rule for H.R. 3697, the Criminal Alien Gang Member Removal Act. Today's rule brings the number of closed rules for the 115th Congress to 42. In other words, more than 50 percent of the legislation coming out of the Rules Committee has been closed off from open and honest debate; closed off by my Republican friends.

At the beginning of this Congress, we were told by my Republican colleagues and the Speaker that they would run the government and, more particularly, the people's House in an open and transparent manner. They even championed regular order. Well, that spirit has clearly been jettisoned in favor of an overtly partisan approach to governing that is indeed unfortunate.

By way of example, the bill we are discussing today was introduced last Thursday, brought to the Rules Committee last night, and is now going to be put before the House for a vote without the committee of jurisdiction holding one hearing on the bill or Members having the opportunity to offer their amendments, which is too bad, because this bill is really in desperate need of help.

During our debate last night, one of my Republican colleagues on the Rules Committee posed three hypothetical situations and asked: If this bill were to become law, what effect the bill would have in those instances?

Not surprisingly, the answers we got were confusing, convoluted, and contradictory. Now we find ourselves here today asking the entire membership of the people's House to vote on something for which no one can honestly say they know what the unintended consequences would be if this bill were to become law.

Bad process makes bad bills, and the process we have witnessed with this bill can't get much worse.

Mr. Speaker, challenged by their party's leader, Donald John Trump, to fix DACA, House leadership, instead, brings this bill to the floor, a bill that does nothing but peddle in the politics of fear, a bill that purports to make communities safer, when all it does is serve red meat to the Republican base and foment xenophobia.

Everyone in this House, everyone in this Nation, can agree that confronting and defeating the perpetrators of gang violence is a good and worthy goal. In fact, we already have laws on the books that do just that. We already have task forces on gangs in virtually all of our communities.

This bill, on the other hand, will not make our communities safer. It will, however, undermine the rule of law in this country by betraying our commitment to the Constitution's guarantee of due process. The bill is also glaringly pretextual in its approach and overbroad in its effect so that it can be seen as nothing other than yet another move to implement Donald John Trump's promise to the Republican base to engage in mass deportation of immigrant communities across our country.

Mr. Speaker, there is no doubt that our immigration system is in dire need of attention. It is also clear that we should approach our work in a manner that is fair to all Americans and compassionate toward those who have fled unbelievable violence and are seeking a better life here in the United States.

We should be proud that we remain--despite the anti-immigrant rhetoric emanating from the White House--a beacon of hope for freedom- loving people around the world, and we should remain welcoming upon their arrival.

This, however, is not the tack taken by many of my Republican friends, and is certainly not the path taken by House leadership with today's bill.

As evidence of their approach, we need only to look at the despair the Republican Party has cast upon the 800,000 DREAMers who live in this country. Instead of finally making permanent the status of DREAMers in this country as full citizens, the first act the Republican majority takes after Donald John Trump tweeted that he would end DACA, then tweeted that he would revisit the issue in 6 months, the first thing that they did was to present a bill that is so broadly drafted that a group of five or more nuns could constitute a criminal gang in the eyes of the law.

Indeed, the bill's harboring provisions under section 274 of the Immigration and Nationality Act are, as Sister Simone Campbell said, ``so sweeping that religious workers who provide shelter, transportation, or support to undocumented immigrants could be found liable of criminal activity. The Federal courts have found that `harboring' includes offering a known undocumented individual a place to stay.''

Sister Simone concluded with this salient point: ``This statute has been used against religious workers in the past, and this bill tries to make it a weapon for the future.''

Mr. Speaker, it was only a few short years ago that the Grand Old Party, in the wake of their electoral loss to President Barack Obama in 2012, issued their autopsy of what went wrong. That report concluded that Republicans must do a better job reaching out to Hispanic Americans.

Yet, instead of heeding their own advice, President Donald John Trump called Mexican Americans murderers and rapists on the very first day of his campaign. From that dark point on, Hispanic Americans have had to watch one of the two major political parties in their country descend further and further into the abyss of xenophobia.

Democrats stand ready to have a serious conversation about comprehensive immigration reform and border security, and I urge my Republican friends to put the red meat aside for the moment and work with us.

Mr. Speaker, I reserve the balance of my time.

Mr. Speaker, I yield such time as she may consume to the gentlewoman from California (Ms. Lofgren), my good friend, the distinguished ranking member of the Judiciary Committee Subcommittee on Immigration and Border Security, a clear-eyed thinker on this subject, and has been the same for a protracted period of time. Few in this body can rival her abilities on this particular subject.

Mr. Speaker, I yield myself such time as I may consume.

Mr. Speaker, if we defeat the previous question, I am going to offer an amendment to the rule to bring up H.R. 3440, the DREAM Act. This bipartisan, bicameral legislation would help thousands of young people who are Americans in every way except on paper.

Mr. Speaker, I ask unanimous consent to insert the text of my amendment in the Record, along with extraneous material, immediately prior to the vote on the previous question.

Mr. Speaker, I yield 3 minutes to the gentlewoman from California (Ms. Sanchez) to discuss our proposal. My good friend is the distinguished vice chair of the Democratic Caucus.

Mr. Speaker, I yield the gentlewoman from California an additional 30 seconds.

Mr. Speaker, I yield myself the balance of my time.

Mr. Speaker, I include in the Record statements in opposition to H.R. 3697 by the American Civil Liberties Union, the Asian Americans Advancing Justice, the Service Employees International Union, and the National Hispanic Leadership Agenda.

American Civil Liberties Union,

Washington, DC, September 12, 2017.

Re vote ``no'' on H.R. 3697, the ``Criminal Alien Gang Member

Removal Act''.

Dear Representative: On behalf of the American Civil

Liberties Union (ACLU) and our nearly two million members and

supporters, we urge members of the House to oppose H.R. 3697

which is expected to be brought up for a floor vote as early

as Thursday, September 14.

The American Civil Liberties Union recommends a NO vote on

this bill because it will promote widespread racial

profiling, violate First Amendment protections, expand

mandatory detention of immigrants, raise serious

constitutional questions on judicial review of government

designations of certain groups, and bar humanitarian relief

for individuals in violation of international treaties.

H.R. 3697 will promote widespread racial profiling, risking

violation of individuals' Fifth Amendment equal protection

rights.

H.R. 3697 will empower the immigration authorities to

conduct dragnet sweeps of Latino communities and other

communities of color. Media reports make clear that law

enforcement has recently relied on questionable and

unreliable evidence to assert that Latino individuals are

gang members, including wearing certain kinds of clothes or

doodling an area code from a Latin American country on a

school notebook. Officers have alleged gang membership

sometimes based on merely being seen with people who are

alleged gang members or living in neighborhoods known to

suffer gang activity. This bill gives DHS the latitude to

arrest, detain, and deport noncitizens including long-time

green card holders for the ``crime'' of living in an

immigrant neighborhood or showing pride in their countries of

origin.

Gang databases information-sharing arrangements between

local law enforcement and federal immigration authorities are

flawed, inaccurate, encourage biased policing, and have been

repeatedly shown to be unreliable. Gang databases have

extremely low thresholds for inclusion: simply living in a

neighborhood where there are gang members or talking to

people who are gang members often results in a young person

being placed in a gang database. An audit of California's

gang database CalGangs found that law enforcement could not

substantiate a significant proportion of their entries into

the gang database. Reliance on gang databases will only

further encourage racial profiling of young men of color

living in poor neighborhoods.

H.R. 3697 seeks to deport immigrants based on a mere

``reason to believe'' that they have been involved in gang

activities. This overly broad designation could sweep up

individuals who have not engaged in criminal activity.

Indeed, in many cases, H.R. 3697 could make immigrants

deportable for activities protected by the First Amendment.

H.R. 3697 subjects an individual to deportation if the

Secretary of Homeland Security or Attorney General ``knows or

has reason to believe'' that an individual is a gang member.

A person is also subject to deportation, if, the individual

has ``participated in the activities'' of the ``gang''

knowing or having reason to know that their activities will

``promote, further, aid or support'' the illegal activity.

This expansive language could sweep up people who have

committed no criminal activity whatsoever.

Even worse, H.R. 3697 risks making people deportable for

activities that are constitutionally protected under the

First Amendment.

``Reason to believe'' is an exceedingly low standard of

proof that will subject people to deportation based on mere

probable cause of gang involvement. This is especially

troubling given the lack of strict rules of evidence in

immigration court, where individuals may be deemed gang

members based on hearsay.

H.R. 3697 includes no exception for offenses committed as a

juvenile. However, the Supreme Court has recognized the broad

legal consensus that juveniles should be held to different

standards of culpability.

H.R. 3697 also includes no exception for having

``participated in the activities of a gang under duress,

which is a well-recognized defense against criminal conduct.

Many vulnerable individuals may have ``participated in the

activities'' of a gang under coercion, including for fear of

their lives or those of their family members. It raises

serious due process concerns to subject individuals to

removability based on such conduct.

H.R. 3697 grants the Department of Homeland Security

massive discretion to designate a group as a ``criminal

gang'', based on secret evidence, and without meaningful

judicial review, which raises serious constitutional

questions.

H.R. 3697 creates a vague and overbroad definition of a

``criminal gang'' that sweeps in lawful and constitutionally

protected conduct.

H.R. 3697 grants the Secretary of Homeland extraordinarily

broad discretion to designate a group a ``criminal gang'',

based on ``classified'' or ex parte evidence that the

designated individuals may not access, even in a court

challenge. The Government's ability to rely on secret

evidence to make and defend the gang designation raises

serious due process concerns.

H.R. 3697 also bars individuals from ``rais[ing] any

question concerning the validity of [a gang designation]'' in

their own removal proceedings.

H.R. 3697 provides little to no opportunity to challenge

for those unjustly subject to a gang designation. A group

cannot petition for revocation for two years after the

designation, during which time alleged members cannot

challenge the validity of that designation in removal

proceedings--thereby punishing and deporting individuals over

facts they cannot challenge. Similarly, groups have 30 days

to file a legal challenge to the designation in court, but

that judicial review cannot prevent other pieces of the act

from moving forward, such as removal proceedings, until there

is a final order from the

court. Whether petitioning for revocation or challenging a

designation in court, this act has the effect of punishing

and removing individuals without providing sufficient options

for recourse or redress.

H.R. 3697 bars important forms of humanitarian relief for

individuals fleeing persecution and children facing

situations of abuse, which violates U.S. treaty obligations

and raises serious constitutional concerns.

At the same time, H.R. 3697 bars individuals accused of

gang involvement from asylum and withholding of removal, thus

stripping individuals fleeing persecution--including

potentially thousands of individuals fleeing gang violence in

Central America--from refuge in the United States. H.R. 3697

thus violates U.S. obligations under the Refugee Convention

and the international law prohibition of nonrefoulement, or

the return of individuals to situations where they will face

persecution or torture.

H.R. 3697 would also strip children accused of gang

involvement of eligibility for Special Immigrant Juvenile

Status (SIJS), which provides immigration relief to children

facing abuse and neglect. To deport these children would be

cruel and irrational when many of the children applying for

SIJS have come to the U.S. to flee gang violence in Central

America.

H.R. 3697 irrationally strips individuals of Temporary

Protected Status (TPS) which is an important humanitarian

protection for noncitizens.

H.R. 3697 expands the scope of mandatory detention, in

violation of the Fifth Amendment's Due Process Clause.

H.R. 3697 would require the mandatory detention of

immigrants accused of gang involvement, without the basic due

process of a bond hearing to determine if the person even

needs to be locked up in the first place.

H.R. 3697 would impose mandatory detention on individuals

who seek asylum at a port-of-entry--many of whom are fleeing

gang violence in Central America--by eliminating parole for

asylum seekers accused of gang ties.

The detention provisions raise serious due process

concerns. As the Supreme Court has held, ``[i]n our society,

liberty is the norm, and detention prior to trial or without

trial is the carefully limited exception.'' Although the

Supreme Court has upheld limited periods of mandatory

immigration detention where Congress found certain categories

of noncitizens to pose a heightened flight risk or risk to

public safety, H.R. 3697 sweeps far beyond what is

constitutionally permissible.

Separate from any relationship with gang affiliation, the

TPS-specific provisions of the legislation revise the statute

to allow the government to detain noncitizens with TPS

``whenever appropriate under any provision of law.'' This

potentially raises the specter that noncitizens who have been

granted protection by our government could languish in

detention for prolonged periods of time, in violation of due

process.

The detention provisions are a massive waste of taxpayer

dollars. The immigration authorities already have full

authority to detain any individual pending a removal

proceeding. Individuals remain in detention unless they meet

their burden of proving, either to an immigration judge at a

bond hearing or to an ICE office make a parole determination,

that they pose no flight risk or danger to the community.

For the above reasons the ACLU urges a NO vote on H.R.

3697, the ``Criminal Alien Gang Removal Act.''

Regards,

Faiz Shakir,

Director, Washington Legislative Office.

Lorella Praeli,

Director of Immigration Policy and Campaigns.

Mr. Speaker, my friend on the other side of the aisle is a multitalented person. In addition to his curriculum vitae, he carries with him the mantle of being a man of the cloth. I know he knows Matthew 25:35. It is oft quoted, and we do well to remember it. Among the things that are said in that verse are: ``For I was hungry and you gave me food, I was thirsty and you gave me drink, I was a stranger and you welcomed me.'' This sentiment must be our guiding principle, our North Star, as we work to repair our broken immigration system.

Today's bill is in total opposition to this sentiment as it works to demonize, with one broad, careless, and probably unconstitutional stroke, an entire group of people, the vast majority of whom simply wish to find refuge from immense hardship in their country of origin.

My Republican friends should take yet another in a long line of legislative mulligans on this bill and come to the table ready to work in a sensible way to fix our immigration system. I would suggest they could start by bringing the DREAM Act to the floor for an up-or-down vote.

Mr. Speaker, I urge a ``no'' vote on the rule and the underlying bill, and I yield back the balance of my time.

Mr. Speaker, on that I demand the yeas and nays.

Mr. Speaker, I demand a recorded vote.

Mr. Chairman, I have an amendment at the desk.

Mr. Chairman, I thank the members of this committee for allowing the opportunity to present this amendment. The extraordinary work of Mrs. Lowey and Mr. Rogers, as well as Mr. Frelinghuysen and other members of the Appropriations Committee, are deeply appreciated by all of us.

This amendment adds an additional $12 million to the Economic Support Fund to increase assistance to the Ethiopian-Israeli community.

Through the Middle East Partnership Initiative, our Embassy in Tel Aviv is already engaged in a number of valuable partnerships with the Ethiopian community in Israel. These programs are commendable, and I hope that their funding remains robust.

My amendment would extend a modest amount of aid toward a different subset of the community, Ethiopian-Israeli youth.

Israel's Ministry of Education recently completed a long-term review to determine how to best meet the needs of the community. The plan that was presented and adopted included approximately $20 million for programs to improve integration of the Ethiopian community into Israeli society, focusing principally on education and, more specifically, language and math skills. Israeli organizations that have focused on this area for years have had great successes.

My first visit to Israel was, rather ironically because of today's events, with Mrs. Lowey and other Members. During that period of time, we visited one of the areas where Ethiopian Jews were being absorbed. And since that time, I have followed actively Israel's continuing courageous concerns with reference to those from not only areas that are right there, but as far away as Ethiopia.

They work with American philanthropic organizations such as the Jewish Federations of North America, and private stakeholders, but, even with the new government funding, do not have sufficient resources to meet the needs of these communities.

Supporting this type of programming would be a logical and effective way to continue improving upon our country's bilateral relationship and would build upon programs that are already implemented on the ground.

I urge a ``yes'' vote on this matter, and I reserve the balance of my time.

Mr. Chairman, I yield back the balance of my time.

Mr. Chairman, I demand a recorded vote.

Mr. Chairman, I have an amendment at the desk.

Mr. Chairman, my amendment adds $20 million to the Economic Support Fund for the purpose of providing critically needed humanitarian aid to peoples persecuted by ISIS. These groups include Yazidi survivors of sexual slavery, as well as Christian, Shabak, and other religious and ethnic minorities.

Footnote right there, Mr. Chairman. I found it interesting in the past few weeks that the Rohingya in Myanmar, formerly Burma, are, literally, expelled from their country. While I, as well as others, am proud of Aung San Suu Kyi, and the extraordinary work that she did, and her Nobel Prize, I am puzzled by the continuing conduct which mimics genocide in that area, and this is not about that, but I would be remiss if I didn't mention it.

There are a lot of examples I could highlight to stress the importance of this amendment, but I want to focus briefly on the Yazidi. The crimes committed by the Islamic State against the Yazidi are amongst the most horrible we have heard of--mass executions, organized kidnapping, child soldiers, and sexual slavery. At the height of its power, the Islamic State sold girls and women in the open at slave markets.

In a recent article titled ``Freed From ISIS, Yazidi Women Return in `Severe Shock,' '' The New York Times quotes Dr. Nagham Nawzat Hasan, a Yazidi gynecologist who has treated over 1,000 of the rape victims. He describes the victims as virtually ``unconscious'' and ``in severe shock and psychological upset.''

Thousands of women remain enslaved, and those who have escaped or been rescued, for them, the road to recovery is daunting.

As we debate how best to spend hundreds of millions of dollars in humanitarian aid, we must ensure this community is provided with support. Time is of the essence, Mr. Chairman.

Mr. Chair, I urge a ``yes'' vote, and I reserve the balance of my time.

Mr. Chairman, I am very pleased to yield to the gentlewoman from New York (Mrs. Lowey), the ranking member of this distinguished committee.

Mr. Chairman, I yield back the balance of my time.

Mr. Chairman, I demand a recorded vote.

Mr. Chairman, I ask unanimous consent to withdraw my request for a recorded vote on amendment No. 97 printed in part B of House Report 115-295 to the end that the Chair put the question de novo.

Mr. Chair, I ask unanimous consent to withdraw my request for a recorded vote on amendment No. 98 printed in part B of House Report 115-295 to the end that the Chair put the question de novo.

Mr. Speaker, I rise to honor Mrs. Emma L. Kern Black on the occasion of her 80th birthday, which was celebrated on January 8, 2017.

Emma was born in Kosciusko, Mississippi to Mr. Jimmy and Manella Kern in 1937. Graduating as valedictorian of her high school in 1955, Emma went on to receive her Bachelor of Science degree from Jackson State College and receive her Master of Science from the University of Wisconsin-Madison in 1965. During her time in college, Emma became a member of organizations such as Delta Sigma Theta Sorority, Inc., Phi Theta Kappa Honor Society, the Sunday School Organization and the Who's Who in Colleges and Universities.

With a love for education, Emma began her career as a third grade teacher at Oak Park Elementary School in Laurel, Mississippi in 1959 until 1964. Emma went on to serve in the Broward County Public School System as a primary early childhood education specialist until her retirement in 1995. During her career, Emma collaborated and led multiple educational projects and served on student and teacher evaluation teams representing the Southern Association of Schools and Colleges. Emma additionally was an adjunct professor at Nova University of Broward County.

As an active member of First Baptist Church Piney Grove in Fort Lauderdale, Emma served as organizer, musician and director of the Junior Choir for 26 years and Sunday School teacher and musician for over 40 years. This dedication and devotion resulted in her being recognized with the ``Women in Religion'' award by the Broward County Chapter of Charmettes, Inc. in 2002. Emma's community activities involve: The Lakeside Homeowners Association; the Board of Adjustment for the City of Oakland; Rock Island Elementary School Improvement Team; the Broward County School Readiness Coalition; the Cradle Nursey Boards of Director; the National Association for the Advancement of Colored People (NAACP); the Urban League of Broward County; as well as being a Golden Life Member of Delta Sigma Theta Sorority Alumni Chapter of Fort Lauderdale; a member of the Jackson State University Alumni Association; and Broward County Retired Teachers Association.

After more than 40 years of public service, Emma enjoys traveling domestically and internationally with her husband Dr. Malcolm Black, whom she met the first night of college at a freshmen gathering on campus.

Mr. Speaker, I have had the great privilege of knowing Mrs. Emma Kern Black for many years. I am so happy to be able to honor her on the occasion of her 80th birthday, and wish her many more years of happiness and success.

Mr. Speaker, I rise today to honor the life and legacy of Mr. Donald Richard Wilson, who sadly died on July 25, 2017 at the age of 77. Mr. Wilson, as he was affectionately known by so many, was born on April 22, 1940 to William (Gus) and Annie Mae Wilson. He remained a lifelong resident of Palm Beach County. During his youth, he, along with his two brothers was raised with strict Christian discipline by their mother, Annie Mae Wilson. She worked tirelessly to insure that the boys would receive the best possible education and upbringing she could provide.

A product of the Palm Beach County Public School System, Donald graduated in 1958 from Roosevelt High School, going on to Bethune Cookman, and Florida A&M Universities. After college, he returned home with a degree in elementary education and Gloria, his wife, who was the love of his life for fifty-three years.

Baptized at an early age in St. Paul AME Church, Donald remained a member in good standing throughout his life. He sang in the choir and chaired the Cultural and Artistic Committee and the Steward Board. Donald retired from the Palm Beach County School District in 1996, having served for 35 years as a teacher and administrator. For 22 years, he officiated in children's football and basketball games. A man who truly loved his city, he served on Riviera Beach's City Council for six years.

Donald Wilson was significantly involved in getting the first black firefighters hired in Riviera Beach. He helped produce many Afro Arts festivals and fathered the Riviera Beach Jazz & Blues Festival. Donald was principally involved in awarding over 2,500 athletic scholarships, 2,000 academic scholarships and 750 personal need scholarships to black students, during his 51-year tenure as Vice President of the Youth Recreation Association of Riviera Beach.

Mr. Speaker, Donald Wilson was a wonderful husband, father, grandfather and friend to so many. He was a highly respected member of his community. Donald left behind a great legacy to which everyone who knew him will always point as a life well lived. I was proud to call him my friend, and will dearly miss him.

Mr. Speaker, I yield myself such time as I may consume.

Mr. Speaker, I thank the gentlewoman from Wyoming (Ms. Cheney) for yielding me the customary 30 minutes for debate, and I rise to debate the rule for H.R. 3180, the Intelligence Authorization Act for Fiscal Year 2018.

I was somewhat dismayed earlier this week when my friends across the aisle attempted to jam today's bill through this body by jettisoning regular order and bringing the bill up under suspension.

Luckily, we can add this shortsighted attempt at governing to their long list of legislative failures. And although I may be pleased that their suspension shenanigans failed, my frustration was born anew when we were informed that the bill would come to the floor under yet another closed rule.

This is all bad enough, and I will come back to it in a moment, but first we need to discuss the blanket martial law provision that my friends on the other side put into this rule.

This move, especially when considered in the context of those mentioned

above, truly elevated poor governing to an art form.

I want the American people, Republican and Democrat and Independents alike, to be crystal clear on what is happening here today. By putting a blanket martial law provision into this rule, my friends across the aisle were trying to make it as easy as possible for them to pass a healthcare bill that they had never seen. The bill would have surely ripped healthcare away from millions of Americans and unceremoniously upended one-sixth of our economy.

Thankfully, Senators Collins, Murkowski, and McCain, and tens of thousands of regular Americans-turned-activists ensured that this effort failed.

Since day one, the approach of my colleagues on the other side of the aisle on healthcare or, for that matter, any number of other important issues has been horrendous. It has been rushed; it has been secretive; it has been chaotic; and it has been inspired by the desire for a cheap win rather than the desire to make our healthcare system stronger and more widely available to all Americans.

Truly, whether it is healthcare, veterans, or the authorization of funding for something as important as our intelligence community, the approach leaves some of us bewildered, dismayed, and gravely concerned for the well-being of our country.

Indeed, when discussing something as important as the authorization for funding for the intelligence community, we ought to proceed in a manner that allows all Members of this body the opportunity to weigh in with their concerns. This closed process does a disservice not only to those of us who do not sit on the committee of jurisdiction, but also the intelligence community and the American people.

As an example, when I did sit on this committee, I was vice chair of the House Permanent Select Committee on Intelligence, and I worked diligently to ensure that minorities were given equal opportunity to break into the upper ranks of the intelligence community.

Since leaving that committee, I have continued this important work and introduced an amendment to a previous iteration of the underlying bill that called for the Director of National Intelligence to put forth a plan that would encourage diversity hires throughout the intelligence community. Frustratingly, I am stripped of such an opportunity today because of the Republican leadership's unyielding devotion to perpetuating a closed process.

Additionally, the gentlewoman from Texas (Ms. Jackson Lee), my friend, has also offered amendments to the underlying bill in the past that call for an increase in the recruitment and training of minorities as officers and employees of the Central Intelligence Agency. She, like the majority of our colleagues, will not be afforded a similar opportunity this time around.

This is troublesome because diversity is a mission imperative for the intelligence community. Not only do we need to see minorities have more opportunities to climb the ranks, but we also need to recruit Americans who will be able to blend in, speak foreign languages, and understand the cultures in countries that are now central to our foreign policy interests.

At the end of the day, such diversity is achieved through the hiring process, and, therefore, we need to ensure that we are hiring Arab Americans, Iranian Americans, Pakistani Americans, Chinese Americans, Korean Americans, women, gays, and many other Americans from diverse backgrounds as we confront a myriad of threats and work harder to better understand our adversaries, wherever they may lurk. We do not seek this diversity in the name of political correctness but, rather, in the name of national security. As I have said before, if the intelligence community is to succeed in its global mission, it must have a global face.

I have no doubt that scores of Members would like to have offered amendments addressing the issues I have just mentioned as well as many other issues that are of particular concern to them and their constituents. Unfortunately, under this rule, they will not be afforded such an opportunity today.

Those who work in the intelligence community serve our country faithfully and bravely, knowing that they will never receive the public recognition they so richly deserve. In fact, they have served and continue to serve knowing that not only will they not receive well- earned accolades, but that they will, upon occasion, have to endure unfounded and offensive statements from this administration. These statements began before the current administration even moved in down Pennsylvania Avenue.

I quote the following from the administration's, President's, Twitter account: ``Intelligence agencies should never have allowed this fake news to `leak' into the public. One last shot at me. Are we living in Nazi Germany?''

I find that shameful and absolutely unfounded in making such a statement. Comparing these brave and patriotic Americans to Nazis? You really have to be kidding me.

As a former member of HPSCI, I will not sit idly by while anyone maligns the honorable work these proud Americans do day in and day out to protect our country. But it seems that, with this closed process and their continued support of President Donald John Trump, even as he slowly erodes the foundation of our democracy one tweet at a time, is exactly what my friends and the Republican Congress are doing.

Mr. Speaker, I reserve the balance of my time.

Mr. Speaker, I yield myself such time as I may consume.

The brazen and reckless manner in which this bill was first brought to the floor is evidence that my friends across the aisle have still not figured out how to govern. The learning curve may be steep, but it is not that steep.

Quite simply, my friends, it is time for you to start governing responsibly, not with closed rules and martial law, without hearings, and without CBO scores, but through regular order, with an opportunity for all Members and, through them, their constituents to take part in legislating. The White House may be in chaos, but that is no reason for the House to legislate in a similar manner.

For the good of the country, we must return to regular order. We must work to ensure that those serving in the intelligence community are able to do their best work, to do it as safely as possible, and to do it knowing that they will receive the respect they deserve from all branches of their government. I worry that they, increasingly, do not receive this respect, and that this disrespect, should it continue, will make it more difficult for us to retain and recruit the talent we so desperately need to protect our national security.

Of course, the intelligence community is only one part of our national security apparatus. The men and women in our military are an equally important part of maintaining our national security. And, unfortunately, we learned just yesterday that these brave servicemembers are not immune from baseless attacks from the administration.

It was announced, on the 69th anniversary of President Truman's issuing an executive order that desegregated the Armed Forces, that transgender servicemembers would no longer be able to serve in the military. Were these individuals, numbering between 10,000 and 15,000, banned because they are not brave, because they are not patriotic, because they are incapable of meeting the rigorous requirements of being in the military? No, they have been banned because bigotry defeated decency yesterday, and they have been banned because of who they are.

As I mentioned the other evening, I had three uncles who were in the Army. They served proudly. They served bravely. They served in a segregated Army. Two of them received purple hearts.

It was a great offense that they had to serve in a segregated Army in which they were made to feel that somehow their bravery, their patriotism, and their devotion to their brothers in arms was somehow less because of the color of their skin.

President Truman knew this was wrong, and he ended it. Simply put, President Truman knew then what our current President is incapable of understanding today: the strength of our military is not found in the race or the religion or the creed or the sex or the gender identity of its servicemembers, but rather in the bravery and honor exhibited by these individuals on a daily basis. They, like all of us here today, are proud citizens of this country. They, like all of us here today, are God's children. I thank them for their service to our Nation.

Mr. Speaker, I urge a ``no'' vote on the rule, and I yield back the balance of my time.

Mr. Speaker, on that I demand the yeas and nays.

Mr. Speaker, I rise today to honor Mr. Sam Otis Smith, on the occasion of his 85th birthday, which will be celebrated on July 25, 2017. Sam is an outstanding individual and I am truly blessed to be able to count him among one of my dearest friends.

Sam was born July 25, 1932 in Charles City County, Virginia. He graduated in 1955 with a B.A. in Agriculture from Virginia State College and was Commissioned as a Second Lieutenant in the U.S. Army. During the course of his career he was awarded three Army Commendation Medals; two Bronze Star Medals; and the Legion of Merit Medal. After 20 years of service to his country, he retired as a Lieutenant Colonel in 1975. That year, Sam began his tenure as the Director of the Physical Plant at Virginia State University, until his retirement in 1989. Sam spent the latter years of his career as a Realtor.

The tenth of eleven children born to Elizabeth Bassett Smith and Charles Smith, Sam has always been devoted to his family and friends. He remains an active member of numerous professional, charitable, and sport organizations.

Mr. Speaker, I have had the great privilege of knowing Sam for many years, and it gives me great pride to honor him on the occasion of his 85th birthday. I wish him many more years of happiness and success.