Thank you very much. First, let me thank the gentleman from New York, Congressman Jeffries, for this very important moment and theme tonight of ``Where do we go from here?'' But also for your leadership in conducting these Special Orders…
Thank you very much.
First, let me thank the gentleman from New York, Congressman Jeffries, for this very important moment and theme tonight of ``Where do we go from here?'' But also for your leadership in conducting these Special Orders to make sure that the American people really know the truth about what is taking place here in Washington, D.C., and also to hear the voice of conscience from the Congressional Black Caucus, such as we just heard from our great warrior, Congressman John Lewis.
Also, I want to thank Congressman Horsford for being part of this for the last couple of years in terms of his tremendous leadership.
Mr. Speaker, the other night, I had an event with young people in my district. It is a lecture series that is sponsored by the Martin Luther King Freedom Center. Congressman Lewis knows these young people. They travel with me every year to Selma-Montgomery-Birmingham. We started the center in the nineties, and these young people's mission in life is to make sure that the new generation of leaders understands, one, that violence is not an option and, secondly, that we all are in this together and that we should be united as a country and fight for the American Dream for all.
The topic of the lecture series of two nights ago was ``Where do we go from here?'' We had White students in the audience. We had African American, Latino, and Asian Pacific American young people, middle-aged people, and old people. It was held at my alma mater, at Mills College. It was really amazing. We had the cofounder of the United Farm Workers, Dolores Huerta, and former State Senator Art Torres. We talked about ``where do we go from here?'' as a community in Oakland and also throughout the country. What we need to do here is, really, to get back to work for the American people, and that is what we heard over and over and over at our lecture series.
Unfortunately, ever since the Republicans took control of the House of Representatives, we see governing through extortion and brinksmanship, including a government shutdown that cost the taxpayers $24 billion. I hope that is not where we go from here. Now we are looking at--or at least some are saying that they are eyeing--another shutdown and are refusing to act on immigration while planning another series of votes to repeal the Affordable Care Act. They have even gone so far as to threaten impeachment because our President has continued to lead where they have failed.
Where do we go from here, Congressman Jeffries? Let's hope not there. I hope we go where the young people in my community talked about the other night.
The threats about a government shutdown over immigration reform are outrageous. My district is a very diverse and dynamic district. That is what makes it, really, a great place for my constituents to live, work, do business, and raise a family. Yet we have many, many pockets of poverty. It is home to a vibrant immigrant community. Families from all over the world, many of them--and they told me again the other night-- are feeling the pain each and every day of our broken immigration system. It has been more than 500 days since the Senate passed bipartisan, comprehensive immigration reform.
We need to have an up or down vote. Families deserve that. Time is really running out. We have 3 weeks of session left, so we need to get something done. That is where we need to go from here. If Congress fails to act on immigration reform, our President can--and he should-- take action to keep families from being torn apart. Just like every President since Dwight D. Eisenhower, our President should act, but as the President has said, immigration reform should come from Congress. It should come from us. That is what my community said in terms of moving forward. Let's get it done in the next couple of weeks. We have a bipartisan bill. Let's come together and have a vote. Our colleagues across the aisle need to put our economy ahead of partisanship. That means stopping their repeated attempts at eliminating access to affordable, quality health care for millions of Americans.
This past weekend marked the beginning of the second year of open enrollment under the Affordable Care Act. Repealing the Affordable Care Act and its protections for families would hurt all of our constituents. It would make health care less affordable and less accessible; yet every time Republicans vote to dismantle the Affordable Care Act, they make it perfectly clear that they believe charging women more for being a woman is okay, denying victims of domestic violence coverage is okay, and allowing insurance companies to increase premiums to increase profits is also okay. That is not what the American people need.
Where do we go from here? Let's not go there. Millions have been covered, and let's move forward to make sure our country has universal accessible affordable health care for all. It is a basic human right, so we need to get back to doing the work of the American people, the work of forming a more perfect Union.
Finally, I just want to point out an article. There was a recent editorial in The New York Times from Nicholas Kristof in which he discusses the historical and structural issues that continue to perpetuate racial disparities between Blacks and Whites today, and I would like to submit that article for the Record, Mr. Speaker.
[From Op-Ed Columnist, Nov. 15, 2014]
When Whites Just Don't Get It, Part 4
(By Nicholas Kristof)
When I write about racial inequality in America, one common
response from whites is eye-rolling and an emphatic: It's
time to move on.
``As whites, are we doomed to an eternity of apology?''
Neil tweeted at me. ``When does individual responsibility
kick in?''
Terry asked on my Facebook page: ``Why are we still being
held to actions that took place long ago?''
``How long am I supposed to feel guilty about being white?
I bust my hump at work and refrain from living a thug life,''
Bradley chimed in. ``America is about personal
responsibility. . . . And really, get past the slavery
issue.''
This is the fourth installment in a series of columns I've
written this year, ``When Whites Just Don't Get It,'' and
plenty of white readers have responded with anger and
frustration at what they see as the ``blame game'' on race.
They acknowledge a horrific history of racial discrimination
but also say that we should look forward, not backward. The
Supreme Court seems to share this view as it dismantles
civil-rights-era rulings on voting rights.
As Dina puts it: ``I am tired of the race conversation. It
has exasperated me. Just stop. In so many industries, the
racial ceiling has been shattered. Our president is black.
From that moment on, there were no more excuses.''
If only it were so simple!
Of course, personal responsibility is an issue. Orlando
Patterson, the eminent black sociologist, notes in a
forthcoming book that 92 percent of black youths agree that
it is a ``big problem'' that black males are ``not taking
education seriously enough.'' And 88 percent agree that it's
a big problem that they are ``not being responsible
fathers.'' That's why President Obama started ``My Brother's
Keeper,'' to cultivate more prudent behavior among men and
boys of color.
But we in white society should be equally ready to shoulder
responsibility. In past articles in this series, I've looked
at black/white economic inequality that is greater in America
today than it was in apartheid South Africa, at ongoing
discrimination against African-Americans in the labor market
and at
systematic bias in law enforcement. But these conversations
run into a wall: the presumption on the part of so many well-
meaning white Americans that racism is a historical artifact.
They don't appreciate the overwhelming evidence that
centuries of racial subjugation still shape inequity in the
21st century.
Indeed, a wave of research over the last 20 years has
documented the lingering effects of slavery in the United
States and South America alike. For example, counties in
America that had a higher proportion of slaves in 1860 are
still more unequal today, according to a scholarly paper
published in 2010. The authors called this a ``persistent
effect of slavery.''
One reason seems to be that areas with slave labor were
ruled for the benefit of elite plantation owners. Public
schools, libraries and legal institutions lagged, holding
back working-class whites as well as blacks.
Whites often don't realize that slavery didn't truly end
until long after the Civil War. Douglas Blackmon won a
Pulitzer Prize for his devastating history, ``Slavery by
Another Name,'' that recounted how U.S. Steel and other
American corporations used black slave labor well into the
20th century, through ``convict leasing.'' Blacks would be
arrested for made-up offenses such as ``vagrancy'' and then
would be leased to companies as slave laborers.
Job and housing discrimination also systematically
prevented blacks from accumulating wealth. The Federal
Housing Administration and other initiatives greatly expanded
home ownership and the middle class but deliberately excluded
blacks.
That's one reason why black families have, on average, only
about 6 percent as much wealth as white households, why only
44 percent of black families own a home compared with 73
percent for white households.
The inequality continues, particularly in education. De
jure segregated schools have been replaced in some areas by
de facto segregation.
Those of us who are white have a remarkable capacity for
delusions. A majority of whites have said in opinion polls
that blacks earn as much as whites and are as healthy as
whites. In fact, black median household income is $34,598,
compared with $58,270 for non-Hispanic whites, according to
census data. Black life expectancy is four years shorter than
that of whites.
Granted, race is just one thread in a tapestry. The
daughters of President and Michelle Obama shouldn't enjoy
affirmative action preference (as their dad has
acknowledged), while disadvantaged white kids should.
Yet one element of white privilege today is obliviousness
to privilege, including a blithe disregard of the way past
subjugation shapes present disadvantage.
I've been on a book tour lately. By coincidence, so has one
of my Times Op-Ed columnist colleagues, Charles Blow, who is
African-American and the author of a powerful memoir, ``Fire
Shut Up in My Bones.'' I grew up in a solid middle-class
household; Charles was primarily raised by a single mom who
initially worked plucking poultry in a factory, and also, for
a while, by a grandma in a house with no plumbing.
That Charles has become a New York Times columnist does not
mean that blacks and whites today have equal access to
opportunity, just that some talented and driven blacks manage
to overcome the long odds against them. Make no mistake:
Charles had to climb a higher mountain than I did.
We all stand on the shoulders of our ancestors. We're in a
relay race, relying on the financial and human capital of our
parents and grandparents. Blacks were shackled for the early
part of that relay race, and although many of the fetters
have come off, whites have developed a huge lead. Do we
ignore this long head start--a facet of white privilege--and
pretend that the competition is now fair?
Of course not. If we whites are ahead in the relay race of
life, shouldn't we acknowledge that we got this lead in part
by generations of oppression? Aren't we big enough to make
amends by trying to spread opportunity, by providing
disadvantaged black kids an education as good as the one
afforded privileged white kids?
Can't we at least acknowledge that in the case of race,
William Faulkner was right: ``The past is never dead. It's
not even past.''
Kristof states that he has ``looked at Black- White economic inequality that is greater in America today than it was in apartheid South Africa, at ongoing discrimination against African Americans in the labor market, and at systematic bias in law enforcement.''
So young people of color, especially young men, have been left behind in the economic recovery. It is leaving them behind, and far too often, they are marginalized and forgotten. The poverty rate for African Americans is 27.2 percent, more than two-and-a-half times the rate of poverty of White Americans. Nobody in our country should have to live below the poverty line. We are the wealthiest and most powerful country in the world.
The African American unemployment rate is 10.9 percent, nearly twice the national average. Young men of color are stopped and frisked at will. They are more incarcerated than any other group. The jobs that are available don't pay enough to get by while our safety net and nutrition programs continue to be hacked and slashed by House Republicans.
Beyond the lack of opportunity, police misconduct and the criminal justice system are constant reminders of the tragic inequality which is still persistent in the daily life of Black America.
Where do we go from here? Let's move forward, but we have got to remember that the deaths of Michael Brown and Trayvon Martin and Eric Garner and Oscar Grant--one of my constituents--their deaths are tragic examples of the senseless murder of young Black men.
As the mother of two Black men and two Black grandsons, I have to have many uncomfortable conversations with them, how to walk, how to talk, how to interact with the police.
This is not just my reality, but the reality of millions of other Black mothers and grandmothers and fathers and grandfathers. This is something no parent should have to do. No one should be afraid of the police who are sworn to protect and serve them. These are issues that Members of Congress must take leadership in addressing. This is where we must go from here.
Finally, let me just say the work of building a more perfect Union is not just rhetorical. As Members of Congress, we really do have a unique opportunity to do just that.
To quote our drum major for justice--who Congressman Lewis had the privilege and honor to work with--Dr. Martin Luther King, Jr., he said, ``A genuine leader is not a searcher for consensus but a molder of consensus.'' We have the privilege tonight to remind this body that we are the molder of consensus.
Thank you again, Congressman Jeffries, for the opportunity to speak with you this evening.