Mr. Speaker, I yield myself such time as I may consume. (Mr. HASTINGS of Florida asked and was given permission to revise and extend his remarks.) I thank the gentleman from Texas (Mr. Burgess) for yielding me the customary 30 minutes. Mr.…
Mr. Speaker, I yield myself such time as I may consume.
(Mr. HASTINGS of Florida asked and was given permission to revise and extend his remarks.)
I thank the gentleman from Texas (Mr. Burgess) for yielding me the customary 30 minutes.
Mr. Speaker, I rise today in opposition to this rule. The legislation consists of a package of five bills previously reported by the Ways and Means Committee, which would add an estimated $16 billion to the deficit over the next 10 years.
Like every Member of this body, I strongly support charitable giving. I tout the fact in the Rules Committee frequently that I am proud of the fact that I work directly with three food pantries--one that I am extremely proud of that works with grandmothers and grandfathers who are taking care of their children's children and who find great needs. I might add that that
particular charity has seen a diminution, a diminishing, of charitable giving. I might add additionally to that, when I look across the board in my community, I find that charitable giving is down, and I think that is commensurate with the kind of economy that we are in.
I applaud Americans who donate what they can to the causes they care about. I would go as far as to say that I support many of the measures that are in this bill. However, in its present form, I cannot support it. The Republican majority has divided what used to be a complete extenders package into smaller parts, some of which will be debated here today and some of which, I predict, will never reach the floor for debate, certainly not a vote. My friends have managed to make a traditionally nonpartisan and noncontroversial issue both partisan and controversial. The provisions we are debating are not paid for and, yet, are made permanent.
I am afraid that this bill is part and parcel in a pattern of what I perceive as reckless, irresponsible behavior on the part of the majority. Republican inconsistency on fiscal responsibility and the deficit is stunning. Whenever we are considering a bill they like, they are happy to ignore the deficit and waive all of the rules that enforce fiscal discipline; but whenever Republicans don't like a proposal, they hide behind budget rules to block it. On the one hand, they have blocked or delayed everything from extending unemployment insurance, to an SGR doc fix, to emergency hurricane relief, demanding that they are fully offset. Yet, when it comes to tax credits, they waive their own budgeting rules, as they are doing here, and run up the deficit as they are doing here. This bill alone will add an additional $16 billion to the deficit over 10 years. These are the people who continuously decry the fact that we have deficits, and these are the people who continue to say that they are spendthrifts in the sense that they are taking care of the budget. That is just the beginning.
Today, the Ways and Means Committee has reported 12 unpaid-for tax extenders at a cost of $614 billion over 10 years. The House has passed five at a cost of $518 billion over 10 years. I might add this is budget hocus-pocus. It was referred to as ``voodoo economics'' at another point in time. For example, you take something like we did with the highway trust bill earlier, and you pay for it. You spend the money in 6 months, and then you pay for it over a 10-year period of time, which substantially mitigates against what their intent is rather than to do what is needed, and that is a highway infrastructure bill that will give our Nation reassurance with reference to construction measures and make sure our bridges are not falling down and that our roads are safe to drive on.
Look at the bill that we were dealing with last week. My friends threw away another $287 billion, or at least they proposed to. Much of this stuff isn't going anywhere, but they proposed to throw away another $287 billion on an extenders package just like this one. Let me repeat: $287 billion. Now we are going to add another $16 billion to that number. It is as if we are looking for new ways to be dysfunctional.
Instead of creating a stable economy, they are picking and choosing their favorite provisions and are extending them piece by piece. Rather than reforming our Tax Code, they are making it up as they go along. Assuredly, all of us have great respect for our colleagues on both sides of the aisle who have that awesome responsibility of finding the ways and the means to fund this government, and I for one--and I am sure I speak for many--have great respect for Dave Camp, the chairman of that committee.
At the beginning of this session, Chairman Camp proposed tax reform. I might have agreed or disagreed with an awful lot of it, but inside his own Conference, he could not get people who would support meaningful tax reform. Instead, now, in refutation to much of what he had put forward by denying some of these 60-plus extensions--he had said that many of them should not be in the measure--they come and cherry-pick and get the ones that they want and put them here rather than reform this Tax Code.
Is there anybody in this country, in this Congress, in the House, or in the Senate who believes that the Tax Code is fair and simple for everybody--business and/or Americans? No. They are making it up as they go along--a tax extender here, a tax extender there, something I like here, and I don't like that over there.
Let me tell you what we should be doing. We should be passing bills that create jobs in this country.
We should be repairing our infrastructure, and all of us know this.
When I came to Congress in 1992, then-President Bill Clinton identified--and we agreed--that there were 14,000 bridges in America that were in need of repair, but now, what we find is that there are substantially more bridges, and some have fallen down in that period of time, and yet, we are piecemealing the transportation issue, kicking the can down the road.
I commented in the Rules Committee some time back, this kicking the can down the road concept, if it were an Olympic sport, then Congress would not only get gold and bronze and silver, they would also get aluminum because they are real good at kicking the can.
We should be passing bills that tackle comprehensive immigration reform. Is there anybody, including all of the don't come here people that are out there shouting at children--in many instances--and mothers and people who don't speak our language, that have undertaken the most unreasonable, for any of us, journey to try to get to a better life for themselves--and people standing there, shouting at them, rather than collecting ourselves as a sensible country--of immigrants, I might add--and allow, among other things that we try to do, not just comprehensive immigration reform, indeed, we should do border security.
We have to have clarity, not only for those who may seek to come here, but for all of us. We need clarity as it pertains to immigration.
Will they put it on the floor just for a vote? No. It will not happen, and yet, we will see this piecemeal, and we will see this back and forth some time next week.
The President proposes $3.7 billion. Someone on the other side said that is too much money. The President says we need more judges and more lawyers, and we need lawyers on both sides I maintain, and yet, we find ourselves in the position of not being able to do anything and not doing it hurriedly enough.
We have this crisis on our border, which doesn't even come close to rivaling the many issues that are developing in the world, from Ukraine to Israel to Yemen, back across the board to Syria, and countless other places, our relationships are in jeopardy, and all of it is placed at the hands, if you let these people tell it, of Barack Obama.
Many of the issues that are developing developed over periods of time, and they largely did so because this Congress does not have the courage to stand up and do the things that are vitally necessary for all of America, Republican and Democrat, conservative and liberal. The needs are great, and we are doing very little of anything at all.
We have 10 more days until we go on recess to campaign, and when we do go on recess to campaign, that will be for the whole month of August. Then we will come back here a few weeks in September, and we will be gone the whole month of October.
What in the world would stop us then from having the time and the necessity to sit down together in a bipartisan way and come up with what is needed for immigration reform in this country?
We have 3.3 million people--after the expiration of the unemployment insurance measures in this country in the month of December, we now number 3.3 million people out of work, in the cold, and that has cost the economy more than $10 billion.
Of those 3.3 million people, I remind my friends who stand up here with their patriotic notions that they espouse, and I believe they believe in our troops. We are fond of saying that around here.
I believe they believe that we should be secure, as do I, with reference to our military, but 300,000 of those people that are unemployed are veterans, not to mention all of the problems at the veterans hospitals that we need to attend to, rather than finger- pointing
and trying to find measures to beat each other down, rather than try to lift America up.
House Republicans have found time to sue President Obama for doing his job, but we haven't found time to pass these important bills.
I said humorously, before I began to hear it often, that if President Obama is going to be sued by the Speaker for doing something, then I want to participate in the lawsuit against the Speaker for doing nothing.
We can try to appease the most extreme end of the Republican Party, but we can't pass the laws that address the challenges facing Americans all across this Nation, and for this dereliction of duty, maybe somebody should consider when we are talking about a lawsuit--what I said humorously--really considering suing this institution and its Speaker for not doing those things that are a few that I have identified.
In yesterday's hearing in the Rules Committee, I ended my remarks-- and we had outstanding witnesses, experts in this area, ranging from Elizabeth Foley, from Florida International University; to Jonathan Turley, from George Washington University; Simon Lazarus, from the Constitutional group; and Walter Dellinger--all of them--at least three of them being extremely experienced in the subject matter and each of them addressing the subject of standing, as I did, in asking them questions at different times.
Most of us know that this lawsuit is not likely to go anywhere, and at some point, all of the witnesses agreed that there are challenges ahead with reference to this lawsuit, and all of them knew and know that there is absolutely no precedent for this action, none.
There is a case, McClure v. Carter, that has some similarities, but even that one did not cross the threshold that is needed. I did end my comments by saying that I was being partisan, and I will end this portion of my comments by saying I am being partisan.
These are the people that for the 52 years, nearly, that I am a lawyer, that have argued against frivolous lawsuits. If there was ever a frivolous lawsuit, then the one that is proposed to be filed by the Speaker of this House gives frivolous new meaning. It is indeed just that.
Mr. Speaker, I reserve the balance of my time.
Mr. Speaker, on this matter, the administration, as it is wont to do, filed administration policy. We refer to them in our committees and around the House as a SAP.
What the administration said is the following:
The administration supports measures that enhance
nonprofits, philanthropic organizations, and faith-based and
other community organizations in their many roles, including
as a safety net for those most in need, an economic engine
for job creation, a tool for environmental conservation that
encourages land protections for current and future
generations, and an incubator of innovation to foster
solutions to some of the Nation's toughest challenges. The
President's budget includes a number of proposals that would
enhance and simplify charitable giving incentives for many
individuals.
I am going to come back to this, but before we go forward, if we defeat the previous question, I will offer an amendment to the rule that would give Members a second opportunity this week to consider reversing the damage done by the recent Hobby Lobby Supreme Court decision.
No employer should have the right to limit the health choices of its employees, male or female. It is pure discrimination when 99 percent of women in this country have used some form of birth control during their lifetime, but to now have to literally go through unreasonable measures to simply secure the fundamental health care they need.
To discuss our proposal, I yield 3 minutes to the distinguished gentlewoman from Massachusetts (Ms. Clark).
Mr. Speaker, I am very pleased at this time to yield 3 minutes to the distinguished gentleman from California (Mr. Bera), a good friend who serves on the Foreign Affairs Committee.
I yield the gentleman an additional 30 seconds.
Mr. Speaker, I am very pleased at this time to yield 3 minutes to the distinguished gentleman from New York (Mr. Nadler), my classmate and good friend.
Mr. Speaker, I yield myself such time as I may consume.
I am a proud cosponsor of the measure that was just spoken to, and I am very pleased that my colleague came here to speak on it.
Rather than read the entirety of the Statement of Administration Policy at this time, I will submit that statement for the Record.
Statement of Administration Policy
H.R. 4719--America Gives More Act of 2014
(Rep. Reed, R-New York, and 9 cosponsors, July 17, 2014)
The Administration supports measures that enhance non-
profits, philanthropic organizations, and faith-based and
other community organizations in their many roles, including
as a safety net for those most in need, an economic engine
for job creation, a tool for environmental conservation that
encourages land protections for current and future
generations, and an incubator of innovation to foster
solutions to some of the Nation's toughest challenges. The
President's Budget includes a number of proposals that would
enhance and simplify charitable giving incentives for many
individuals.
However, the Administration strongly opposes House passage
of H.R. 4719, which would permanently extend three current
provisions that offer enhanced tax breaks for certain
donations and add another two similar provisions without
offsetting the cost. If this same, unprecedented approach of
making certain traditional tax extenders permanent without
offsets were followed for the other traditional tax
extenders, it would add $500 billion or more to deficits over
the next ten years, wiping out most of the deficit reduction
achieved through the American Taxpayer Relief Act of 2013.
Just two months ago, House Republicans themselves passed a
budget resolution that required offsetting any tax extenders
that were made permanent with other revenue measures.
As with other similar proposals, Republicans are imposing a
double standard by adding to the deficit to continue and
create tax breaks that primarily benefit higher-income
individuals, while insisting on offsetting the proposed
extension of emergency unemployment benefits and the
discretionary funding increases for defense and non-defense
priorities such as research and development in the Bipartisan
Budget Act of 2013. House Republicans also are making clear
their priorities by rushing to make these tax cuts permanent
without offsets even as the House Republican budget
resolution calls for raising taxes on 26 million working
families and students by letting important improvements to
the Earned Income Tax Credit, Child Tax Credit, and education
tax credits expire.
The Administration wants to work with Congress to make
progress on measures that strengthen America's social sector.
However, H.R. 4719 represents the wrong approach.
If the President were presented with H.R. 4719, his senior
advisors would recommend that he veto the bill.
Now, there is something else we need to discuss about this rule. Once again, we are debating a closed rule.
When I came to Congress, I was listening on the radio. I didn't know very much about rules. And a part of why Democrats in the majority lost, in my opinion, was the harangue that was going on on the radio about closed rules.
Well, I came here, and I wound up on the Rules Committee, and now I know a little bit about closed rules. I also know that we have set an all-time record in the history of the United States Congress, for now, in this particular rule that is before the House of Representatives, the 65th time this session, we are going to have a closed rule. What that means, America, is that your Representative on either side will not have an opportunity to offer an amendment to this measure with reference to tax extenders. This is the most closed rules that this Congress has considered ever, and I expect we are not finished yet and that the number of closed rules will continue to grow.
We started the 113th session with a pledge of transparency and openness from the Speaker of the House, but that has fallen by the wayside, and it has done so in historic proportion. Enough already. The majority should do the responsible thing and bring up bills that actually matter, bills that will address the many challenges facing this country, challenges, as I have pointed out before, about our crumbling infrastructure and, most importantly, creating jobs, even as it pertains to immigration reform.
Everyone who looks at that measure that says, if we had clear immigration policy, whether it was dealing with H-1B visas, whether it was dealing with farmworkers, whatever the measure, that it would increase our revenue in this country and enhance our overall economic circumstances.
Mr. Speaker, I ask unanimous consent to insert the text of the amendment in the Record along with extraneous material immediately prior to the vote on the previous question.
Mr. Speaker, I urge my colleagues to vote ``no'' to defeat the previous question. I urge a ``no'' vote on this 65th closed rule, and I yield back the balance of my time.
Mr. Speaker, on that I demand the yeas and nays.
Mr. Speaker, I demand a recorded vote.