Floor Statements

Mr. Speaker, I rise today to alert my colleagues of a dangerous condition that threatens the health of our society--the destruction of the black family.

The black family has yet to recover from the destructive effects of slavery. In 1712, British slave owner, Willie Lynch was invited to the colony of Virginia to teach his methods of keeping slaves under control to American slave owners. Almost three hundred years later, the techniques that he prescribed seem to have not only been successful in controlling slaves, but lasting as a means of weakening and destroying the black family. In slavery families were purposely divided with husband and wives separated from each other and their children. Black males were humiliated and whipped in front of their wives and children. Stripped of their power and pride, black men were seen as weak and black women had to be the strength of the household, distorting the traditional family structure.

Despite civil rights victories and the apparent improvement in socioeconomic status, the black community is suffering from the lack of families. Marriage has become virtually impossible as black men are disproportionately incarcerated, unemployed and victims of early death. Black women on the other hand, have a higher probability of graduating from high school and attending college. This disparity in qualifications renders the two highly incompatible. As a result, an alarming two-thirds of black children are born out of wedlock and a disturbing proportion of them grow up fatherless. Without a father in the home, where do girls find their model for a future husband? Where do boys find their model for being a father? Without such an example, children of fatherless homes are doomed to continue the cycle.

Fatherless children are more vulnerable to suffer from societal ills. According to the U.S. Department of Health and Human services, children who are raised without a father are more likely to be poor, have higher drop-out rates, are at a dramatically greater risk of drug and alcohol abuse, are more likely to commit criminal acts and are more likely to get pregnant as teenagers than those raised in two-parent homes.

Members of the Congressional Black Caucus have taken it upon themselves to address this problem. Representative Danny K. Davis has sponsored National Dialogues on the State of the African American Male, discussing such topics as black male incarceration, drug addiction and community building. While efforts such as these are a step in the right direction, more has to be done. It is going to take more than a few members of Congress to save black families.

While it is easy to identify the reason for the decline of black families, finding solutions is not so simple. However, not knowing the remedy for a situation should not be an excuse to ignore it. Acknowledging that the black community is suffering from the destruction of the black family is a necessary step to confront the issue and begin the process to reverse the effects of this devastating cycle.

The following Washington Post article by William Raspberry discusses the state of the black family.

Why Our Black Families Are Failing

``There is a crisis of unprecedented magnitude in the black

community, one that goes to the very heart of its survival.

The black family is failing.''

Quibble if you will about the ``unprecedented magnitude''--

slavery wasn't exactly a high point of African American well-

being. But there's no quarreling with the essence of the

alarm sounded here last week by a gathering of Pentecostal

clergy and the Seymour Institute for Advanced Christian

Studies. What is happening to the black family in America is

the sociological equivalent of global warming: easier to

document than to reverse, inconsistent in its near-term

effect--and disastrous in the long run.

Father absence is the bane of the black community,

predisposing its children (boys especially, but increasingly

girls as well) to school failure, criminal behavior and

economic hardship, and to an intergenerational repetition of

the grim cycle. The culprit, the ministers (led by the Rev.

Eugene Rivers III of Boston, president of the Seymour

Institute) agreed, is the decline of marriage.

Kenneth B. Johnson, a Seymour senior fellow who has worked

in youth programs, says he often sees teenagers ``who've

never seen a wedding.''

The concern is not new. As Rivers noted at last week's

National Press Club news conference, the late Daniel Patrick

Moynihan sounded the alarm 40 years ago, only to be

``condemned and pilloried as misinformed, malevolent and even

racist.''

What is new is the understanding of how deep and wide is

the reach of declining marriage--and the still-forming

determination to do something about it.

When Moynihan issued his controversial study, roughly a

quarter of black babies were born out of wedlock; moreover,

it was largely a low-income phenomenon. The proportion now

tops two-thirds, with little prospect of significant decline,

and has moved up the socioeconomic scale.

There have been two main explanations. At the low-income

end, the disproportionate incarceration, unemployment and

early death of black men make them unavailable for marriage.

At the upper-income level, it is the fact that black women

are far likelier than black men to complete high school,

attend college and earn the professional credentials that

would render them ``eligible'' for marriage.

Both explanations are true. But black men aren't born

incarcerated, crime-prone dropouts. What principally renders

them vulnerable to such a plight is the absence of fathers

and their stabilizing influence.

Fatherless boys (as a general rule) become ineligible to be

husbands--though no less likely to become fathers--and their

children fall into the patterns that render them ineligible

to be husbands.

The absence of fathers means, as well, that girls lack both

a pattern against which to

measure the boys who pursue them and an example of

sacrificial love between a man and a woman. As the ministers

were at pains to say last week, it isn't the incompetence of

mothers that is at issue but the absence of half of the adult

support needed for families to be most effective.

Interestingly, they blamed the black church for abetting

the decline of the black family--by moderating virtually out

of existence its once stern sanctions against extramarital

sex and childbirth and by accepting the present trends as

more or less inevitable.

They didn't say--but might have--that black America's

almost reflexive search for outside explanations for our

internal problems delayed the introspective examination that

might have slowed the trend. What we have now is a changed

culture--a culture whose worst aspects are reinforced by

oversexualized popular entertainment and that places a

reduced value on the things that produced nearly a century of

socioeconomic improvement. For the first time since slavery,

it is no longer possible to say with assurance that things

are getting better.

As the Rev. Jesse Jackson said in a slightly different

context, ``What began as a problem has deteriorated into a

condition. Problems require solving; conditions require

healing.''

How to start the healing? Rivers and his colleagues hope to

use their personal influence, a series of marriage forums and

their well-produced booklet, ``God's Gift: A Christian Vision

of Marriage and the Black Family,'' to launch a serious,

national discussion and action program.

In truth, though, the situation is so critical--and its

elements so interconnected and self-perpetuating--that there

is no wrong place to begin. When you find yourself in this

sort of a hole, someone once said, the first thing to do is

stop digging.

Mr. Speaker, I rise in support of designating the United States Postal Service facility at 1915 Fulton Street in Brooklyn, NY, as the Congresswoman Shirley A. Chisholm Post Office Building.

When I think about the honorable lady from Brooklyn, I am constantly reminded of her personal and campaign slogan of ``unbought and unbossed.'' This bold assertion of independence captured the essence of who Shirley Chisholm was: a woman, a Black woman, who was long a champion of justice and a true pioneer who broke the glass ceiling for women in politics and elected office. Her life presented a model of resistance to discrimination, of challenge to the status quo, and of the inappropriateness of stereotypes. She broke barriers by her very presence and she set examples for future generations of leaders by her demeanor and behavior.

Shiirley was an individual with a clear vision of the right--not the political right, but the moral one. She knew that to overcome struggle minorities, those with the least power in a democracy, must stand up to the majority. They must counter the popular misconceptions and prove those in positions of authority of the wrongness of their ideas.

Shirley was determined to lift the Black community in its own eyes as well as the rest of the world. She was confident in herself and her ability to get tasks done and she passed that confidence to those who were in her presence. At a time when few Blacks and few women held elected office, Shirley stepped forward for a seat in the House of Representatives and won that seat. She also stood up against the hierarchy and leadership of the Democratic party and ran for President. Facing insurmountable odds was not enough to prevent Shirley from advocating, fighting for, and working towards the goal of being President of the United States of America. Could you only imagine how different this country would have been if Shirley had won?

I thank the Honorable Gentleman from New York, Mr. Towns, as well as the Honorable Senators Charles Schumer and Hillary Clinton for introducing and championing this legislation into the 109th Congress. We send an important message to the Nation by paying honor to this extraordinary individual. We send the message that regardless of your race, your background, and your gender, you can be respected in this country for your determination, commitment, dedication, and hard work to justice and equality. This is a powerful message to send today to our young people in particular.

Mr. Speaker, I rise today to bring to the attention of my colleagues and this country an important announcement by the Bush Administration. This week, the Administration took to two important steps in developing a strong trade and investment partnership between the United States and sub-Saharan Africa.

On Monday, President Bush announced the African Global Competitiveness Initiative, which continue and increase funding for trade capacity building efforts currently funded under the Trade for African Development and Enterprise Program. Under these new changes, the U.S. Agency for International Development's Regional Trade Hubs would be expanded from three to four in order to create greater opportunities and mechanisms for trading in Africa. The Hubs are currently located in Accra, Ghana; Gaborone, Botswana; Nairobi, Kenya. These hubs are important in identifying, promoting, and developing trading alliances that benefit the people of Africa and the U.S.

On Wednesday, during her visit to Dakar, Senegal, the Honorable Secretary of State Condoleezza Rice announced the creation of the African Growth and Opportunity Act (AGOA) Diversification Fund. The fund will provide resources to help African countries diversify their economies, including the development of transportation systems in African

countries. It would provide important opportunities to assist in Africa's development of new and emerging markets and technologies and aid in their economic progress

These initiatives are useful steps forward. I look forward to working with the Administration to ensure that these programs are fully funded and that we conduct a sustained effort to promote growth in Africa that reaches everyone--working people, farmers, and businesses--by extending duty-free allowances for apparel produed in Africa using the fabric from other regions, and in diversifying the range of products eligible for duty-free treatment under AGOA.

These steps continue recent efforts of the United States and the international community to reach out to the people of Africa in order to aid in their economic development. It is important that the United States takes a role in assisting the African community in this regard. With the resources, knowledge, and manpower of this country; we should be able to reach more to our brothers and sisters in Africa. We should continue to provide aid and assistance to these developing countries in the interest of ensuring quality lives, healthy environments, and real opportunities for people who have too often been excluded from technological advances. We should finding ways to address the crippling poverty, the disturbing barriers to adequate health care, and the limitations and restrictions to education and progress that predominate in the countries of Africa.

The Administration has taken two important steps in this regard in the last week. The 109th Congress should join with the President and other African leaders to ensure that everything is done to ensure that the progress of the 21st century does not pass Africa by.

I submit for the Congressional Record three statements from the Bush White House and the State Department detailing their efforts and justifications for extending our assistance to the people of Africa. Let us push forward in our efforts and our resolve to assist the continent of Africa and its people.

African Global Competitiveness Initiative

``I think one of the things that many African nations have

come to discover is that through trade, they can develop a

more hopeful society rather than through aid. . . . When you

open up your market to entrepreneurs and small businesses, it

helps spread wealth. And that's, after all, what we're trying

to achieve.''--President George W. Bush, June 7, 2005.

Mr. Speaker, I rise to draw attention to the life and legacy of a towering figure in the struggle for global human rights. Marcus Garvey is now widely viewed as one of the most crucial figures in the modern history of peoples of African descent, and is considered a national hero in his native Jamaica. The movement he started with the Universal Negro Improvement Association (UNIA) during the early 1900's is still the largest that the modern Black world has ever seen. During a bleak and oppressive period, he gave Black people in this country and around the world a pride in themselves and a hope for the future.

His efforts were a major impetus in the later movements that ended legalized discrimination in this country, and freed many parts of the Black World from the shackles of colonization. Indeed, his life and philosophy were embraced by influential leaders of the 20th century such as Kwame Nkrumah, Martin Luther King and Malcolm X.

Marcus Garvey has been an inspiration to me since I was a child. I was born, raised, and still live in Harlem, where Garvey established the Headquarters for the Universal Negro Improvement Association. Though I was born three years after Garvey was deported from the United States, his imprint on Harlem was still deep throughout my childhood and adolescence. I often met followers of Garvey's movement, known as Garveyites, who would preach his philosophy. Their words encouraged me to do my own research. As I grew older, I came to fully understand the importance of Garvey--both the man and his message--, and the injustice of his wrongful conviction.

Despite his future impact, he lived in an early 20th century America that was very resistant to change. Many became threatened by the size and implications of his movement, and he soon became the target of significant government harassment, led by a young J. Edgar Hoover.

Hoover became determined to rid the country of Garvey and his message. After many failed attempts to impugn his reputation and his motives, he ultimately became the victim of an unjust prosecution and conviction by the United States government in 1923, on a single count of mail fraud. So great was the outcry regarding the suspect nature of the conviction that President Calvin Coolidge would commute his sentence in 1927.

The actions of J. Edgar Hoover in his capacity as FBI Director are well documented, and have been the source of much public objection. Indeed, we now know of the efforts he made to undermine and discredit Dr. Martin Luther King and the civil rights movement.

Outside the issue of J. Edgar Hoover however, the case of Mr. Garvey highlights a regrettable period in American history--when groups and individuals inexcusably used the American legal system to assail innocent people, especially African Americans. Many, like Garvey, who had achieved great fame and success, were victims of such malevolence.

Jack Johnson, the famous African American Boxer, is one example. His wrongful prosecution and conviction, which occurred little more than a decade before that of Marcus Garvey's, has elicited a bi-partisan effort in the Congress to bring about his exoneration.

Since 1987 I have sought to clear the name of Marcus Garvey by seeking Congressional recognition of the injustice done to him, and securing a Presidential pardon of his conviction. I have continued this effort in 109th Congress with H. Con. Res. 57, and have received the most support for the effort since I first introduced legislation nearly 20 years ago.

The case of Henry O. Flipper gives me optimism as I move forward with the current Garvey effort. Flipper was West Point's first Black graduate, and the Army's first black officer. But he was also the victim of an unjust, and racially motivated court-martial. President Clinton's 1999 exoneration of Mr. Flipper has cleared the way for other such posthumous Presidential pardons.

In addition, I am also heartened by the fact that individuals and groups in the U.S. and around the world continue to ensure that the deeds and legacy of Marcus Garvey is preserved for future generations. UNIA, the organization which Marcus Garvey established nearly 100 years ago still exists today, and continues Marcus Garvey's message of self improvement and self awareness, through various education and service programs around the country. The organization will actually be having a 91st anniversary celebration here in Washington, DC on July 30th, which will serve to further illuminate the life and message of this important man.

Other groups and organizations, such as the Connecticut-based International Foundation for the Exoneration of Marcus Garvey, have been active in spreading awareness of Marcus Garvey's wrongful conviction, and building support for the exoneration effort. I thank all of them for everything they continue to do to seek justice for Marcus Garvey and keep him alive in our hearts and minds.

Marcus Garvey once asserted that, ``Action, self-reliance, the vision of self and the future, have been the only means by which the oppressed have seen and realized the light of their own freedom.'' This message transcends any race or group; it is a universal human American ideal. It is why the world must never forget Marcus Garvey.

Mr. Speaker, I rise today to recognize the humanitarian efforts of Mr. Wyclef Jean and Herman Mendoza in addressing the needs of the Dominican and Haitian communities through their newly formed organization, ``One Voice'' in a much needed effort to create goodwill between Haitians and Dominicans on the Caribbean island of Hispaniola.

Hip-hop musician Wyclef Jean, founder of Yele Haiti, a nonpolitical, nonprofit foundation that provides education and other opportunities for children in his impoverished nation, is working with Herman Mendoza, co-founder and director of operations for Stepping Stones Ministries, a College Point, New York nonprofit organization that provides humanitarian aid to countries hit by disasters and funds programs for troubled youth.

``One Voice'' is geared toward uniting Dominicans and Haitians through mutual support and aid. Its design is to encourage Dominicans in the U.S. to help Haitians in Haiti, and Haitians in the U.S. to help Dominicans back home.

Relations between Haiti and the Dominican Republic have been fractious for generations. Haiti--a prosperous French colony known as St. Domingue in the 17th century and later, the first black republic-- annexed the Dominican Republic (when it was known as Santo Domingo) in the 19th century. Haiti ruled all of Hispaniola from 1822 to 1844, when forces led by Juan Pablo Duarte established the Dominican Republic as an independent state.

Other conflicts between the two countries have fueled mutual distrust. In 1937, under orders from President Rafael Trujillo, Dominican soldiers killed close to 30,000 Haitian sugar cane workers along the border. These events occurred in a matter of weeks for various reasons but mainly because the skin of the Haitians was a few shades darker than that of the Dominicans.

The historical events surrounding the Dominican/Haitian relationship have continued to divide the Dominican Republic and Haiti so deeply that there may as well be an ocean not only around them but between them.

The tenuousness of the Dominican/Haitian relationship remains, but the efforts of Mr. Wyclef Jean and Herman Menendez are an important first step in developing a mutual understanding between the two nations.

I applaud their leadership on this issue and am pleased with their commitment to giving back to their communities in an effort to ease long seated resentment and unify the island and its people to achieve political, social, and economic development that will benefit the people of both nations.

[From Newsday, July 3, 2005]

Haitians, Dominicans Join Voices to Help

A popular Haitian-American entertainer and a Dominican-

American have joined forces to create goodwill between

Haitians and Dominicans on the Caribbean island of

Hispaniola.

Hip-hop musician Wyclef Jean, founder of Yele Haiti, a

nonpolitical, nonprofit foundation that provides education

and other opportunities for children in his impoverished

nation, is working with Herman Mendoza, co-founder and

director of operations for Stepping Stones Ministries, a

College Point nonprofit organization that provides

humanitarian aid to countries hit by disasters and funds

programs for troubled youth.

Jean said the movement he and Mendoza started, called One

Voice, ``will encourage Dominicans in the U.S. to help

Haitians in Haiti, and Haitians in the U.S. to help

Dominicans back home. This never happens,'' he said.

``Believe me.''

Relations between Haiti and the Dominican Republic have

been fractious for generations. Haiti--a prosperous French

colony known as St. Domingue in the 17th century and later,

the first black republic--annexed the Dominican Republic

(when it was known as Santo Domingo) in the 19th century.

Haiti ruled all of Hispaniola from 1822 to 1844, when forces

led by Juan Pablo Duarte established the Dominican Republic

as an independent state.

Other conflicts between the two countries have fueled

mutual distrust. In 1937, under orders from President Rafael

Trujillo, thousands of Haitian sugar cane workers in the

Dominican Republic were massacred.

Jean pointed to striking disparities between Haitians and

Dominicans. He said in his country--which has been wracked by

coups and invasions and is now the poorest nation in the

hemisphere--most Haitians live on less than $1 a day;

unemployment is close to 80 percent; more than 50 percent of

the people are illiterate. In contrast, he said, there is

15 percent unemployment in the Dominican Republic and 15

percent of the population is illiterate.

Mendoza said he did not notice tension during a recent

visit to his homeland, but he said numerous Haitians are

there looking for work and are subject to checks by

immigration officials. ``As far as Dominicans embracing

Haiti, I don't see a problem,'' Mendoza said. ``We want to

work out our differences socially, politically and

economically. People will see there's no bias.''

One Voice is reaching out for medical and educational

supplies for needy areas of both countries, sections of which

were devastated by floods last year. Jean and Mendoza are

asking the public to share some of what's in their medicine

cabinets. They are collecting items for babies and adults,

such as disinfectant and toothpaste, plus pens, crayons and

notebooks, among other things.

``Numerous humanitarian service organizations as well as

entertainment and music celebrities have pledged their

support of this drive,'' Jean said. ``If each family puts

together one kit, it can mean so much to our countries.''

A service that Stepping Stones Ministries sponsored on

April 15 in Washington Heights--home to many Dominicans in

New York--raised $1,000 to support the cause. A similar

service is scheduled for July 30 at the True Worship Church

in the East New York section of Brooklyn.

One Voice hopes to help children in both countries fulfill

their dreams.

``Despite what history tells them about the conflicts

between Haiti and the Dominican Republic, we want them to

know they are one,'' said Jean. ``Our project is set up to

show them that at least Dominicans and Haitians in the U.S.

can live that reality.

``The first step,'' Jean added, ``is for us to send aid to

the most impoverished communities, not as Haitians or

Dominicans, but as One Voice.''

Mr. Speaker, I rise today to bring to the attention of my colleagues the important and significant words of the Ambassador of Belize to the United States Her Excellency Lisa Shoman in her opinion editorial in today's edition of The Hill newspaper.

As Ambassador of Belize in Washington, Ambassador Shoman has been a powerful and effective advocate for the interest of the people of Belize. She has brought to the attention of this Congress individually and collectively the importance of building, strengthening, and nurturing good relations between our two countries, not simply out of economic incentive, but for cultural and development purposes as well. Belize is truly privileged to have such an effective representative here in Washington, DC.

Belize admittedly is a small country in size, covering an area about the size of Massachusetts and with a population of only 275,000. It faces many of the challenges of small and developing nations as well as those pertinent to

Central America. Nonetheless, it has a literacy rate of over 90 percent, an average life expectancy of 67 years, and a diverse background of religious and racial groups. With a gross domestic product of $1.778 billion and a third of the population living below the poverty line, Belize still faces many challenges to its economic development and stability.

Nonetheless, the government of Belize has worked to nurture and support business relationships with the United States. Its leaders have reached out to the American government to find mechanisms for tackling the issues of homeland and domestic security needs. It has shown considerable willingness to assist in the reduction of drug trafficking from the country and has worked impressively to address the health care needs and concerns of its citizens.

More still should be done to assist the people of Belize as they pursue means of economic and social advancement and tackle the crippling problems facing smaller nations. As they have reached out to us in the pursuit of answers and support to their problems, we should recognize the need for assistance and aid in their development. I believe that it is important that the U.S. Government continues to develop a strong relationship with our Belizean neighbors. Our global connectedness and shared interests are important causes that unite us today and will continue to draw us closer together.

I therefore submit for the Record a copy of The Hill's op-ed column written by Ambassador Lisa Shoman, discussing the connectedness and relationship between the small but important country of Belize and the United States. I hope my colleagues understand the significance of nurturing this relationship and continuing to build an ever closer relationship with the nation of Belize.

Belize: Small Country, Big Progress

While media attention has been firmly focused on the

proposed Dominican Republic-Central America Free Trade

Agreement, a regional success story that has captured

virtually no attention is unfolding.

The small nation of Belize (that I have the privilege of

representing in Washington) has made significant strides over

the past few years that have strengthened the bilateral

relationship with the United States and attracted the

attention of America's business community.

Belize, a nation of about 275,000 people situated at the

crossroads of Central America and the Caribbean, is a staunch

friend of America; a solid, strong and peaceful democracy

with an independent judiciary; and a nation open and

welcoming to the American private sector. It became a British

Crown colony in 1862 and achieved independence in 1981.

Our two nations have had a long history of cordial

relations. The United States is the home to the largest

expatriate Belizean community in the world, some 150,000

strong, and thousands of American tourists visit my country

each year, either by air or by cruise ship.

But there is a more profound reason for why the nations are

so close: The dedication of both governments to common

objectives has naturally led to an increasingly cooperative

and productive diplomatic relationship. Belize shares the

central U.S. goals of eradicating terrorism, bolstering

security, combating the scourges of drugs and international

crime and protecting human rights. And we have put real

action and effort to these tasks.

Over just the past three to four years, Belize has agreed

in principle to sign the Proliferation Security Initiative, a

key initiative of the Bush administration intended to impede

or stop shipments of weapons of mass destruction. Our ports

were upgraded to meet the International Maritime

Organization's International Shipping and Ports Security

Code. Our Cabinet has approved the Agreement Concerning

Cooperation in Suppressing Illicit Maritime and Air

Trafficking in Narcotic Drugs and Psychotropic Substances

in the Caribbean Area (CRA), a key objective of the U.S.

government. The CRA will not only pay dividends in

reducing drug trafficking but also assist law-enforcement

cooperation in areas such as arms smuggling and money

laundering.

Our two governments' determination to stamp out the drug

trade yielded a concrete success last December in the

conviction of a Belizean gang leader for multi-ton cocaine-

importation offenses. The success of the operation was made

possible through the cooperative efforts of the U.S.

Attorney's Office in New York City and officials in the

Belizean Office of Public Prosecutions and our Police

Department.

We have acceded to the U.N. Convention against

Transnational Organized Crime and its Protocol to Prevent,

Suppress and Punish Trafficking in Persons, especially Women

and Children, and we are committed to work together to stamp

out all forms of human slavery. Our two nations have signed

and brought into force an extradition treaty and a mutual

legal-assistance treaty intended to strengthen law-

enforcement cooperation.

This fast-paced diplomatic activity is not only a direct

result of the excellent relations between Belize and the

United States but also an important expression of my

country's fundamental commitment to the principle of the rule

of law and of the necessity for a rules-based world.

That commitment governs Belize's relationship with her

international investors and commercial firms operating in and

with the country. And the results speak for themselves.

We are a beneficiary of the Caribbean Basin Initiative, and

the United States is our largest trading partner. Two-way

trade reached about $259 million in 2004 and, according to

early 2005 statistics, is over 35 percent greater this year

than over the corresponding period in 2004.

The United States has consistently enjoyed a trade surplus.

Our investment levels have also grown. The World Bank reports

that from 2002 to 2003 (latest figures available) net inflows

of foreign direct investment have increased by 60 percent.

These are encouraging numbers but clearly are below

Belize's potential. We are focused on lifting trade and

investment levels and believe that we shall, given the

foundation we have already built.

Foreign investors are hardheaded business-people. They will

not move into a country if the conditions are not right. The

2005 Index of Economic Freedom, jointly produced by the

Heritage Foundation and The Wall Street Journal, is of

particular interest to any investor. This careful analysis

shows Belize outranking virtually all nations with which the

United States is currently negotiating a free-trade-area

agreement or providing funding through the U.S. government's

Millennium Challenge Corp.

The Belizean Constitution provides for an independent

judiciary and, according to the State Department's Report on

Human Rights Practices, the government generally respects

this provision in practice. The report certifies that people

accused of civil or criminal offenses have constitutional

rights to presumption of innocence, protection against self-

incrimination, defense by counsel, a public trial and appeal.

Belize has a Freedom of Information Act and an independent

ombudsman who acts as a check on government power.

Abuses occur in every country. The report noted that when

instances of alleged inappropriate behavior by a government

agency arose, the matters were settled under the rule of law

and due process.

Belize is making significant progress, strengthening its

commitment to a secure world, helping the United States in

our common cause to fight terrorism, protecting human rights

and promoting and welcoming trade and investment.

Belize is a small country with much to offer the United

States and its investors. We pledge to work with Congress and

the U.S. business community so that you will get to know us

better.

Mr. Speaker, I rise today to support a resolution to temporarily suspend restrictions on remittances, gift parcels, and family travel to Cuba in order to allow Cuban-Americans to assist their relatives in the aftermath of Hurricane Dennis.

I have long opposed the embargo against Cuba, as I strongly believe that restricting travel and trade is a failed policy that harms the people of Cuba, and works against the promotion of democracy on the island. This is clearly evidenced in the wake of Hurricane Dennis when due to political sanctions Cuban Americans are powerless to reach out and assist their loved ones in a time of need.

Hurricane Dennis was a disastrous force that killed 16 people, destroyed numerous buildings and homes and left Cuba with $1.4 billion in property damage. The embarrassingly small $50,000 in aid offered by the U.S. is not nearly enough to address the needs of the millions of Cubans who have been left without food, clean water, electricity, and shelter caused by the devastation of Hurricane Dennis.

It is unfortunate that the U.S. government is unwilling to make a substantial contribution to the humanitarian mission in Cuba, but to deny Cuban Americans the right to help their families in a time of overwhelming need is an outrage. It is a policy that is both unethical and un-American.

The Cuban people are the ones who are suffering and it is time to put politics aside and ease restrictions to allow Cuban-Americans to help their families and assist in disaster relief. This disaster is a prime example of why U.S. policy towards Cuba must be reevaluated. As it stands there is no exception in the law for emergency situations on the island and is therefore inhumane and serves as punishment to the people who are most vulnerable: Cuban citizens.

The recent case of Sgt. Carlos Lazo and his inability to visit his sons in Cuba is another example of why rigid U.S. policy towards Cuba must be reevaluated. Sgt. Lazo deserves the opportunity to visit his sons in Cuba. His story has become well known to many in Congress through his activism in trying to change Cuba policy. He has served in war for his adopted Nation, and the fact that he is denied the ability to see his sons more often than once every three years is absurd and indefensible.

For years Cuba policy has been driven by the Cuban-American community in Miami. It is clear, however, that the community no longer supports a hard-line approach. Many Cuban-Americans feel betrayed that their government dictates which family members they travel to see and how often they may do so. Cuban-Americans should have the right to visit their families, send them gifts, needed supplies, and money without the government restrictions now in place.

Developing a relationship with Cuba is an important foreign policy goal and in order to achieve this goal a new and rational approach to relations between our countries is urgently needed, based on dialogue, open travel and increased trade.

[From the New York Times, July 6, 2005]

Florida's Zeal Against Castro Is Losing Heat

Miami.--Fidel Castro is not dead, but he has haunted Miami

for nearly 50 years. This is a city where newscasters still

scrutinize Mr. Castro's health and workers conduct emergency

drills to prepare for the chaos expected upon his demise. Spy

shops still flourish here, and a store on Calle Ocho does

brisk business in reprints of the Havana phone book from

1959, the year he seized power. But if Mr. Castro's grip on

Cuban Miami remains strong, the fixation is expressed

differently these days. The monolithic stridency that once

defined the exile community has faded. There is less

consensus on how to fight Mr. Castro and even, as Cuban-

Americans grow more politically and economically diverse,

less intensity of purpose. Some call it shrewd pragmatism,

others call it fatigue.

In May, Luis Posada Carriles, a militant anti-Castro

fighter from the cold war era, was arrested here on charges

of entering the country illegally and was imprisoned in EI

Paso, where he awaits federal trial. Barely anyone in Miami

protested, even though many Cuban-Americans consider Mr.

Posada, 77, to be a hero who deserves asylum.

A month earlier, two milestones--the 25th anniversary of

the Mariel boatlift, which brought 125,000 Cubans to the

United States and transformed Miami, and the fifth

anniversary of the seizure of Elian Gonzalez--passed almost

quietly.

When a Miami Herald columnist went to Cuba in June and

filed dispatches critical of Mr. Posada, who is suspected in

a deadly airline bombing and other violent attacks, indignant

letters to the editor were the only protest. In the past,

Cuban-Americans boycotted The Herald and smeared feces on its

vending boxes to protest what they considered pro-Castro

coverage.

This city where raucous demonstrations by exiles were once

as regular as summer storms has seen few lately. One theory

is that the people whose life's mission was to defeat Mr.

Castro and return to the island one day--those who fled here

in the early years of his taking power--have grown old and

weary.

``We are all exhausted from so much struggle'', said Ramon

Saul Sanchez, leader of the Democracy Movement, an exile

organization that once ran flotillas to the waters off Cuba

to protest human-rights abuses. Mr. Sanchez, 50, also

belonged to Alpha 66, an exile paramilitary group that

trained in the Everglades, mostly in the 1960's and 70's, for

an armed invasion of Cuba, and later protested around the

clock outside Elian Gonzalez's house. Now, he said, he

prefers less attention-grabbing tactics, quietly supporting

dissidents on the island from an office above a Laundromat.

The subtler approach is gaining favor. Cuban-Americans have

grown more politically aware since the Elian Gonzalez

episode, many say, when their fervor to thwart the Clinton

administration and the boy's return to his father in Cuba

drew national contempt. Americans who had paid little

attention to the policy debate over Cuba tended to support

sending Elian home, polls showed, and were put off by images

of exiles blocking traffic and flying American flags upside

down in protest.

``Elian Gonzalez was a great lesson, a brutal lesson,''

said Joe Garcia, the former executive director of the Cuban-

American National Foundation, a once belligerent but now more

measured exile group. ``It woke us up.''

Mayor Manny Diaz, a Cuban-American whose political career

took off after he served as a lawyer for Elian's Miami

relatives, said he decided afterward it was more important to

heal the wounds in Miami than to criticize the Castro

government. Mr. Diaz did not mention Cuba in his State of the

City speech this spring--an absence the local alternative

newspaper called ``downright revolutionary.'' In fact, Mr.

Diaz said he had never used Mr. Castro's name to rouse

support.

``I wish he'd get run over by an 18-wheeler tomorrow,'' Mr.

Diaz said of Mr. Castro. ``But as mayor, I'm supposed to fix

your streets and your parks and your potholes.''

Also revolutionary is that Cuban-Americans, solidly

Republican since President John F. Kennedy's decision not to

support the 1961 Bay of Pigs invasion, are reconsidering

their allegiance. Most still stand by President Bush, which

helps explain their silence after the arrest of Mr. Posada.

Yet they also say Mr. Bush has repeatedly let them down.

He has continued the ``wet foot, dry foot'' policy that

President Bill Clinton adopted, letting Cuban refugees who

make it to shore remain in this country but sending back

those stopped at sea. Mr. Bush also adopted new restrictions

last year on visiting and sending money to relatives in Cuba,

which all but the most hard-line exiles say hurts Cuban

families more than Mr. Castro.

More recently, the Bush administration discussed

reassigning to Iraq a special military plane it bought to

help broadcast TV and Radio Marti in Cuba, a priority of

exile groups.

``The Cuban-American community helped elect this guy,'' Mr.

Garcia said, ``and even then Cuban-Americans get short

shrift.''

Mr. Garcia made waves last fall by resigning from the

Cuban-American National Foundation to join a Democratic

advocacy group. Jose Basulto, the leader of Brothers to the

Rescue, a group that flew over the Florida Strait in the

1990s seeking rafters in distress, held a news conference in

2003 to announce that he was abandoning the Republican Party.

But while Mr. Garcia, 41, has severed ties with the Bush

White House, Mr. Basulto, 64, has hope. His new goal is the

indictment of Mr. Castro's brother and chosen successor, Raul

Castro, for drug trafficking or for the 1996 shooting down of

two Brothers to the Rescue planes by Cuban fighters, in which

four men were killed.

Mr. Basulto announced in May that he was offering $1

million for information that could lead to the indictment. So

far, he said, he has received no word from Washington.

``The United States is duty bound, duty bound to act in

bringing justice for these guys,'' Mr. Basulto said, speaking

of the downed pilots. Like other outspoken exiles, he

questions the administration's ousting of Saddam Hussein in

Iraq before Mr. Castro.

``We don't want to see a double standard,'' he said. ``We

don't want to see democracy in Iraq and not in Cuba. We are

owed that much.''

His frustration was echoed by Miguel Saavedra, the leader

of Vigilia Mambisa, a hard-line exile group. Mr. Saavedra

said some exiles had been discouraging protests for fear of

antagonizing the White House--but not his faction.

``We're not calming down,'' he said. ``We're not tired. We

haven't surrendered.''

But when Vigilia Mambisa tried to rally support for Mr.

Posada in May at the revered Cuban restaurant Versailles in

Little Havana, and at the Torch of Friendship, a downtown

monument, only a few dozen people showed up. Their shouts

could not pierce the buzz of traffic.

The eclipse of the old exile passions is looming in a more

literal way down the street from the Torch of Friendship, at

the Freedom Tower, an elegant yellow beacon where more than

half a million Cuban refugees were processed in the early

years of the Castro government.

The family of Jorge Mas Canosa, the founder of the Cuban

American National Foundation, once had plans to spend $40

million restoring the building as a museum of the exile

experience. The tower's new owner is Pedro Martin, a Cuban-

American who remembers going there in the 1960s to pick up

food for his family.

The museum is still in the works, but Mr. Martin's larger

plan is to erect a 62-story condominium building around it,

all but making the Freedom Tower vanish from the Miami

skyline.

Mr. Speaker, my dear friend, Jake Pickle, has left us but he will be remembered for both his accomplishments as a great Congressman and his ability to make everyone laugh.

He was a special man--a man who prided himself in his sense of justice and a man who could tell a ``hell of a good story.''

Jake Pickle and I joined the Ways and Means Committee together in the 94th Congress. It was after Rep. Helstoski was defeated in the next election, that I got the privilege of sitting next to Jake for the remainder of his career in the House of Representatives. What an experience it was.

He squeaked green plastic pickles at me (from deep in his pocket) and taught me how to de-shell two pecans with one hand and a single squeeze (and then eat them and throw the hulls under our desks with no one knowing). Over time, we became a team and sent juicy pecans to Members sitting down the row from us. Jake always thought that ``everyone should have a little something in their tummies to do good work.''

Jake Pickle and I became close personal friends over the years (as did our wives, Beryl and Alma). We could not have come from more different backgrounds--the inner-city of New York and the rolling hills of Texas. Yet, he became one of the Members I respected most for his sheer determination, unending zeal, and ability to truly develop bipartisan relationships.

J.J. Pickle served in the Congress for 31 years representing the Texas 10th Congressional District--from December 1963-January 1995. All agree that Jake was a class act, a star, and someone to love because he loved back.

I am one of the special few who signed his red pump organ--a treasure of his that he took home with him to Austin upon retirement and kept in his house. Signing the organ meant that you meant something to him.

J.J. Pickle was very, very proud of his Congressional record. He would be the first to tell you that he did not seek to be famous, to be a Senator, to be Governor, or to be President. What Jake Pickle wanted to be was ``The Darn Best Congressman'' for his Congressional District and even a better one for his country. That he was, and more.

Jake became Chairman of the Ways and Means Committee's Social Security Subcommittee in the early 1980s and led the charge for solving the system's financial problems. (It is too bad he is not with us now to do it again--on a bipartisan basis and in a prudent way.) The picture of Pickle standing next to President Reagan signing the ``Social Security Amendments of 1983'' is a classic of the decade.

Jake moved on and became Chairman of the Ways and Means Committee's Oversight Subcommittee for 10 years. One of his proudest accomplishments was reforming the tax code penalties so that they were fair to taxpayers. His face adorned the cover of a major tax publication titled, ``Congress At Its Best.''

Pickle was relentless in many ways. Once he drafted a ``Taxpayer Bill of Rights;'' it was his personal goal to see it enacted into law--and it was.

Once he learned that some TV evangelists were stealing from the public, it was his personal goal that they visit the Committee and change--and they did.

Once he learned that tax-exempt organizations were being used as fronts for illegal activities; it was his goal that the Justice Department intervene--and they did.

Once he learned that workers' pension plans were not funded properly; it was his goal to change the law to protect retirees--and he succeeded.

Even to the end, he was counseling us (Members and staff) about the issues Congress needed to ``get a rope around and move it.''

So I will close with the following: I missed Jake when he retired from Congress in 1995. But now I miss him more. He was a good man and he will not be forgotten.

Mr. Speaker, I rise to share an important and exciting program with my colleagues today. The Charles B. Rangel International Affairs Program was initiated from my desire that the State Department's Diplomatic Corps abroad would reflect the rich diversity represented by its people at home. The program presents young adults from diverse backgrounds the opportunity to learn, participate, and become a part of the United States' diplomatic relations.

The Honorable Gentleman from New York, Mr. Serrano, has provided immeasurable support and commitment to this program and was of extraordinary service in commencing the program in 2001. I want to again thank him for his valuable contributions to the program.

Earlier this week, I met with the ten extremely talented Rangel Fellows who are enrolled in various graduate programs across the country with a focus on international relations and related academic programs. It was tremendously rewarding to speak to and hear from these extraordinarily intelligent, enthusiastic, well-prepared, and committed young people; many of whom have already completed Overseas State Department Summer Internships through the program. These ten fellows are currently serving in the congressional offices of Representatives Eni F.H. Faleomavaega (Fellows Melanie Bonner and Natalie Waugh), Harold E. Ford, Jr. (Fellow Rachel Hawkins), Barbara Lee (Fellow Fonta Gilliam), Robert Menendez (Fellow Breanna Green), Gregory Meeks (Fellow Zainab Zaid), Donald M. Payne (Fellow Jared Yancey), Jose E. Serrano (Fellow David Lewis), as well as my own office (Fellow Andrea Corey). Fellow Candace Bates is completing an internship at the State Department's Bureau of Political-Military Affairs.

I want to take this opportunity to thank my colleagues and friends for the invaluable experiences that they are providing and for personally hosting a Rangel Fellow in their offices. The experiences to be obtained in here in the House of Representatives will provide insight that is a special and unique part of this program. This Capitol Hill exposure and experience will be particularly useful as they enter the State Department as junior Foreign Service Officers. Thank you for the wonderful opportunities that you are providing this summer.

It is with gratitude that I also thank Representatives Berkley, Christensen, Conyers, Hyde, Kilpatrick, Menendez, Millender-McDonald, and Serrano for hosting fellows last year, the inaugural session of the 2004 Rangel Fellows Congressional Program.

I am extremely proud that there are currently 22 Rangel Fellows enrolled in graduate schools across the country, with a current intake of ten graduate students per year. Nine of these students are serving in internships in U.S embassies in locations around the world, including Pretoria, Luanda, Nairobi, Maseru, Dakar, Vientiane, Tegucigalpa, and Singapore. The diverse body of fellows includes Afro- Americans, Cambodian-Americans, Hispanic-Americans, Asian-Americans, and Caucasian Americans and draws on a variety of backgrounds and experiences.

Earlier this month, I was extremely grateful and proud to be greeted in Singapore by two Rangel Fellows, Chelsa Wheeler who was assigned to the U.S. Embassy in Singapore and Christen Rhodes, who was assigned to Vientiane. I met and chatted with these two amazing young women while I was awaiting the report from the Olympics Site Selection Committee.

This program is a successful collaboration between the Congress, the State Department, and Howard University, which administers the program with a cross-section of colleges and universities across the country. Former Secretary of State Colin L. Powell introduced the program on May 17, 2002 at a State Department ceremony and most recently, Secretary of State Condoleezza Rice expressed her profound support for continuing and expanding this initiative.

Although the program has several components, the two key components are the Fellows Program and the Summer Enrichment Program, SEP, a six- week program designed to expose students to foreign affairs careers and stimulate stronger interest in the Foreign Service. Approximately thirty students participate in the SEP each year and earn nine semester hours upon successful completion. Since 2003, over 53 undergraduate students have participated in the SEP, with a number being motivated to apply for Graduate Rangel Fellowships.

In the last 2 years, the components of the Rangel Program were reviewed and evaluated by the State Department and were found to satisfy the stringent requirements for inclusion in the Department's prestigious Diplomacy Fellows Program. This milestone achievement has included the program in the distinguished ranks of such programs as the Presidential Management Interns, the American Association for the Advancement of Science, and the Boren, Fascell, and Pickering Fellows Programs. As a result, fellows who successfully complete the Rangel Program and the State Department requirements will automatically receive employment offers and appointments to the Foreign Service.

I am extremely proud of this program and its contributions to this country. Not only does it expose youth from various backgrounds and experiences to the importance and significance of international relations, it creates the opportunity to diversify our diplomatic corps and to assist in their employment and service to our country. We cannot afford to overlook or underutilize any of our valuable human resources here. In America, diversity is our strength. We have so much to offer in sharing our experience and creating a harmonious society. With our Nation's growing international involvement, there could be no better time than now to attract the very best, the brightest, and the most diverse talent available to represent the American people and champion our interests in every corner of the globe.

I submit the following article from today's Roll Call on the program and the Fellows' recent visit to my office. It was indeed an honor to meet this talented group of America's future.

fellowship fosters diversity: rangel fellowship focuses on foreign

service

Since 2003, Rep. Charlie Rangel (D-N.Y.) has been the

impetus behind a program at Howard University designed to

increase diversity in the State Department Foreign Service.

``Ever since I've been in Congress,'' Rangel explained in

an interview, ``the absence of minorities in our embassies

and official offices has been astounding.'' Every time he

brought it up to a Secretary of State, however, he was told

that the problem was lack of interest in the minority

community.

``They said the kids couldn't pass the test, and that kids

weren't interested,'' Rangel said. ``Everyone of them would

have a meeting with me talking about change, and then leave

office.''

That cycle changed with Madeleine Albright, President Bill

Clinton's (D) final Secretary of State.

``She agreed that she would entertain a proposal, so I went

to my first administrative assistant, Patrick Swygert, who

had become president of Howard University.'' Along with

former Secretary of State Colin Powell, a member of Howard's

Board of Trustees,

Swygert drafted a proposal to create the Rangel Fellowship.

The fellowship, which pays students $28,000 a year to cover

tuition and room and board, requires participants get a two-

year master's

degree in a field of interest to the foreign service.

International affairs is the most obvious choice, but a whole

range of subjects, including foreign languages and

political science, are options.

In addition to their studies, Rangel fellows are provided

with two internships. One of those internships takes place on

Capitol Hill in Congressional offices. Rangel is very proud

of the bipartisan support he has received; participants in

the program include Reps. Jose Serrano (D-N.Y.) and Henry

Hyde (R-Ill.).

``It's a great program,'' Serrano spokesman Ben Allen said.

``It gives students a chance to see the Congressional side of

government up close. The key thing is that it gives them

experiences that will help them in the foreign service. The

lessons that they learn here are invaluable.''

The most recent class of Charles B. Rangel International

Affairs Program fellows graduated 20 participants at the end

of May.

The second internship takes place in a U.S. embassy. When

Rangel traveled to Singapore to make New York's case for

hosting the 2012 Olympics, he was pleasantly surprised to

find himself greeted by two Rangel fellows, Chelsia Wheeler

and Christen Rhodes.

The fellows also participate in a summer enrichment

program, a six-week program ``designed to stimulate stronger

student interest in international affairs and to generate a

deeper understanding and appreciation for career

opportunities in international affairs.'' That program

recently wrapped up and is not just for Rangel fellows; any

college student who has completed his or her sophomore year

can apply.

Upon graduation, students are contractually committed to at

least three years of service as a Foreign Service Officer.

After a training period in Washington, officers are sent out

around the globe to perform consular work.

The program is directed by Kevin McGuire, formerly the

ambassador to Namibia. He said that initially, the fellowship

``was designed to bring people to Washington for the summer

enrichment program. This grew into the idea of a fellowship

program. While we continue the SEP, the central focus right

now is the fellowship program.''

The current Secretary of State, Condoleezza Rice, has also

expressed her support for the program, even stating that she

thinks it should be expanded, Rangel said. ``About a month

ago I met with Condoleezza Rice, and she recommended I get

this program going in every historically black college.''

Rangel has been thrilled by the level of participation thus

far. ``It's been a smashing success. Their enthusiasm

rejuvenates me. Retired black ambassadors who had to break

new ground to get in the door, they are mentors for students

today. A lot of mentoring goes on, and there's a lot of

cooperation from the U.S. State Department.''

The Congressman believes that in a time of increased

involvement with the rest of the world, the United States

must make a special effort to increase the number of people

in the diplomatic corps. ``We are recruiting people to keep

the peace and keep the diplomacy,'' Rangel said. ``We need to

reach out to people to show them how exciting the opportunity

can be. We need to show them that there are different people

all over the world.''

Mr. Speaker, I rise today to honor an outstanding newspaper publisher and business entrepreneur who pursued a successful career in business while remaining rooted in the community and opening many doors of opportunity for others. Mr. John L. Procope was an important voice in Harlem politics, society, and education and his influence and impact was felt beyond his home community in the City of New York and the nation. He passed away on July 15, 2005.

In 1971, John and a group of five co-owners bought the Amsterdam News in Harlem and

kept an important black newspaper alive and running in a community that needed and wanted to be kept abreast of events in Black America. Through his work as the paper's publisher, he ensured that the community was aware of issues of importance to them and knowledgeable on the events of the day.

Through his ownership of the Amsterdam News, he worked to inform, educate, and activate a community which had suffered through difficult times and knew that to improve their stake in society they would have to be diligent on the issues. He did not stray from controversial topics or fail to express his opinions in the best interest of his community.

Following the riots in reaction to the 1977 blackout in New York, John was outraged by the reaction of the black community and readily expressed his criticism of young alienated Blacks and the lack of black leadership in properly addressing the situation and providing hope for future generations. John would later head up the Emergency Aid Commission to provide grants to local businesses harmed by the looting that ensued from the blackout. He impressed upon the community and its political and social leadership the importance of building up and supporting local businesses, rather than tearing them down and destroying their economic ability.

John Procope saw the value of investing in local businesses in our communities. He encouraged entrepreneurs to not only provide jobs to young people and the poor, but to provide opportunities to develop their skills and nurture their talents within the community. John and Ernesta, his wife, were strong advocates of the Fair Access to Insurance Requirements plan in 1968 and have continued to work in highly visible ways to address critical issues and to support humanitarian and cultural causes within the community.

Though John passed away at the age of 82, he led a full and rewarding life. He championed the good causes, fought the right fights, and demanded the most of himself and others. I knew him as an exceptional individual and a trusted friend. The attached obituary from the New York Times (July 18, 2005) highlights the life story and accomplishments of Mr. Procope.

John L. Procope, 82, Publisher of Black Newspaper in Harlem, Dies

July 18, 2005.--John L. Procope, an entrepreneur and former

publisher of The New York Amsterdam News, died on Friday. He

was 82 and lived in Queens.

The cause was complications from pneumonia, according to E.

G. Bowman Co., where he had served as chairman.

Mr. Procope, a graduate of Morgan State University, was a

marketing and advertising executive at several companies

before he joined a consortium that bought The Amsterdam News,

a black newspaper based in Harlem, in 1971. He was one of six

co-owners of the newspaper when he succeeded Clarence B.

Jones as publisher in 1974.

After the 1977 blackout and the resultant looting, Mr.

Procope broke the traditional restraint of vocal criticism

against other prominent blacks.

He published a blistering front-page editorial that

contended that there was a ``massive vacuum of leadership in

the black communities across the city.''

The editorial said that since black leaders ``hadn't

exercised real leadership prior to the blackout, there was no

established communication with our young people to use as a

base for communication when the looters began.''

He was appointed chairman of the seven-member Emergency Aid

Commission, which disbursed about $3 million in grants to

businesses hurt by the looting.

In the late 1970's, two co-owners of The Amsterdam News

tried to remove Mr. Procope as publisher, saying that

business contracts his wife, Ernesta G. Procope, had with the

city resulted in a conflict of interest--a contention the

Procopes denied.

Mr. Procope left the newspaper in 1982 to focus on E. G.

Bowman, an insurance company that had been founded by his

wife that was one of the first major African-American-owned

businesses on Wall Street. The company's client list started

with underserved Brooklyn homeowners but grew to include

Fortune 500 companies.

Mr. Procope and his wife were a driving force behind the

creation of the Fair Access to Insurance Requirements plan in

1968 to help make insurance available to all residents of New

York State. He and his wife were also highly visible in

political and philanthropic circles.

In addition to his wife, he is survived by two sisters, Dr.

Jean Martin of Bloomfield, Conn.; and Jonelle Terrell of

Manhattan.

Mr. Speaker, I rise today to recognize and celebrate a special occasion for our neighbors and friends in the Bahamas. Last Sunday, July 10, marked the 32nd anniversary of the independence of the islands of the Bahamas. I join my friends of Bahamian heritage and the many citizens of that multi-island nation in celebrating the beauty and uniqueness of their homeland.

On July 10, 1973, the people of the Bahamas peacefully and successfully gained full independence within the British Commonwealth. Once a colony of the British Crown, the Bahamas has emerged as an important voice in international and regional affairs, impacting the Americas and the global community.

The Bahamian culture is an intriguing mixture of its African, European, and indigenous population. The celebrations of this island nation are welcomed festivities and commemorations of the beauty of international culture and merriment. The people truly embrace and emphasize their rich historical backgrounds, national pride, and appreciation of human nature.

This is a place where the simplicity of life is fully enjoyed and its complexities are dealt with one day at a time.

While still facing economic and social challenges in its development, the Bahamas remain a popular tourist attraction which enjoys excellent relations with the U.S. The country and its government have worked diligently to uplift itself and move towards prosperity. The islands offer a rich diversity of geography, history, and beauty that attracts visitors and guests from around the world. Tourism alone provides an estimated 60 percent of the gross domestic product and employs about half the Bahamian work force. In 2000, more than 4 million tourists visited the Bahamas, 83 percent of them from the U.S. With help and assistance from its friends, the Bahamas will continue to grow in prosperity, peace, and beauty.

I congratulate the people of the Bahamas on their 32nd Independence Day and know that many more years of successful growth and economic development are ahead of them. I also wish our friends in the Bahamas years of peace and tranquility, independence and justice, and a robust and prosperous economy.

Bahamas Is Blessed--Dame Ivy

Governor-General Ivy Dumont reminded Bahamians of how

blessed the country has been over the years, as celebrations

to mark 32 years of independent nationhood unfolded at

Clifford Park on Saturday night.

In her Independence Day message, Mrs. Dumont said since

1973, Bahamians have made much progress in national economic

and political life. She challenged all political, spiritual

and civic leaders to continue to adopt the fundamental

doctrine upon which the country's independence was declared.

That principle, she said, is a national commitment to self-

discipline, industry, loyalty, unity and an abiding respect

for Christian values and the rule of law.

``As a people we have many reasons to celebrate, not least

being the blessings upon our nation flowing from our godly

heritage. It is to this rich spiritual legacy that we, as

Bahamians, attribute our orderly and sustained economic,

social and political development. Accordingly, respect for

and service to God must remain the centerpiece of our

national life.''

Prime Minister Perry Christie also noted the importance of

observing the founding of the nation in his Independence Day

message.

He pointed out that while other nations were forged out of

war, revolution and bloodshed, The Bahamas emerged out of a

peaceful transition from colonial rule to an independent

state.

``For those of us who were witnesses to this momentous

occasion--the birth of a nation--the enthusiasm, pride and

reverence for this day will forever remain fresh in our

minds,'' Mr. Christie said.

``It is important therefore, that we seek to pass on these

same sentiments to the many who view the 10th July, 1973 as

merely an historical date, so that the sense of patriotism

and national pride will forever burn bright in the hearts and

minds of all Bahamians.''

He recalled that Independence Day has always been a time of

great festivity throughout the country. Mr. Christie

expressed that every nation should celebrate its founding and

development, because nationhood embodies, among other

attributes, the culture, ethnicity, values, history and the

collective strength of a people.

Thirty-two years ago, under the watchful gaze of thousands

of Bahamians, the Union Jack was lowered and the black,

aquamarine, and gold-coloured flag of an independent Bahamas

was hoisted for the first time on Clifford Park.

The Bahamas was now a sovereign nation, having been a

colony of Great Britain for 250 years.

Mr. Speaker, I rise today to talk about the importance of service, contribution, and dedication. Most Americans recognize these attributes of great leaders and humanitarians. They give of their time, their energy, and their life in the pursuit of the uplift of their people, their generation, and their cause. They see problems, challenges, and struggles and do not wander aimlessly, but head directly, for a solution. They do not wait for others to take the lead of change; they implement the change themselves.

Most Americans would readily acknowledge the true leaders and humanitarians of our time. Few however strive and achieve that recognition though. Dr. Kenneth Bancroft Clark is one of those who had in his life worked for the uplift of all people and particularly African-Americans in this country. He saw the educational problems, the employment challenges, and the academic struggles that faced the African-American community.

Instead of waiting for others to investigate the impact of racism and segregation on Black America, Dr. Clark conducted his own psychological studies of the negative perceptions of black children in their lives. He provided testimony to the National Association for the Advancement of Colored People in their case against school segregation. His study, which showed how segregation had fostered negative self-perceptions and feelings of inferiority among Black youth, was cited by the Supreme Court in their Brown v. Board of Education decision ending the practice.

When Black leaders--then beginning to become elected public officials as a result of the Voting Rights Act of 1965--saw the need for a national organization to create and implement programs to train the newly elected representatives to public office and create a network for their mutual support, Dr. Clark proposed the establishment of a Black- led think tank that would advance strategies to hasten desegregation and eliminate discrimination. Dr. Clark outlined the structure and objectives of that organization and wrote publicly about the significance that such an organization would have. He placed the plan for the organization in historical, contemporary, and advanced terms. Dr. Clark worked to amass a body of scholars, activists, and community leaders to endow the organization and move it to play an important role in the community. He then selected the perfect leader for the Joint Center in Eddie N. Williams, an educator and former State Department official with whom Dr. Clark had worked to increase the number of African-Americans in the Foreign Service. The team of Kenneth Clark and Eddie Williams determined the direction and mission of the Joint Center for Political and Economic Studies.

As the challenges of integrating local school systems increasingly became apparent to the American public, Dr. Clark proposed educational reforms and innovative ideas for addressing these challenges. He served on the New York Board of Regents for two decades, faithfully working to improve the schools, the educational facilities and the curriculum for our future generations of leaders.

When this country and Black America needed someone to stand up for the important issues and causes of the day, Dr. Kenneth Clark was there to fight for our interests. He was a great humanitarian, a powerful champion, and a superb pioneer for the uplift of Black Americans, the American public, and the world community. Dr. Clark passed away on May 1, 2005. He will long be remembered for his service, dedication, and contribution to building a better America.

I submit to the Record the following article, written by the Joint Center's new retired leader Eddie N. William the current edition of Focus, the magazine of the Joint Center for Political and Economic Studies about the life and times of Dr. Kenneth Bancroft Clark.

Reflecting on Kenneth Bancroft Clark: Pioneer and Inspiration to the

Joint Center

July/August 2005.--Kenneth Bancroft Clark, the

distinguished social psychologist whose testimony on the

effect of prejudice on children significantly influenced the

landmark 1964 Supreme Court desegregation decision, died on

May 1, 2005, at

age 90. His many achievements as a scholar-activist, author,

and civil rights advocate have been duly noted in many

written and oral eulogies. He was truly a giant among his

contemporaries, a mighty oak in the world of ideas dedicated

to compassionate action. He had a profound impact on this

nation.

One of Clark's most important achievements, however, has

not been celebrated nearly enough. It is a living testament

to his genius, skill, prescience, and unswerving commitment

to empowering blacks--the term he always used. He conceived

the idea of the Joint Center for Political Studies in 1969

and wrote the proposal that the Ford Foundation funded in

1970. He was also a member of the Joint Center's board of

governors during its first 14 years.

The Beginning of a New Chapter

Clark believed the Joint Center would serve as a bridge

between the protest phase of the civil rights movement, which

effectively ended with the assassination of Dr. Martin Luther

King, Jr., in 1968 and the political/public policy phase of

the civil rights movement. He believed the Joint Center

needed to be launched in order to develop and implement

programs and laws to hasten desegregation and spur equal

opportunity. He field-tested his ideas with key black

political figures around the country, and they were

converted. Percy Sutton and Basil Patterson in New York City,

Mervyn Dymally in California, and Richard Newhouse in

Illinois became standard bearers for a new political thrust

in the civil rights movement. So did journalist-political

guru Louis Martin and Vernon Jordan, who was already busy

registering blacks to vote in the South through the Voter

Education Project. The culmination of their efforts was the

1969 Institute for Black Elected Officials, which Clark

convened in Washington D.C.

In a brilliant essay co-authored by Clark and distinguished

historian John Hope Franklin, titled, ``The Nineteen

Eighties: Prologue and Prospect'' and published by the Joint

Center in 1981, the authors wrote:

At the 1969 Institute for Black Elected Officials, which

laid the foundation for the Joint Center for Political

Studies (now Joint Center for Political and Economic

Studies), it was consensus that political activity among

blacks had become the `new cutting edge' of the civil rights

movement.

They added:

Within the past ten years, it has become even clearer that

the `cutting edge' of the civil rights movement needs to be

sharpened by the inclusion of groups and individuals who are

not ordinarily considered political. For blacks, the

political challenge of the Eighties is identical to the civil

rights challenge of the Sixties--to mobilize all of the

available forces and power necessary to attain the goal of

racial justice.

While these words were written nearly a quarter century

ago, the authors' keen historical perspective and clarity of

vision have stood the test of time and speak to us today

about the unfinished tasks which lie ahead. They looked into

the future with the skepticism of scholars and pragmatists,

and yet their perceptions reflect the faith that has

sustained black people in their search for justice, equality,

and opportunity.

Clark's writings, values, and perspectives helped to endow

the Joint Center with a unique vision and sense of purpose:

I was fortunate that I met KBC, as some of us

affectionately called him, in 1965, the year the Voting

Rights Act was passed, five years before the Joint Center

opened its doors, and seven years before I would become the

organization's president. At the time, I was director of the

Office of Equal Opportunity in the U.S. Department of

State, and Clark had been engaged to conduct a study of

the Foreign Service Officer entry examination process.

Going back to the days of Ralph Bunche, relatively few

blacks made it into the prestigious State Department.

Clark's job was to identjfy any discriminatory aspects of

the examination. Asked later about his findings in this

proprietary study, Clark smiled and said: ``My study will

never see the light of day.'' It is still emtombed in the

State Department vaults. Meanwhile, the scarcity of black

employment and appointments there persists.

In their 1981 essay, Clark and Franklin, both preeminent

American intellectual pioneers, proposed a challenge to the

Joint Center and indeed the nation as a whole: .

To the extent that racial justice . . . must be defined in

terms of the economic progress . . . of deprived blacks, new

methods and approaches must be found to cope with . . .

pervasive and insidious forms of racism. Black politics now,

more than ever, must transcend the usual boundaries and

methods of American politics. By mobilizing in [coalitions]

blacks can directly influence the political system, and can

win new allies who realize that it is in their self-interest

to renew the struggle for racial equality and justice.

Policy and Racial Justice

Clark and Franklin did more than provide a historical

framework for the Joint Center as a new kind of civil rights

entity, one focusing on political participation and public

policy engagement as new weapons in the fight for justice and

equality. Drawing on the works of W.E.B. DuBois, they

articulated an intellectual framework for the metamorphosis

of the nation's first black think tank. In 1982 they

collaborated with the Joint Center to create The Committee on

Policy for Racial Justice, a group of 30 preeminent black

scholars who would convene periodically over nearly a decade

to explore the vast array of problems facing black Americans.

The committee members published their views in three areas:

the economy, the black family, and education.

I think both KBC and Franklin would insist I list all of

the scholars here to convey both the rich intellectual

diversity and the think tank quality of the other Committee

members. Many of these people were highly placed elected

officials; the first black women to serve as a Cabinet

secretary; and the first black female U.S. ambassador. They

were:

Bernard Anderson, economist; Mary Frances Berry, historian

and lawyer; Derrick Bell, lawyer; Haywood Burns, lawyer;

Lisle C. Carter, Jr., lawyer; Jewell Cobb, social scientist;

James Comer, psychiatrist; Drew Days, lawyer; James Gibbs,

anthropologist; Bernard Gifford, educator; Charles V.

Hamilton, political scientist; Patricia Roberts Harris,

lawyer; Matthew Holden, political scientist; Joyce Hughes,

lawyer; Walter Leonard, lawyer; Sir Arthur Lewis,

sociologist; Eleanor Holmes Norton, lawyer; J. Saunders

Reddings, social scientist; William Shack, social

scientist; Elliott P. Skinner, anthropologist; Mabel

Smythe, Africanist; Howard Stanback, economist; Roger

Wilkins, journalist/social scientist; William J. Wilson,

sociologist.

With this intellectual powerhouse, the Joint center moved

from an organization providing technical assistance to black

elected officials and civil rights leaders to a full-fledged

one-stop-shop research and public policy institution,

commonly referred to as a `think tank.'

Such was the vision and influence of Kenneth Bancroft

Clark. In addition to his many other laudable achievements,

he launched a movement and an institution.

A mighty oak has fallen, but its seeds have taken root and

continued to flourish.

The Joint Center is one of them.

Mr. Speaker, I rise today to praise the release of a very timely report which documents an issue of growing importance to the United States. The report, entitled

``Breaking the Oil Syndrome: Responsible Hydrocarbon Development in West Africa'', was commissioned by the Congressional Black Caucus Foundation, and argues that the United States must work to build a strategic alliance with energy producing Nations in the Gulf of Guinea region of West Africa--in an attempt to both broaden the supply of U.S. energy imports, and provide economic and political development to the West Africa region.

The call for an alliance is warranted for several reasons. Firstly, the demand for energy resources within the United States, and globally, is predicted to surge in coming years. China and India with their enormous populations; and burgeoning economies, promise to one day rival the United States in terms of energy demand. Even when considering Western demand alone the situation is concerning. Just this month, Saudi Arabian officials predicted that the Organization of the Petroleum Exporting Countries (OPEC) will be unable to meet projected western demand in 10 to 15 years.

This increasing demand comes at a time when the U.S. needs to shift its reliance away from its traditional energy providers. The events of 9/11 demonstrated just how much of a liability our dependence on Middle East oil has become. Our over-dependence on Middle East oil--and our subsequent influence with Middle East governments--is a source of resentment and hostility in the region.

This contributes to regional instability, which in turn helps to keep the price of energy resources high. Some have even posited that our dependence on Middle East oil weakens our posture in addressing the global war on terrorism. Equally concerning is the fact that Venezuela, a major non-Middle Eastern energy exporter, is not exactly an ally of the current U.S. Administration, and stability in that country is tenuous at best.

With all of these worrisome issues swirling around the current international energy landscape, the Gulf of Guinea offers the United States a potentially significant and fruitful energy partnership--if we lay the proper foundation now. The Gulf of Guinea currently accounts for 14 percent of U.S. oil supply, with the region possibly poised to increase its share of U.S. imports to over 20 percent in coming years if the requisite investment and security environment is further developed. The region's share of global oil production is already predicted to rise from around 4 percent to nearly 6 percent by 2007, and attract $40 billion in investment within the current decade.

As such the nations of the Gulf of Guinea--Nigeria, Chad, Equatorial Guinea, Gabon, and Sao Tome and Principe (along with Angola)--must engender the focused and balanced engagement of U.S. policy makers.

With the region also predicted to garner over $150 billion in oil- related government revenues by 2010, opportunities and pitfalls are ever-present. The region still suffers from serious deficiencies in the area of anti-corruption, transparency, and the rule of law. With such large financial windfalls predicted, the CBCF report asserts that the United States must work closely with its partners in the Gulf of Guinea region to help strengthen their capacities in this regard. If they fail, the results could be disastrous.

Oil wealth has rarely translated into socio-political stability for most developing countries. In fact it has often had the opposite effect, because the institutional safeguards were not in place to ensure that the government was accountable to its citizens, and the country as a whole benefited from its own wealth. We can not allow that to happen in the Gulf of Guinea, especially considering the golden opportunity we now have.

Again, I thank the Congressional Black Caucus Foundation for their report. I must especially commend the leadership of Congressman William Jefferson, Chair of the CBCF, as well as Dr. Maya Rockeymore, outgoing CBCF Vice President of Research and Programs, for their leadership in bringing this important issue to the forefront of the policy arena.

[From the Congressional Black Caucus Foundation, Inc., July 7, 2005]

Congressional Black Caucus Foundation Calls West Africa a Strategic But

Underutilized Partner in Quest for U.S. Energy Security

Washington, DC.--As gas prices continue to skyrocket, the

debate over how to address America's energy crisis has

intensified among policymakers, analysts, and other key

opinion leaders. Simultaneously, the U.S. faces increased

international pressure to provide more aid, fair trade, and

debt relief assistance to Sub-Saharan African countries.

A new study by the Congressional Black Caucus Foundation

(CBCF) entitled, ``Breaking the Oil Syndrome: Responsible

Hydrocarbon Development in West Africa,'' argues that the

U.S. must link these seemingly disparate concerns by forming

a strategic alliance with West African hydrocarbon states

that can help secure U.S. energy needs while advancing human

and infrastructure development goals in West Africa.

``The fact of the matter is that West Africa is vital to

the energy security of the United States,'' said Dr. Don

Tharpe, President and CEO of CBCF. ``The region is poised to

increase the world supply of oil but it has been largely

overlooked as a key U.S. partner in this regard.''

``Changing global geopolitical dynamics have once again

increased U.S. interest in Africa and its natural resources.

Yet, it will not be enough to conduct business as usual in

West Africa,'' said Dr. Maya Rockeymoore, former CBCF Vice

President of Research and Programs. ``The U.S. must embark

upon a mutually beneficial alliance that increases U.S.

energy security while promoting sustainable development in

African oil-producing countries.''

The paper highlights that a mutually beneficial dynamic

engagement framework will be especially important as the

demand and competition for scarce oil resources increases in

countries like China and India.

According to Paul Michael Wihbey, the lead author of the

study and President of Global Water and Energy Strategy Team,

``This report makes recommendations that could have

significant implications for U.S. energy security over the

short and long terms,'' Wihbey says. ``The U.S. has a very

important opportunity at this critical juncture in world

history. The country could benefit tremendously if it

recognizes that good governance, infrastructure, and human

development goals are keys to the security and sustainability

of oil-exports from West African hydrocarbon states.''

The CBCF maintains that investment in alternative, non-

carbon energy sources represents the greatest possibility for

reducing U.S. dependence on foreign oil sources. Yet the

Foundation recognizes that it will take time to develop mass

technologies that utilize alternative energy sources across

the various carbon-dependent industries. While it is

important to support the development and application of non-

carbon energy sources, in the meantime, it remains vitally

important to diversify how and where the U.S. imports its

oil.

The paper will be released to the public on Tuesday, July

19, 2005 at 9:30 a.m. in the Members Room of the Library of

Congress (Jefferson Building). The forum will be hosted by

Congressman William J. Jefferson, Chairman of the

Congressional Black Caucus Foundation, and will feature

Members of Congress, subject matter experts, key Bush

Administration officials, private sector participants, and

members of the African Diplomatic Corps.

The CBCF, established in 1976, is a nonprofit, nonpartisan

public policy, research and educational institute focused on

leadership education, public health, economic development,

and African globalism.

Mr. Speaker, I rise today to recognize the life and legacy of legendary R&B singer, humanitarian, and community activist, Mr. Luther Vandross, who died on Friday July 1st after health problems resulting from a stroke in 2003. Mr. Vandross was a Grammy award winning artist whose deep, lush voice on such hits as Here and Now and Any Love sold more than 25 million albums.

Arguably the most celebrated R&B balladeer of his generation, his music provided the romantic backdrop for millions of couples worldwide. In an era of sexually charged and explicit lyrics, Mr. Vandross spoke to love and romance with heartfelt emotions.

Even without gaining the crossover success which he sought, Mr. Vandross sold over 25 million records. He won eight Grammy Awards and many other accolades including the American Music Award, Soul Train, BET, and NAACP Image awards. He ranked as one of the most successful R&B singers of the 1980's and broke through to even wider commercial success in 2003 with his last album, Dance With My Father, which earned four Grammy Awards and has generated worldwide sales exceeding 3 million copies.

Luther Ronzoni Vandross was born in 1951 into a New York City family steeped in the musical traditions of gospel and soul. He was the youngest of four children, reared by a single mother after the death of his father when Luther was still a boy. He began his career writing and performing jingles for television commercials. But his biggest early break came when he landed a job as a backup singer for the British artist David Bowie, who later hired him to work on vocal arrangements for the album Young Americans.

After breaking into the music business Luther worked for artists from Bette Midler to Barbra Streisand as a highly sought-after backup vocalist and arranger. His 1981 debut album, Never Too Much, reached the top of the R&B charts and sold more than one million copies. Through the 1980's, he recorded a string of platinum albums, including Forever, For Always, For Love, Busy Body and The Night I Fell in Love.

Luther Vandross had a career that most singers only dream about and has served as a source of inspiration for people throughout the world. Especially among his musical peers, writing songs for musical icons such as Aretha Franklin, Diana Ross, Whitney Houston and Dionne Warwick.

He was a native New Yorker and before his funeral services on Friday, July 8th, a hearse carrying the singer's remains took him for one last tour of Harlem, pausing outside the Apollo Theater before heading west to the church. Before achieving stardom, Vandross had twice finished second at Harlem's famed Apollo theater and both the city and theater always maintained a special place in his heart.

Luther Vandross' accomplishments in life speak to his character and personality. He was a loving individual known for his kindness and generosity as well as his musical accomplishments.

He leaves to cherish and celebrate his life, his loving and devoted mother, Mary Ida Vandross, several nieces and nephews and millions of loyal fans.

Official Obituary Submitted From Label J Records

Luther Ronzoni Vandross, the silky-voiced R&B crooner who

spun romance into hits like ``Here and Now and ``Any Love,''

died on Friday, July 1st, 2005 at John F. Kennedy Medical

Center in Edison, NJ. He was 54.

With a smooth yet soulful delivery, the highly admired

singer/songwriter/producer has sold in excess of 30 million

records worldwide, winning eight Grammy Awards, numerous Soul

Train, BET, NAACP Image and American Music Awards.

He ranked as one of the most successful R& B singers of the

1980s and broke through to even wider commercial success in

1989 with the Best of Luther Vandross, the Best of Love,

which included the new song ``Here and Now,'' his first

Grammy winning hit which became a signature wedding song.

Born in New York City in 1951, Luther was the youngest of

four children. In 1972, a song Vandross wrote, ``Everybody

Rejoice,'' was included in the Broadway musical ``The Wiz.''

But his biggest early break came when he landed a job as a

backup singer for David Bowie and created vocal arrangements

for the hit album Young Americans.

Luther soon became a sought-after backup vocalist and

arranger, working for artists from Bette Midler to Barbra

Streisand, and he helped pay the bills as one of the most

popular jingle singers of the time. His 1981 debut, Never Too

Much, reached the top of the R&B charts and sold more than

one million copies. Through the 1980s, he recorded a string

of platinum albums, including Forever, For Always, For Love,

Busy Body and The Night I Fell in Love. His last album, Dance

With My Father received 4 Grammy Awards (including Song of

the Year for the title song ``Dance With My Father'') and has

generated worldwide sales exceeding 3 million copies.

Luther was also a prolific writer and producer for such

musical icons as Aretha Franklin, Diana Ross, Whitney Houston

and Dionne Warwick thereby fulfilling a lifelong dream.

``When history books are written, I'd like it to be said that

I am one of the premiere singers of our time,'' said Vandross

in an interview with BET.

He leaves to cherish and celebrate his life, legacy, and

wonderful memories a loving and devoted mother, Mary Ida

Vandross, nine nieces as well as eight great nephews, three

great nieces and a circle of close friends and colleagues,

his musical family and millions of loyal, supportive fans.

Mr. Speaker, events in Haiti over the last few months have been quite discouraging to those who seek stability and prosperity in that country.

A year has passed since the forced removal of President Jean Bertrand Aristide, the Nation's democratically elected leader. At the time, members of the Congressional Black Caucus (CBC), as well as members of the Caribbean Community (CARICOM) regional block lamented and criticized Aristide's removal.

Not only was Aristide's removal illegal, but it served to alienate those portions of the Haitian population which supported him, and further

wounded their faith in democracy. This disillusionment and alienation is a cornerstone of the current situation in the country.

Without question, conditions in the Haiti are worse since Aristide's removal, and continue to deteriorate. Since last September, more than 700 people have been killed. At the July General Meeting of CARICOM, Secretary General, Dr. Edwin Carrington voiced the organization's concern over the deteriorating conditions in the country, as it made the success of October elections unlikely.

Indeed, the electoral picture continues to be discouraging. Out of a total of 4.5 million eligible voters only 150,000 have actually registered, with supporters of Aristide's Lavalas Party--a large portion of the electorate--refusing to participate. There is also widespread criticism about the disbursement of promised aid for Haiti from international donors.

A recent editorial in the publication CaribNews argues that CARICOM, the CBC, and the Bush Administration should all increase their involvement in finding a solution to the Haitian crisis. While CARICOM and the CBC still remain disturbed by the removal of Haiti's democratically elected government, there is recognition that the situation in Haiti demands our increased engagement.

The Bush Administration has continuously argued that the interim government in Haiti be allowed to prepare for elections, with the collaboration of the UN MINSTAH force. The CBC and CARICOM have waited warily, but the situation is getting worse. The U.S. Administration has seemed to place the blame squarely on Aristide/Lavalas supporters, but that is neither an accurate or fair assessment of the complex mix of factors which combine to create the current Haitian reality. Many groups are responsible for the instability.

However, among most experts, there is very little disagreement that the root causes of Haiti's problems are economic. According to a recent report by the International Monetary Fund, economic conditions in Haiti deteriorated significantly during the early 2000s. The economic deterioration has been exacerbated by the political turmoil and devastating floods of 2004 which led to a contraction of 3.75 per cent of GDP. This has resulted in economic stagnation, high inflation, and widespread unemployment.

Economic and trade development is the overarching need in Haiti, and will remain so, with or without elections in the fall. CARICOM, the CBC, and the Bush Administration are all well placed to ensure that such development takes place. There has been work towards that end already.

Separately, members and supporters of the Lavalas Party must be persuaded to trust the system and participate in the transitional process. The problem is that major stakeholders such as the interim Haitian administration, the UN, and the Bush Administration have no credibility with Lavalas/Artistide supporters. The actions and positions of all three have at times been very counterproductive to national unity. This is another avenue where CARICOM and the CBC can become engaged.

CBC and CARICOM may be the only groups with enough credibility to compel Pro-Aristide supporters to enter the process. I believe there is growing recognition of this fact. In the meantime, it is my hope that the Administration will take a more balanced and objective approach in helping Haiti to find the peace and prosperity that it deserves.

[From the CaribNews, July 5, 2005]

Why The Black Caucus, The Bush White House and CARICOM Should Become

Engaged In Haiti

The headlines rarely recall Haiti's glorious past when it

defeated France's mighty army in 1804 and emerged as the

first Black republic in the Western Hemisphere.

Sadly, they certainly don't call to mind the Caribbean

nation's rich cultural heritage.

Instead, they draw international attention on a daily basis

to what U.S. Congressman Charles Rangel in an interview with

this newspaper on Monday quite correctly called the country's

``pain and suffering over such a long period of time.''

Some example of recent headlines:

``Gunfire erupts as New Haitian Ministers Take Office in

Port au Prince.'' Boniface Alexandre, the country's interim

President was delivering a speech at a ceremony installing

four new cabinet ministers when heavy gunfire erupted near

the Presidential Palace.

``Foreign troops likely needed in Haiti for years.'' A

story built on the words of United Nations Under-Secretary-

General, Jean-Marie Guehono, who told a news agency ``Haiti

will need (UN) peacekeepers so long that there's not a

credible, effective police and judiciary.''

``Haitian refugees rescued from sinking Boat off St.

Maarten.'' Authorities in the Dutch dependent territory

rescued 63 migrants from Haiti from a sailboat that was

sinking off the island's coast.

Each story paints its own picture of a nation in the throes

of yet another disaster, a chapter of anarchy, death and a

further descent into further tragic circumstances, if that's

possible.

Hence, Congressman Rangel's sensible offer to use his

considerable influence on Capitol Hill in a search for a

solution to Haiti's apparent intent to destroy what's left of

the 200 year old nation.

Yes, he is right to try to bring together the U.S.

Secretary of State, Condoleezza Rice, and CARICOM leaders who

have behaved like Pontius Pilate, washing their hands of a

troubled neighbor which seems unable these day to pursue

peace and prosperity.

The unfortunate and unnecessary ouster of Aristide and the

installation of interim President Boniface Alexandre and

stopgap Prime Minister, Gerard Latortue were the handiwork of

the Bush Administration which hated Jean Bertrand Aristide

with such a passion that it even sided with convicted

murderers, drug traffickers and violent criminals to get rid

of him.

Having put a gun to Aristide's head and forced him to flee,

the President said he was ``kidnapped'' and taken into exile,

Washington has shown little interest in helping the country

out of the quagmire.

It has left the mess to the UN to clean up while starving

the country of the hundreds of millions pledged by the

international community to aid re-development and re-

habilitation.

It's a crying shame that the Bush White House, an architect

of the Western Hemisphere's Democratic Charter, would turn

around and blast holes into the document, thus making the

whole exercise nothing more than a sham, a public relations

exercise that was empty of any real morality.

Clearly, Rangel, a decent public figure, should pursue his

idea of reaching out to CARICOM and to Rice, not to mention

Haitians who want to see their country move forward

economically.

An astute and experienced lawmaker, Rangel is fully aware

that the task would not be easy. But it is worth a try.

He also knows and was the first to point out that he

couldn't achieve his goal by working alone. The Congressional

Black Caucus, all 43 members in the House of Representatives

and the Senate would have to bring their collective influence

to the effort.

``I would be glad to get the 43 members of the

Congressional Black Caucus to support anything that makes

sense to stabilize the government of Haiti,'' was the way

Rangel put it.

Yes, we, like Rangel, are aware that others have tried and

failed but we have a special responsibility to be unrelenting

in our pursuit of reconciliation.

For without it, we would stand accused of acting like Nero

who played the fiddle while Rome was burning.

Rangel and the other members of the Congressional Black

caucus have the credibility and the interest to act as honest

brokers. CARICOM too must be involved in the search for

peace. It may have been justified in criticizing LaTortue for

his role in the tragedy now unfolding in his country. And it

has already made its point by declining to reinstate Haiti

into the community until free and fair elections are held.

But staying on the sidelines while the country moves closer

and closer to civil war is not really an option.