I rise to offer an amendment. Mr. Chair, I rise to offer an amendment that suspends implementation of section 1502 of the Dodd-Frank Act. Despite the best intentions, section 1502 has proved unworkable and, in some cases, has even been…
I rise to offer an amendment.
Mr. Chair, I rise to offer an amendment that suspends implementation of section 1502 of the Dodd-Frank Act.
Despite the best intentions, section 1502 has proved unworkable and, in some cases, has even been shown to increase violence in Central Africa.
This misguided provision in the Dodd-Frank Act requires that the Securities and Exchange Commission mandate that public companies disclose whether so-called conflict minerals that they use for their products benefit armed groups in the Democratic Republic of the Congo and its nine adjoining countries.
This amendment I am proposing passed the House last year as an amendment to the Financial Services and General Government appropriations bill, and a full repeal of section 1502 passed the House as part of the Financial CHOICE Act.
``Conflict minerals'' refers to tin, tungsten, tantalum, and gold, which have been used in a variety of products from cell phones, cosmetics, jewelry, footwear, and apparel. Even auto suppliers located in western Michigan and around the country have used it.
The breadth of voices opposing 1502 is remarkable, and I would like to start with those who matter most.
For too long, the people of Central Africa have been overlooked in this debate, even though they are the ones who suffer from Dodd-Frank's unintended consequences. Dodd-Frank's impact on African miners may seem unimportant to many rich country activists, but in Congo, it has been a question of life or death.
In fact, according to a Washington Post article entitled ``How a Well-Intentioned U.S. Law Left Congolese Miners Jobless,'' section 1502 ``set off a chain of events that has propelled millions of miners and their families deeper into poverty,'' with many miners ``forced to find other ways to survive, including by joining armed groups.''
This article goes on to share the story of how a Congolese teenager who could no longer feed himself after Dodd-Frank ravaged the country's mining sector, forcing him to actually join an armed group--an outcome diametrically opposed to the goals of section 1502.
Mr. Chair, no one can claim that these effects were unforeseeable. In a letter to the SEC commenting on section 1502, leaders from three Congolese mining cooperatives predicted that the conflict minerals rule would lead to a devastating boycott.
These miners wrote: ``We cannot continue to suffer any longer. Do we now have to choose between dying by a bullet or starving to death?''
I ask my colleagues to remember the Congolese aren't alone in their suffering. The SEC rule applies to nine other African nations as if they were all one single country. In fact, section 1502 treats over 230 million Africans living in 10 distinct nations as one, undifferentiated group.
Dodd-Frank's supporters will say at this point that some countries neighboring Congo may help smuggle minerals on behalf of these armed groups, which is why we need to paint with such a broad brush. But I would ask my colleagues to name one other example where a country's economy and each of its neighbors is targeted due to a presumed smuggling risk.
Do we design Russia sanctions to apply to each of its 14 adjoining countries, too?
Do Iranian sanctions implicate all of its seven neighbors?
How about North Korea and its neighbors South Korea and China?
Perhaps advocates for section 1502 believe that there is no smuggling from Russia, Iran, or North Korea. But the real issue seems to be this: Dodd-Frank's supporters have no problem treating Africans differently from other regions of the world. I find that extremely troubling.
Now let's consider implementation of 1502 itself.
A recent GAO report stated that section 1502 has produced little meaningful information on conflict minerals sourcing. It found that more than half of the companies could not even determine what country their minerals came from. Most importantly, virtually none of the companies could tell whether their minerals benefited armed groups or not, a conclusion that echoed GAO's findings from 2014 to 2017 as well.
It is no wonder that companies can't figure this out. Even the Department of Commerce in both the Obama and Trump administrations has reported that it is unable to determine whether smelters around the world use minerals traceable to armed groups. In other words, Dodd- Frank is asking U.S. companies--some of which are small- and medium- sized enterprises in larger corporations' supply chains--to produce information that even the Federal Government can't provide.
As if that weren't enough, the courts have also struck down parts of section 1502 for violating companies' First Amendment rights.
Mr. Chair, the facts I have laid out in 1502 are not partisan, and its suspension shouldn't be either. So let me close with words of Barack Obama's SEC Chair Mary Jo White who in 2013 said: ``Seeking to improve safety in mines for workers or to end to horrible human rights atrocities in the Democratic Republic of the Congo are compelling objectives, which, as a citizen, I wholeheartedly share. But, as the chair of the SEC, I must question, as a policy matter, using the Federal securities laws and the SEC's powers of mandatory disclosure to accomplish these goals.''
Mr. Chairman, I yield back the balance of my time.