Mr. Speaker, on April 16, 2013 Taiwan's President Ma Ying- jeou took part in a video conference with the Center on Democracy, Development, and the Rule of Law at Stanford University in my Congressional District. The event was chaired by…
Mr. Speaker, on April 16, 2013 Taiwan's President Ma Ying- jeou took part in a video conference with the Center on Democracy, Development, and the Rule of Law at Stanford University in my Congressional District. The event was chaired by former U.S. Secretary of State Condoleezza Rice, and featured a panel including the Center's Director Dr. Larry Diamond, Dr. Francis Fukuyama, and retired Admiral Gary Roughead. After opening greetings by Secretary Rice, President Ma delivered an address entitled ``Steering through a Sea of Change'' which follows.
Steering through a Sea of Change--Speech by President Ma Ying-jeou, Republic of China (Taiwan), Video Conference With Center on Democracy, Development, and the Rule of Law, Stanford University--April 16, 2013
I. Opening Remarks
Professor (Condoleezza) Rice, Professor (Larry) Diamond,
Professor (Francis) Fukuyama, Admiral (Gary) Roughead,
distinguished guests, faculty members and students of
Stanford University, ladies and gentlemen: Good evening!
It's your evening now, but it's our morning here in Taipei.
Before I start, I want to pay my deep condolences to the
victims of the explosion that happened at the Boston Marathon
on Monday. My prayers and thoughts are with their family
members. In the meantime, I also strongly condemn the
violence on behalf of the government of the Republic of China
(Taiwan). Let's start.
It is a great pleasure to address my friends at Stanford
University this evening. Stanford University has long been a
distinguished center of learning. Under the guidance of
Professor Diamond, the Center on Democracy, Development, and
the Rule of Law, through the Journal of Democracy, has made
incomparable contributions to the study of democracy. Since
Taiwan represents a shining example of how democracy can take
root in the Chinese-speaking world, it is only fitting to
join you today for this videoconference.
II. Changes in East Asia
Since I took office as President of the Republic of China
in 2008, the geopolitical situation in East Asia has
undergone tremendous change. Five years ago, there were two
flash points: the Korean Peninsula and the Taiwan Strait.
Today, the Korean Peninsula is at an unprecedented level of
tension: North Korea has conducted a third nuclear test
explosion, and in the aftermath of the resulting UN sanctions
continues its saber rattling, even claiming that it has
abrogated the 1953 Armistice Agreement that ended Korean War
fighting 60 years ago. In contrast, tensions in the Taiwan
Strait have been greatly reduced, and relations between
Taiwan and mainland China continue to advance toward peace
and prosperity.
This does not necessarily mean, however, that only one
potential source of instability remains in East Asia.
Geopolitical competition in both the East China Sea and the
South China Sea is growing more intense even as the drive
toward regional economic integration continues. In addition,
three of the major players in East Asia--mainland China,
South Korea and Japan--have changed leadership in the last
eight months, while here in Taiwan, I was elected to a second
term of office early last year.
Thus, amidst the uncertainty resulting from such changes,
the Republic of China on Taiwan remains firmly committed to
fostering peace and stability, and is a strong proponent of
the liberal values cherished by democracies worldwide. It is
against this backdrop that I would like to discuss how my
administration has steered Taiwan through this sea of change.
III. How Cross-Strait Rapprochement Was Achieved
I decided to seek rapprochement with mainland China long
before I took office in 2008. To ensure peace in the Taiwan
Strait after some sixty tumultuous years, my administration
had to meet both the challenges of establishing mutual trust
between the two sides of the Taiwan Strait and of rebuilding
Taiwan's strength so that peace could be guaranteed.
From the start, the ``1992 Consensus'' was a critical
anchoring point for Taiwan and mainland China to find common
ground on the otherwise intractable issue of ``one China.''
The consensus, reached between the two sides in 1992,
established a common understanding of ``one China with
respective interpretations''. With this understanding as the
foundation, my administration designed a number of modus
operandi that broadly defined how Taiwan would pursue peace
and prosperity with mainland China. These included iteration
of the ``Three No's''--``No Unification, No Independence, and
No Use of Force''--under the framework of the Republic of
China Constitution. This formulation, grounded de jure in the
1947 Constitution of the Republic of China, sets clear
parameters for how both parties can work to move the
relationship forward in a positive direction without
misunderstandings or hidden agendas, so as to build mutual
trust and achieve mutual benefit for the people on either
side of the Taiwan Strait.
``Beating swords into ploughshares'' requires pragmatism
and the wisdom to remain focused on what can be accomplished
in spite of past differences. So we then called for ``mutual
non-recognition of sovereignty, mutual non-denial of
governing authority'' allowing both sides to pursue
substantive exchanges without being derailed by disagreements
over sovereignty issues.
We also spelled out clearly to the other side, as well as
to the Taiwan public, how we intended to proceed with the
cross-strait dialogue. The priority of issues for the two
sides to address would be ``pressing matters before less
pressing ones, easy matters before difficult ones, and
economic matters before political ones''. My administration
firmly believed in setting a clear agenda from the start, to
prevent the cross-strait dialogue being bogged down by
intractable issues when we could see that agreement might be
found on many others. The goal is to build mutual trust which
is fundamental for long-term progress in developing a
peaceful cross-strait relationship. I firmly believe that
this ``building-blocks'' approach is the only way to achieve
lasting peace in the Taiwan Strait.
The result of this is 18 agreements concluded between
Taiwan and mainland China over the past five years, covering
such issues as direct flights, tourism, economic cooperation,
intellectual property rights, nuclear safety, and mutual
judicial assistance. Let me just give you an example of how
things stand now. Five years ago, there were no scheduled
flights between Taiwan and the mainland. Now there are 616
scheduled flights per week. Five years ago, 274,000 mainland
people visited Taiwan. In 2012, there were 2.5 million
people. When the SARS epidemic first broke out in 2003,
mainland China completely ignored Taiwan's needs and
concerns. But when the H7N9 avian flu struck recently, public
health experts from both sides began working together to
check its spread.
Over the next three years, the two sides are expected to
complete negotiations on trade in services and trade in goods
under the 2010 Economic Cooperation Framework Agreement
(ECFA). Both sides will also greatly expand the level of
educational and cultural exchanges. For example, the number
of students from mainland China studying in Taiwan, which
currently is 17,000 a year, is expected to rise, and there
will be more cross-strait cultural cooperation. Each side
also intends to set up offices in major cities on the other
side to take better care of the 7 million people and over 160
billion US dollars' worth of goods and services that moved
across the Taiwan Strait last year alone. As a result, cross-
strait relations are now the most stable and peaceful that
they have been in over 60 years.
IV. Taiwan's Enhanced International Presence
As cross-strait relations continue to develop peacefully,
Taiwan is gaining an enhanced international presence. The
clear parameters articulated by my administration as we began
resumption of the cross-strait dialogue counter any mistaken
attempt to link Taiwan's greater international participation
to an agenda of ``two Chinas,'' ``one China, one Taiwan,'' or
``Taiwan Independence.'' Taiwan today strives to conduct
itself as a responsible stakeholder, that is, as a
facilitator of peace, a provider of humanitarian aid, a
promoter of cultural exchanges, a creator of new technology
and business opportunity, and the standard bearer of Chinese
culture.
The international community has seen recently how Taiwan
deports itself as a responsible stakeholder and facilitator
of peace. Last August, my administration proposed an East
China Sea Peace Initiative urging that negotiation take
precedence over confrontation regarding the sovereignty
dispute over the Diaoyutai Islets. The following November,
Taipei and Tokyo began negotiations on an East China Sea
fishery agreement. Sixteen rounds of such talks had been held
since 1996 but no agreement was ever reached. This time, both
sides decided to jointly conserve and manage fishery
resources in the Agreement Area of the East China Sea without
changing their respective territorial and maritime claims
regarding the Diaoyutai Islets. A fishery agreement was thus
signed six days ago which safeguards the security of fishing
boats from both sides in the Agreement Area, which is twice
the size of Taiwan. This agreement marks a historic milestone
in the development of Taiwan-Japan relations, and sets a good
example of how the concerned parties can find ways to settle
their dispute and preserve peace and stability in the region
at the same time.
Our efforts over the past five years to enhance Taiwan's
participation in the international community have also
resulted in concrete progress. The Republic of China has kept
intact its diplomatic relations with its 23 allies, and has
enhanced its substantive relations with other countries. For
instance, we signed an investment agreement with Japan in
2011, and are working to sign economic cooperation agreements
with Singapore and New Zealand, respectively, in the near
future. Meanwhile, our health minister has attended the World
Health Assembly (WHA) of the WHO as an official observer
since 2009, the same year as Taiwan acceded to the Government
Procurement Agreement (GPA) of the WTO. For five years in a
row, former Vice President Lien Chan at my request has
attended as ``leader's representative'' at the Leaders'
Meeting of the Asia-Pacific Economic Cooperation (APEC)
forum. On March 19 this year I led an official delegation to
attend the investiture of Pope Francis, the first time for a
Republic of China president to meet with a pope in the last
71 years, ever since the two countries established diplomatic
ties in 1942. Taiwan's enhanced international presence
attests to a virtuous cycle of improved cross-strait
relations that encourages greater international support for
allowing Taiwan further opportunities to play its role as a
responsible stakeholder. This in turn further enhances
regional peace and stability, which is in the best interest
of the international community.
V. Taiwan-U.S. Ties: Security, Economic, and Cultural
My administration is fully aware that strength is
fundamental to achieving peace. When I took office five years
ago, my administration worked promptly to restore high-level
trust between Taipei and Washington. As former Secretary of
State Hillary Clinton said in 2011 in Honolulu, Hawaii,
Taiwan is an important security and economic partner of the
United States. We deeply appreciate the relationship we have
with the United States, including US arms sales to Taiwan.
Only with a sufficient self-defense capability can Taiwan
confidently engage in a dialogue with mainland China. The
stability engendered by America's enhanced presence in the
Western Pacific will certainly help.
The United States is Taiwan's third largest trading partner
but remains the most important source of our technology.
However large a trading partner mainland China is to Taiwan,
the United States has always been an important trade and
investment partner to Taiwan. The ICT (information and
communication technology) industries are Taiwan's most
important export sector and they are the largest recipient of
U.S. investment. We definitely want to deepen our economic
ties with the United States. After successfully resolving the
beef import issue last year, the Republic of China resumed
trade negotiations with the U.S. under the 1994 Taiwan-US
Trade and Investment Framework Agreement (TIFA). Obviously,
Taiwan needs to accelerate its pace of trade liberalization.
For the good of its economic prosperity and national
security, Taiwan cannot afford to be left out of the Trans-
Pacific Partnership (TPP) and the Regional Comprehensive
Economic Partnership (RCEP).
Culturally, American values and its high academic standards
have attracted Chinese students since Yung Wing became the
first Chinese student to study in the U.S. back in 1847.
Generations of Chinese students who studied in the United
States have brought American values back to their homeland,
making tremendous contributions to China's modernization,
including the 1911 revolution. Today, the United States still
remains the most sought-after academic destination for Taiwan
students.
Taiwan is grateful to the United States for letting Taiwan
join the Visa Waiver Program beginning in November last year.
The Republic of China is the 37th nation in the world to
secure that status, and the only one that does not have
formal diplomatic relations with the United States. The more
than 400,000 Taiwan visitors to the U.S. each year not only
take in American culture and natural scenery, they also shop
very seriously in the United States and thus help reduce the
U.S. trade deficit with Taiwan. In a word, relations between
the Republic of China and the United States have continued to
thrive and grow since the end of formal diplomatic ties in
1979.
Nevertheless, Taiwan still faces many challenges, with only
limited resources at its disposal. In formulating Taiwan's
national security strategy, my administration has steered
Taiwan toward a tripartite national security framework. The
first part involves institutionalization of the rapprochement
with mainland China so that neither side would ever
contemplate resorting to non-peaceful means to settle their
differences. The second part involves making Taiwan a model
world citizen by upholding the principles of a liberal
democracy, championing free trade and providing foreign aid
to the international community. The third part involves
strengthening national defense capability. This national
security strategy is formulated to facilitate peaceful and
positive development of cross-strait ties while remaining
grounded in a pragmatic realization of the challenges we
face. In other words, Taiwan and the United States share the
same values and interests in preserving regional peace and
stability.
VI. Taiwan's Ultimate Value: A Beacon of Democracy
States in a security partnership frequently fear being
entrapped or abandoned by their partners. In the past, some
in the United States have expressed concern that as mainland
China rises, Taiwan might someday entrap the United States in
an unnecessary conflict with mainland China. Others fear that
Taiwan is tilting toward mainland China, thus ``abandoning''
the United States. Both arguments imply that the United
States should reduce support for Taiwan. But neither view is
warranted. My administration's pursuit of rapprochement with
mainland China has clearly helped preserve and enhance peace
in the Taiwan Strait. My administration's adherence to the
Constitution of the Republic of China legally rules out any
possibility of a reckless change in the status quo.
Taiwan has so much in common with the United States, from
our love of democracy, to respect for human rights and the
rule of law, to support for free trade, and even to an
intense passion for basketball and baseball! We are also
crazy about Jeremy Lin and Chien-Ming Wang. Taiwan cherishes
its longstanding friendship with the United States and will
always cherish the values and culture that the Chinese people
have developed over five thousand years. Preserving the
Republic of China has immense importance that goes far beyond
the borders of Taiwan. For the first time in Chinese history,
we in Taiwan have proved that democracy can thrive in a
Chinese society. It presents a shining ray of hope to the 1.3
billion Chinese people on the mainland. I know how much this
means to the government and people of the United States, just
as it does to my administration and the people of Taiwan.
Ladies and gentlemen, my administration will steer this
democracy through the sea of change in East Asia. We will
endeavor to strengthen peace and prosperity in the Taiwan
Strait; and, in the meantime, we will strive for an enhanced
international presence for Taiwan that allows it to play its
role as a responsible stakeholder in the international
community. I feel nothing but confidence about the future of
the Republic of China!
Thank you.