Thank you, Mr. President. I take this time to support the passage of S.J. Res. 54. I commend my colleagues who have brought this resolution forward. The impact of this resolution would be to end the U.S. military engagement in Yemen, and I…
Thank you, Mr. President.
I take this time to support the passage of S.J. Res. 54. I commend my colleagues who have brought this resolution forward. The impact of this resolution would be to end the U.S. military engagement in Yemen, and I believe that military engagement should end for several reasons.
First, let me comment on what others have already pointed out, and that is that the humanitarian crisis in Yemen is one of the worst, if not the worst, in the world. That is saying a lot because there are a lot of areas around the world where we are seeing humanitarian challenges.
In Yemen today, 10,000 people have been killed due to the war, and 22 million-plus--75 percent of the population in Yemen--are at grave risk today. It is estimated that there are 400,000 children under the age of 5 who are at the risk of starvation due to hunger and malnutrition, and 85,000 children have died, according to Save the Children, from starvation.
The U.S. military engagement has really not assisted in ending this humanitarian crisis. There are 1 million people with cholera and 8.4 million people on the verge of famine. For a long time, we have been, focused on the Port of Hodeidah, saying that it had to be opened in order to be able to deliver humanitarian assistance. I think many of us thought that because of our military involvement in Yemen, at a minimum, we could get the port open. We find we are not able to have safe routes for the delivery of humanitarian assistance, so through our military we have not been able to impact the horrible tragedies that are taking place because of this humanitarian disaster.
Secondly, I think most experts will tell us there is no military solution to the war that is taking place in Yemen that dates back to 2014. The warring sides are not going to end as a result of the military. It is going to take diplomacy, and our military involvement has not assisted in a diplomatic answer. We have not made the progress I think many of us would have expected. So, yes, I do believe America needs to be engaged in Yemen, just not from our military. Let's do an all-out press on diplomacy and bring the parties to the peace table and end this horrible conflict.
Yes, make no mistake about it, the Houthis are not nice people. I understand that, but we are not going to win this by our military. So let's concentrate on diplomacy. I think many have pointed out that, yes, we have been in this region since the attack on our country on September 11. Nothing in this resolution would affect our ability to fight against al-Qaida and its associated forces.
The resolution specifically exempts--specifically exempts--from the withdrawal of American military our campaign against al-Qaida and associated forces.
There is also no question that since the Saudis have engaged in this conflict, there have been many violations of human rights. Yes, we are facilitating and helping. I am not saying we are committing, but we are certainly part of the Saudi effort. We are supposedly helping them with targeting. That means giving them intelligence information to minimize civilian casualties. I am certain the American military is helping in that regard, but the bottom line is, we are told that 61 percent of casualties are due to coalition strikes. There is tremendous civilian loss as a result of this campaign, and the United States is one of the honest brokers in trying to minimize that. We have not been successful through the use of our military.
The use of our military has never been authorized by Congress. Now, this is a debate we have had many times. I know the distinguished chairman of the Senate Foreign Relations Committee has been part of that debate and has wanted us to come to grips with a congressional authorization for military use in Yemen. I applaud the chairman. I am very proud to be on that committee. I think if it were left up to our committee, we may have been able to agree on a resolution, but it was clear we couldn't get it through the Senate, couldn't get it through the Congress. That was clear. I am not saying we are culpable for not passing authorization, but we have not passed authorization, and there is no authorization for the use of military force in Yemen, despite the fact that article I, section 8, clause 11 of the Constitution of the United States gives the Congress the sole power to declare war.
We are responsible for the military, and if you can't get that authorization, there should at least be a presumption that we shouldn't be using our military. If you can't get the support of Congress--if the President, Commander in Chief, can't get the support of Congress for the use of force, there should not be a sustained use. We know about emergency situations. We expect it of the Commander in Chief. This is not an emergency situation. This is a situation where there should be an authorization for the use of force if we are to remain. I don't believe we should remain.
We have had our disagreements with the President on the use of force. Congress passed the War Powers Act in 1973. The President didn't like it. We passed it anyway. We believe the President should not only notify but respect the will of Congress's power under article I to declare war and authorize our military presence.
Section 5(c) gives the power to Congress to pass a joint resolution to remove our troops where there has been no authorization. So what is being done today--the resolution that is before us--is the vehicle that we determined to be the appropriate way to remove our troops from unauthorized war. Therefore, it is an appropriate action by the Congress--probably the only action we can take in order to end the war in Yemen with U.S. participation.
I want to make a comment about the relationship between the United States and the Saudis. I heard many of my colleagues talk about it. I think it is a very important relationship. I think the Saudis are a strategic partner of the United States. I had many opportunities to visit with the Saudis. I know about a lot of the things they are doing, but make no mistake about it, that relationship is important to the United States, but it is very important to the Saudis. It is more than just our military support for a war in Yemen. It has a lot to do with security issues generally. It has to do with intelligence sharing. It has to do with economics.
Our relationship should always be wrapped in our values. Our foreign policy should always be based upon our values as Americans, and our values in regard to what is happening in this war in Yemen tell us we should not be participating in it.
I haven't even mentioned the tragic death of Jamal Khashoggi. When taking a look at what happened there and the involvement of the royal family and the Crown Prince, that clearly cannot go unchallenged. Human rights violations and the military campaign, all of that cries out for the United States not to be engaged in the military aspects of what is happening in Yemen, and the passage of S.J. Res. 54 will, in fact, make that a reality, and I urge our colleagues to support that resolution.
TIME Magazine's Person of the Year
Mr. President, it is a related subject.
I am going to talk about TIME magazine for their selection of their Person of the Year, the ``Guardians and the War on Truth.'' I say it is related because Jamal Khashoggi is one of the figures that is on the cover of TIME magazine as one of the guardians.
In making their selection, TIME magazine wrote: ``For taking great risks in pursuit of greater truths, for the imperfect but essential quest for
facts that are central to civil discourse, for speaking up and for speaking out, the Guardians'' are the Person of the Year.
TIME magazine wrote:
As we looked at the choices, it became clear that the
manipulation and abuse of truth is really the common thread
in so many of this year's major stories . . . this ought to
be a time when democracy leaps forward, an informed citizenry
being essential to self-government. Instead, it's in retreat.
And the story of this assault on truth is, somewhat
paradoxically, one of the hardest to tell.
TIME magazine wrote in this week's issue:
In Annapolis, Md., staff of the Capital, a newspaper
published by Capital Gazette Communications, which traces its
history of telling readers about the events in Maryland to
before the American Revolution, press on without the five
colleagues gunned down in their newsroom on June 28. Still
intact, indeed strengthened after the mass shooting, are the
bonds of trust and community that for national news outlets
have been eroded on strikingly partisan lines, never more
than this year.
``I can tell you this,'' declared Chase Cook, a reporter
for the Capital Gazette [on that fateful day]. ``We are
putting out a damn paper tomorrow.'' Cook's promise . . .
came just a few hours after five of his colleagues were
killed. The man charged with their murders had been obsessed
with the paper since it wrote about his harassment of a high
school classmate--part of its routine coverage of local legal
proceedings. He made the office a crime scene. To put the
damn paper out, staffers set up laptops in the bed of a
pickup in a parking garage across the street.
When the next edition arrived--on schedule--the opinion
page was blank but for the names of the dead. Gerald
Fischman. Rob Hiaasen. John McNamara. Rebecca Smith. Wendi
Winters. Beneath their names was . . . written with a goose
quill: ``Tomorrow this page will return to its steady purpose
of offering our readers informed opinions about the world
around them, that they might be better citizens.''
I must tell you I am very proud of what the Capital Gazette has done. They continued through very difficult times with the quality reporting and opinion pages they have been known for, for a long time--a real treasured institution in our State's capital.
One of the four TIME magazine covers includes the journalists of the Capital Gazette, the Annapolis, MD, newspaper where five employees were murdered by a gunman last June.
I spoke about this shooting on the Senate floor last June, and the Senate unanimously adopted S. Res. 575, which I authored and which was cosponsored by all Members of the Senate. This Senate resolution commemorates the lives, careers, and service of five victims of the Capital Gazette shooting in Annapolis, MD; honors the survivors of the attack and the families of the victims and pledges to continue support for their recovery; thanks law enforcement officers and other emergency first responders for their heroic actions; and reaffirms the commitment of the Senate to defending the First Amendment of the Constitution of the United States.
Wendi Winters was among the five Capital Gazette employees killed in the June 28 shooting. According to eyewitness accounts from survivors, Wendi armed herself with the closest weapons at hand--her trash and recycling bins--and charged the shooter, shouting for him to stop. It is believed Wendi's actions distracted the shooter enough to enable several of her coworkers to escape.
We think of violence against reporters as something that happens in other countries, in war zones and the like, but not here, not in the United States of America. All around the world, reporters work to gather facts, ask questions, and report the news in the spirit of free, open, and transparent societies and governments that all people deserve. Too often, reporters are harassed, jailed, and even killed simply because of the nature of their work, which often exposes cronyism and corruption.
Jason Rezaian, a reporter with the Washington Post who was falsely imprisoned in Iran for doing his job as a journalist, had this to say earlier this year. He talks about the attack I referenced earlier in Annapolis.
Mostly I have covered attacks on the media taking place on
the other side of the world, usually in countries where the
flow of information is restricted or conditions are such that
a sense of desperation or political or tribal affiliation can
compel individuals to take heinous action. . . . Writing
about a deadly attack that happened less than 30 miles away,
in an idyllic town that I recently visited with relatives
from overseas, is a new experience for me. And I have to say
that I don't relish the task.
We Americans have certain rights and responsibilities granted to us through the Constitution, which established the rule of law in this country. Freedom of the press is one of those most basic rights, and it is central to the First Amendment of the Constitution: ``Congress shall make no law respecting an establishment of religion, or prohibiting the free exercise thereof; or abridging the freedom of speech, or of the press.'' This precious freedom has often been under attack, figuratively speaking, since our Nation's founding.
Today, attacks on the American media have become more frequent and more literal, spurred on by dangerous rhetoric that has created an ``open season'' on harassing the media for doing its job--asking the questions that need to be asked, investigating the stories that need to be uncovered, and bringing needed transparency to the halls of power, whether they are in Annapolis, Washington, DC, or elsewhere.
Then-candidate and now-President Trump's rhetoric--calling the media ``a stain on America'' and ``the enemy of the American people''-- certainly has caused damage. At the Veterans of Foreign Wars, the President said to the audience that they are ``not to believe'' what they see and hear. The President of the United States told a crowd of veterans:
Stick with us. Don't believe the crap you see from these
people, the fake news. . . . What you're seeing and what
you're reading is not what's happening.
That is the President of the United States saying those comments-- again, demeaning the press and the importance of the free press.
Why is the President doing this? Earlier this year, CBS ``60 Minutes'' correspondent Leslie Stahl, an icon in the news business, shared comments from President Trump from an interview she did with him soon after the 2016 election win. Stahl recalled that she said to Donald Trump about his attacks on the media:
Why are you doing this? You're doing it over and over. It's
boring and it's time to end that.
The candidate's response was straightforward and shocking. He said:
You know why I do it? I do it to discredit you all and
demean you all so that when you write negative stories about
me no one will believe you.
Let that sink in for a moment. A man who was about to assume the position of President of the United States explicitly acknowledged he was purposefully working to diminish the integrity of the free press.
After the Capitol Gazette shooting, Donald Trump said: ``Journalists, like all Americans, should be free from the fear of being violently attacked while doing their job.'' But how do we interpret his sincerity when, more frequently, he is calling the media ``fake news'' or ``totally unhinged'' and telling the people of America that reporters are truly bad people?
Donald Trump's constant dismissal needs to end. He needs to accept that one of the press's most important roles is to speak truth to power--truth to power, including to the President of the United States.
Here at home, we are left to wonder whether Donald Trump is more inclined to agree with Russian President Vladimir Putin's view of the press--where journalists are routinely jailed and physically attacked-- than with Thomas Jefferson, who famously said: ``Were it left to me to decide whether we should have a government without newspapers, or newspapers without a government, I should not hesitate a moment to prefer the latter.''
Journalists, like all Americans, should be free from the fear of being violently attacked while doing their job--both figuratively and literally. The right of journalists to report the news is nothing less than the right of all of us to know. Media freedom and media pluralism are essential for the expression of, or ensuring respect for, other fundamental freedoms and safeguarding democracy, the rule of law, and a system of checks and balances.
Every one of us in this body--Democrats and Republicans--has sworn an oath to support and defend the Constitution of the United States. As leaders of this great Nation, we have a responsibility to defend the rights of our
citizens, including the freedom of press.
Yesterday, TIME magazine featured three covers in addition to the Capital Gazette. One is Jamal Khashoggi, the Washington Post contributor who was killed at the Saudi Arabian Consulate in Istanbul in October. I would note that this is the first time that a TIME Person of the Year is a deceased person.
The United States of America must stand up for justice and human rights at home and abroad. I agree that Saudi Arabia is a strong ally in a variety of important areas, but that should only strengthen their understanding of America's commitment to the rule of law, and we as a Nation cannot sanction extrajudicial killings. America's national security is harmed, not helped, when dictators and strongmen believe they can get away with such heinous actions as the killing of journalist Jamal Khashoggi.
Congress must act to demand accountability for those responsible for Jamal Khashoggi's murder and to send the right signal to the world that America will continue to be a beacon of justice and defender of human rights.
Another cover features Wa Lone and Kyaw Soe Oo, two Reuters journalists who were arrested 1 year ago in Myanmar while working on stories about the killings of the Rohingya Muslims. These journalists remain behind bars, but their wives were photographed for the cover. From this floor, I stood in solidarity with these Reuters reporters who were detained in Burma for shining a light on the horrific abuses that occur in the Rakhine State.
I have stood in solidarity with Ethiopian journalists and bloggers who are routinely arrested for criticizing the Ethiopian Government and exposing human rights abuses in that country. I have talked frequently about China, a country that engages in routine censorship and online blocking, harassment, reprisals, and detention of journalists, visa delays, and denials for journalists.
Another TIME cover shows Maria Ressa, the chief executive of the Philippine news website, Rappler, who was indicted on tax evasion charges by President Duterte's administration as part of a crackdown on free speech and dissent.
According to the Committee to Protect Journalists, an independent, nonprofit organization that promotes press freedom worldwide, more than 600 journalists and media workers have been killed in the last 10 years while doing their job.
Of the member States of the Organization for Security and Co- operation in Europe, Russia remains the deadliest country for journalists.
Turkey is the largest jailer of journalists in the world, and scores of media outlets have been closed since the attempted coup there. The heavyhanded measures used against media freedom in Turkey, both before and during the recent elections, illustrates the lengths to which the government went to control the information available to voters. It also serves as a reminder of the essential role of a pluralistic media for free and fair elections.
I have also worked on many other countries that have infringed upon the freedom of press in my role on the Senate Foreign Relations Committee as a ranking Democrat on the Helsinki Commission. I could give you examples of what we have done in Malta, what we have done in Slovakia, what we have done in Belarus--and the list goes on and on.
I therefore ask the Trump administration and my colleagues in the Senate to redouble their efforts to protect the freedom of the press, both at home and abroad. We must lead by example as the very foundational legitimacy of a democratic republic is at stake.
America's leadership is essential to protect the freedom of the press--an essential institution for a democratic state. We must lead by first setting an example by our commitment to the freedom of press here at home. We must demand that freedom of the press be a priority in our global affairs, recognizing it is important to our national security.
TIME magazine got it right by naming the ``Guardians and the War on Truth'' as persons of the year.
I yield the floor.