Floor Statements

Mr. Speaker, I rise to bring to the attention of my colleagues an important visit by a delegation of Afro-Colombian leaders to Washington this week. The Vice President of the Colombian House of Representatives, the Honorable Dr. Edgar Torres, and the Governor of Choco, the Honorable Dr. Julio Ibarguen are the leaders of this auspicious delegation. These Afro-Colombian leaders have come to the United States to raise the awareness of the conditions of the Afro- Colombian community in Colombia, most specifically the province of Choco, and to request congressional assistance in obtaining and directing resources to the problems of this community.

Representing a quarter of Colombia's population, Afro-Colombians are two-thirds of the nation's extreme poor, have illiteracy of 45 percent, and have inadequate access to health care. They have lower standards of living than most other groups in Colombia. They often live in isolated and remote communities with little access for advancement and improvement.

As a leader in the legislative chamber, Dr. Torres is one of the most influential Afro-Colombians in the nation and has worked to raise awareness of the struggle of Afro-Colombians. He has championed and pursued greater multinational awareness and assistance for the people of Colombia. He has worked to raise the issue to the global community of the impoverishment and challenges facing his people. Dr. Torres has been a powerful, important and poignant voice for the struggle and desire for equality among Afro-Colombians.

The department of Choco has the highest percentage of Afro-Colombians in the country. It also has the lowest per-capita level of government investment in health, education, and infrastructure. The people of Choco suffer daily with poverty, illiteracy, lack of medical care, and lack of opportunity. They have great plans for advancement but little opportunity.

Governor Ibarguen has worked to improve the infrastructure for the province. He has advanced plans and strategies designed to provide new hope and opportunity to the people of Choco and to address the pressing and urgent needs of the community. He has seen firsthand the hardship and misery of Afro-Colombians and works with local, national, and international agencies to overcome these daunting challenges. He nonetheless could use the assistance and aid of the 109th Congress and the American people.

These Afro-Colombian leaders are here in Washington to build a dialogue with the international community on behalf of the people of Colombia. They are trying to find allies and alliances with leaders of this country and the international community to help wage the fight for self-sufficiency and equal treatment of Afro-Colombians. They should be commended in their efforts to reach out and ask for our assistance. We should be gracious in our commitment to help their cause. They are trying to reach out to us and we must be prepared to respond.

There are a number of opportunities available to this Congress to reach out to the Colombian people, and Afro-Colombians in particular. In August, there will be a dialogue hosted in Colombia to raise the awareness of the Afro-Colombian challenge. I and other members of the Congressional Black Caucus have extended our support to these efforts and I hope my colleagues in the House will join us. My colleague, the Honorable Gregory Meeks, is already planning a congressional delegation to visit the country and to participate in the dialogue on race.

In addition to these congressional activities, the Pan American Development Foundation and the Afro-Latino Development Alliance are providing important information, awareness, and assistance to the Afro- Colombian struggle. They are hosting Dr. Torres and Dr. Ibarguen in their visit and tour this week. They have played an indomitable role in finding opportunities for assisting Afro-Colombians. I expect that these organizations will continue their hard work on behalf of Afro- Colombians.

The United States has provided substantial assistance to the Government of Colombia, most of it through Plan Colombia to assist the Government of Colombia in waging war against political insurgents and narcotics traffickers. The Afro-Colombian delegation believes that a shift in resources from military to economic development purposes in communities such as the Choco province will achieve greater success than our military assistance.

It is important that this Congress take action to help the Afro- Colombian people. It is unconscionable to think that an entire group of people would suffer in this manner in this day and age. We must do more as the representatives of this caring and loving nation. I urge my colleagues to reach out to Dr. Torres and Dr. Ibarguen while they are here this week. I urge my colleagues to extend aid and assistance to Afro-Colombian populations.

I have introduced the following resolution (House Concurrent Resolution 175) to encourage greater assistance and recognition to Afro-descendant populations throughout Latin America and the Caribbean. This resolution is another step in addressing the Afro-Colombian struggle. I submit this copy of the resolution into the Record.

Concurrent Resolution

Acknowledging African descendants of the transatlantic

slave trade in all of the Americas with an emphasis on

descendants in Latin America and the Caribbean, recognizing

the injustices suffered by these African descendants, and

recommending that the United States and the international

community work to improve the situation of Afro-descendant

communities in Latin America and the Caribbean.

Whereas during Black History Month it is important that we

not forget that African-Americans are not the only survivors

of the transatlantic slave trade;

Whereas like the United States, many European nations

benefited greatly from the colonization of Latin America and

the Caribbean and their participation in the slave trade;

Whereas the story of African descendants in all of the

Americas remains untold, leading them to be forgotten, made

invisible, and allowed to suffer unjustly;

Whereas it is important to acknowledge that as a result of

the slave trade and immigration, approximately 80,000,000 to

150,000,000 persons of African descent live in Latin America

and the Caribbean, making them the largest population of

persons of African descent outside of Africa;

Whereas Afro-descendants are present in most all Latin

American countries, including Argentina, Bolivia, Chile,

Ecuador, Guatemala, Honduras, Mexico, Nicaragua, Panama,

Paraguay, Peru, Uruguay, and Venezuela;

Whereas the size of Afro-descendant populations vary in

range from less than 1 percent in some countries to as much

as 30 percent in Colombia and 46 percent in Brazil and make

up the majority in some Spanish speaking Caribbean nations,

such as Cuba and the Dominican Republic;

Whereas Afro-descendant populations have made significant

economic, social, and cultural contributions to their

countries and the Western Hemisphere from their unfortunate

involvement in the transatlantic slave

trade to their recent contributions to trade, tourism, and

other industries;

Whereas although persons of African descent have made

significant achievements in education, employment, economic,

political, and social spheres in some countries, the vast

majority are marginalized--living in impoverished communities

where they are excluded from centers of education,

government, and basic human rights based upon the color of

their skin and ancestry;

Whereas Afro-descendants have shorter life expectancies,

higher rates of infant mortality, higher incidences of HIV/

AIDS, higher rates of illiteracy, and lower incomes than do

other populations;

Whereas Afro-descendants encounter problems of access to

healthcare, basic education, potable water, housing, land

titles, credit, equal justice and representation under the

law, political representation, and other economic, political,

health, and basic human rights; and

Whereas skin color and ancestry have led African-Americans

in the United States and African descendants in Latin America

and the Caribbean to share similar injustices, leading to

economic, social, health, and political inequalities: Now,

therefore, be it

Resolved by the House of Representatives (the Senate

concurring), That Congress--

(1) recognizes and honors African descendants in the

Americas for their contributions to the economic, social, and

cultural fabric of the countries in the Americas,

particularly in Latin American and Caribbean societies;

(2) recognizes that as a result of their skin color and

ancestry, African descendants in the Americas have wrongfully

experienced economic, social, and political injustices;

(3) urges the President to take appropriate measures to

encourage the celebration and remembrance of the achievements

of African descendants in the Americas and a resolution of

injustices suffered by African descendants in the Americas;

(4) encourages the United States and the international

community to work to ensure that extreme poverty is

eradicated, universal education is achieved, quality

healthcare is made available, sustainable environmental

resources, including land where applicable, is provided, and

equal access to justice and representation under the law is

granted in Afro-descendant communities in Latin America and

the Caribbean; and

(5) encourages the United States and the international

community to achieve these goals in Latin America and the

Caribbean by--

(A) promoting research that focuses on identifying and

eradicating racial disparities in economic, political, and

social spheres;

(B) promoting, funding, and creating development programs

that focus on Afro-descendant communities;

(C) providing technical support and training to Afro-

descendant advocacy groups that work to uphold basic human

rights in the region;

(D) promoting the creation of an international working

group that focuses on problems of communities of Afro-

descendants in the Americas; and

(E) promoting trade and other bilateral and multilateral

agreements that take into account the needs of Afro-

descendant communities.

Mr. Speaker, I would like to welcome to Capitol Hill today a contingent of veterans representing one of the most distinguished military units in American history. The individuals whom I speak of are known as the Tuskegee Airmen, and they are visiting the Capitol today as part of a `Tuskegee Airmen Legislative Day'. Many people may see these gentlemen strolling the halls of the Capitol and not know that they are living components of American history who changed this country and its military forever.

The Tuskegee Airmen overcame segregation and prejudice to win the opportunity to fight for their nation and became one of the most highly respected fighter groups of World War II. In so doing, they destroyed the racist conceptions of their time, and inspired a generation of Americans to chase their dreams all the way to sky.

Before 1940, African Americans were barred from flying for the U.S. military, just as they were excluded from other aspects of American public and civic life. However, in that year African American airmen won the opportunity to fight for their country as American patriots, though in segregated units. The airmen were trained and stationed in Tuskegee, Alabama, the city which would come to define them and their heroism.

Young men from across the country answered the call to serve, and brought with them not only their own aspirations, but the hopes and dreams of an entire people. Many believed that African Americans did not possess the faculties to be military airmen, and

predicted that the Tuskegee program would fail. However, failure was not an option for these men, and they delivered in amazing fashion.

The Airmen completed 15,500 missions, destroyed 260 enemy aircraft, sank one enemy destroyer, and demolished numerous enemy installations. They would also have the WWII distinction of never losing an American bomber under their escort, despite flying in some of the enemies' most heavily defended areas. During their World War II service, the Airmen would earn 150 Distinguished Flying Crosses, 744 Air Medals, 8 Purple Hearts, and 14 Bronze Stars.

There is currently an effort underway to bestow the Congressional Gold Medal on the Tuskegee Airmen. I have introduced H.R. 1259 here in the House, and Senator Levin has introduced similar legislation in the Senate. The Gold Medal was created and first awarded 200 years ago to Americans whose courage and determination in battle exemplified the spirit of our nation. In keeping with that tradition, I can think of no better recipients than the Tuskegee Airmen.

They not only displayed courage and bravery, they changed our military forever. Today, many minority groups, especially African Americans, are overrepresented in the military compared to their numbers in the general population. They are the central core of the volunteer military and serve our nation with heroic distinction in Iraq and through out the world. With the significant role that minorities continue to play in the Armed Forces, our country is indebted to the Tuskegee Airmen for helping to lay that foundation.

Today, the young men who roamed the skies of Tuskegee, Alabama, and World War II Europe, are seasoned veterans of war and life. Many of them are no longer with us, but the hope and pride that they inspired in all of us are reborn in the hearts and minds of every subsequent generation of Americans. I can attest to the hope they gave to a young kid from Harlem, as he set out to fight in Korea. Their example served me well in that war, and in life.

At a time in our country when we hear a lot of rhetoric about patriotism, we can learn from the example of the Tuskegee Airmen. They fought for their country at a time when the rights they risked their lives to protect did not extend to them. They fought not just for America, but the promise of America--the promise of liberty, equality, and freedom for all people. As long as we aspire to fulfill this promise, so too will the spirit of the Tuskegee Airmen live. Again, I thank the Tuskegee Airmen for all they have done for our country, and I extend this welcome--a hero's welcome--to them.

Mr. Speaker, I rise today to draw our attention to the most important obligation of citizens in a democracy and to illuminate the discomfort of many Americans to the elimination of that obligation. I speak about the right to vote--the cornerstone of every democratic system of government, particularly ours.

Democracies are based on the principle that their citizens participate actively in the decision-making processes of the government. Whether in small communities or throughout the vast expanse of the Nation, citizens cast ballots to express their preferences and choices for the direction of the country and to determine the policies and leaders that will be implemented throughout the Nation. The voice of each and every citizen is expressed equally through their ballot and their ability to cast a ballot. Generations of Americans have fought and died to guarantee that all Americans share in this right and obligation.

Unfortunately, today we still face the predicament that millions of American citizens are denied their right to vote. They are denied the ability to influence policy, policymakers, political leaders, and the direction of the country that they belong to. Millions of American citizens who have been convicted of crimes in the past are denied the ability to cast ballots in elections. Regardless of the nature of their crime or any rehabilitation that may have occurred, these ex-felons cannot participate in the decision-making process of this great Nation.

Though they have served their time, fulfilled their sentence, and paid back their debt to society, millions of ex-felons continue to be punished for their past criminal records. Those who turned a corner in their life and fled the criminal path can never again fulfill the most important obligation of citizenship--voting. They remain on the outside looking in at our political system. They want, they deserve, the right to be re-integrated as full citizens into our system. Yet, the system stands firmly in their way, stripping them of their right to vote.

I bring this issue to the attention of the House of Representatives with the hope that this Congress will take the important steps of fulfilling the promises of democracy. I hope that the House of Representatives would take action to restore the right to vote to American ex-felons. They have paid their debts to society and we should permit their participation in our democratic process. Too many Americans fought and died for this right to vote and too many today are denied the ability to exercise their rights.

I submit for the Record a Carib News article providing further evidence and argument for our consideration. Progress is being made on the restoration of rights to ex-felons, but immediate action is needed by this Congress.

[July 5, 2005]

Progress in Restoring Felons' Right To Vote

Following victory in Iowa, where the Governor recently

announced that he would reverse his state's lifetime ban on

felon voting, advocates for restoring felons' right to vote

expressed optimism that progress was being made in rolling

back laws that disproportionately affect blacks and other

minorities.

According to Catherine Weiss, a lawyer with the Brennan

Center for Justice at New York University, felony

disenfranchisement laws represent the last vestiges of Jim

Crow that disenfranchise African Americans. As of 2000,

almost 5 million Americans couldn't vote because of laws that

restrict those convicted of a felony from casting ballots;

four in 10 of those disenfranchised were black.

The full 2nd U.S. Circuit Court of Appeals in New York is

also expected to hear arguments in cases brought by two

prisoners who claim that the 1965 Voting Rights Act, which

removed barriers to black voters, should be used to argue

that the felony laws are unfair. Forty-eight states restrict

voting rights for felons while they are behind bars or

serving parole or probation. Four states--Alabama, Florida,

Kentucky, and Virginia--ban voting for life on the grounds

that such restrictions are justified. In 2001, New Mexico

lifted a lifetime ban, and Nebraska followed suit in March.

In several states, felons can now apply to have their voting

rights restored.

The issue of disenfranchisement escalated in Florida after

the 2000 presidential election, which was decided by fewer

than 600 votes there. With more than 820,000 felons who could

not vote as of 2000, Florida is said to have the largest

disenfranchised population of any state.

One driving force behind efforts to roll back

disenfranchisement laws is the nation's swelling prison

population. Though crime rates have fallen the prison

population soared to 2.1 million by June 2004, according to

figures compiled by the Justice Department. In 1970, that

number was about 200,000.

According to Theodore M. Shaw, president of the NAACP Legal

Defense and Education Fund, who will present arguments in the

New York cases, ``As the numbers of prisoners have grown,

more awareness of the injustice of it has also grown.''

With 13 percent of all black men barred from voting because

of disenfranchisement laws, advocates contend that many have

become disengaged since felons also face prohibitions in

other areas of life, such as living in public housing,

obtaining identification cards, and getting student loans.

On June 22, in the shadow of the U.S. Federal Courthouse in

Foley Square, standing before the African Burial Ground

Memorial Sculpture, New Yorkers representing persons who have

a felony conviction stood in silent protest to demand the

full restoration of voting rights to the formerly

incarcerated.

In recognition of a historic en banc hearing in the cases

of Hayden v. Pataki and Muntaqim v. Coombe, the silent

protest was conducted as the Nation recognized the 40th

anniversary of the passage and President Lyndon B. Johnson's

signing of the Voting Rights Act of 1965. The landmark

legislation extended voting rights confirmed in the 15th

Amendment of the U.S. Constitution to disenfranchised blacks

in southern states. The Act has since been reauthorized and

its protections extended to language minorities and northern

jurisdictions with a history of vote dilution, voter

intimidation, and discriminatory polling practices.

The silent protest was staged to symbolically represent

citizens, who for no other reason than having been

incarcerated for felony offenses have been denied their

voting rights while still being expected to fulfill all other

obligations of citizenship, including paying taxes.

Mr. Speaker, today I come before this chamber to be heard on an issue of deep importance to US and Mexican relations. It is a concern that to many seems trivial but which in reality represents an important aspect of the cultural relationship and respect that exists between our two nations.

I speak of the stamp intending to honor the comic strip Memin Pinguin. The decision to draw attention and promote this character that would be recognized by those in the international community as racist is an act of gross insensitivity on the part of the Mexican government. In this global day and age, the Mexican authorities should have been aware of the negative international impact of this characterization of the Negro race in grotesque imagery associated with the vilest forms of racism. They should have realized that the depiction of a childish apelike cartoon intended to draw attention to racial stereotypes would be seen as racist. They should have understood that the postage stamp would be seen as a reflection of the beliefs of Mexico and that to pay honor to a character that would signal tolerance with racism is disgraceful.

While President Fox has defended this insulting portrayal as simply cultural differences, he must also understand the cultural message his government is sending to the rest of the world. Clearly, African- Americans and other African and Afro-descendant populations would see the uplifting of a black cartoon character, with monkey-like lips and head and a childish demeanor, as an attempt to malign them. At a time when the world is becoming increasingly interdependent, President Fox's government has decided to insult an entire race of humans--a race that has long suffered discrimination, insult, and abuse. Rather than highlight for the international community and the Mexican people a rich heritage of understanding and harmony, the Mexican government has chosen a symbol of offense and smear.

Yes, we should be aware of the cultural differences that exist between the people of our two countries, but that awareness requires efforts from both sides. In this Congress and past congresses, I and members of the Congressional Black Caucus have worked to erase the elements of racism that exist towards Mexicans, Hispanics, African- Americans, and Blacks. We have reached out in the spirit of cooperation and harmony to our friends in the Congressional Hispanic Caucus to fight against discrimination and discord between our people. We have pursued policies and positions that call on our leaders to decry stereotypical comments that appeal to our most basic emotions. We have united to condemn characterizations and caricatures intended to offend, defame, or marginalize our people, our race, and our community.

In the last month alone, I have been joined by a number of my colleagues in supporting an resolution to draw attention to the challenges and struggles of Afro-descendant populations in Latin America and the Caribbean. We introduced this resolution because too often the international community and the governments of Latin America and the Caribbean ignore, marginalize, and dehumanize the descendants of the transatlantic slave trade. Throughout the region, Afro- descendant populations have the lowest standards of living, the highest rates of illiteracy, the poorest standards of health care, the smallest per capita incomes, and the least amount of access to the political, social, and economic levers of power and opportunity.

It was surprising to me that, the week after the House International Relations Committee favorably marked up this resolution to recognize and support Afro-Latino and Afro-Caribbean populations, the government of Mexico would issue a postal stamp honoring an

apelike depiction of Afro-Mexicans. It was deplorable that the Mexican government would produce stamps that would remind Americans--white and black--of the humiliation and degradation of Sambo and Aunt Jemima. It is insulting that President Fox would defend the publication of this stamp as an example of our cultural misunderstandings, despite the call of the Asociacion Mexico Negro--a Mexican-based group representing the interests of over 50,000 blacks--for the recall of the stamps.

This is not simply an example of cultural differences. Afro-Mexicans deplore the comparison of being described as apelike and childlike, just as much as African-Americans. To say that it is acceptable to depict an entire race of people in one's country as childish apes is to not understand the universal impact and role of race in this world.

At a time when members of Congress are trying to find amicable ways of bringing our two countries together, the actions of President Fox's government apparently are to draw a line between us. President Fox has ridiculed the hard work and efforts of African-Americans. He has rejected repeated invitations to dialogue with the National Association for the Advancement of Colored People. His government has issued stamps that not only insult the character of his own people, but also those of Afro-descendant populations in the United States. and throughout the Americas.

I am disappointed in these acts by my friends in the Mexican government and by President Fox. I hope that they will reach out once again to those with whom they have worked here in the United States and put aside these insulting and racist stamps. For us to achieve greater cultural sensitivity on the part of the United States and to obtain greater racial sensitivity in the Americas, it is important to have an equal awareness and effort on the part of our international allies.

Mr. Speaker, I rise today in strong support of Congressman Payne's resolution H. Res. 333--supporting the goals and ideals of a National Weekend of Prayer and Reflection for Darfur. The violence and ongoing humanitarian challenges that the people of Darfur continue to face necessitate that we keep them in our thoughts and prayers, and continue to ensure that the Darfur issue remains firmly within the purview of U.S. policymakers, until a final resolution is reached.

Communities of faith in the United States have always played a role in eliciting action on an array of historic moral questions. From the anti-slavery and civil rights movements in this country, to the campaign to end the terrible Ethiopian famines of the 1980's, the power of faith was brought to bear in an attempt to address an issue of human suffering.

The ongoing crisis in Darfur is one such issue, that warrants the continued engagement of the American religious community--especially when engagement from other sources has, in some instances, been lacking. The Darfur conflict has so far claimed as much as 400,000 lives, and displaced at least 2.4 million. The United States has to its credit taken the lead among world powers in addressing the conflict by providing humanitarian assistance to the Darfurian people, and applying pressure to the Sudanese government. America's religious communities have been instrumental in compelling the United States government to become involved.

However, in recent months the Administration has been rather muted on the Darfur issue. Indeed, the Administration has backed away from classifying the actions of the Sudanese government and its Janjaweed militia as genocide, and U.S. and Sudanese officials have visited each other consistently in recent months. With the recent peace agreement between the Khartoum government and the oil-producing region of southern Sudan, as well as Sudanese cooperation on U.S. terrorism efforts, there is talk of the U.S. lifting sanctions on Sudan.

Such hospitable relations are very concerning, considering the fact that the situation in the Darfur is still dire. While the killings in aggregate have decreased, the cease-fire is extremely fragile. In the absence of the small African Union peacekeeping force, and the humanitarian assistance provided by the international community, Darfur would easily fall back into chaos. Indeed, U.N. humanitarian coordinator Manuel Aranda Da Silva said that the situation could deteriorate quickly if foreign assistance stops coming.

In addition, rape is still a widespread tactic utilized by government and its militia, as well as forced military recruitment of young people. According to officials from the United Nations High Committee on Refugees, areas outside peacekeeping observation remain very dangerous. As such, the United States must maintain its pressure on the Sudanese government, and clearly convey to them that any improvement in relations between our two countries is contingent on resolution of the Darfur crisis.

The religious community is well placed, and equipped with the moral authority, to compel the United States government not to decrease its engagement on the Darfur issue. It is my hope that communities of faith will reflect this coming weekend on the continuing crisis in Darfur-- because only when we reflect, will we be emboldened to act. Again, I thank the Gentleman from New Jersey for this resolution, as our struggle for the people of Darfur is far from over.

Mr. Speaker, the plight of Africa has been the focus of much public discourse in recent months. The G-8 made commendable progress on the issue of African development in its Summit, but there is still much to be done. On a recent trip to the United States, Nelson Mandela visited the Riverside Church in New York City to thank the American people for their support in helping South Africa overcome apartheid, but also to remind us that Africa still faced enormous challenges.

The Riverside Church where Mr. Mandela spoke has long been a leader within America's faith community in bringing attention to various issues of social justice, even when the cause was not popular. The Church was a major center of activism during the antiapartheid movement, and had hosted Mr. Mandela on his first visit to the United States after being released from prison in 1990.

While Mr. Mandela won his fight against Apartheid in South Africa, he is still waging a battle against the many problems that face the African continent. The beginning of the 21st century sees an Africa affected by widespread poverty, the HIV/AIDS crisis, and crippling levels of debt. Mr. Mandela, through his Mandela Foundation, is fighting to address these critical issues.

On that note, I submit for the Record a piece from the July 5th edition of the CaribNews. The piece is by Harry Belafonte, the internationally known entertainer and activist, and was used to introduce Mr. Mandela at the Riverside Church event in May. The words of this introduction provide us ample food for thought as we continue the still unfinished crusade for African development.

Riverside Cathedral, a Platform for Truth

a search for africa's development and the role of nelson mandela

This (Riverside) Cathedral has vigorously embraced its

covenant with truth in the midst of the exodus of so many

houses of worship that have in the name of faith and God made

treaty with the devil.

Riverside Church has given us reason to believe in speaking

truth to power. Many have claimed to be keepers of the flock.

They have declared their right to pick who shall or shall not

enter into the ``kingdom of Heaven.'' Others have hidden

behind the cloak of morality as they indulge themselves and

the nation in the sin of homophobia that crucifies fellow

human beings. There are those religious leaders and

institutions that have announced unjust wars and carry the

cross before armies that destroy the innocent and plunder the

earth.

There are many Black church leaders who salivate in the

midst of this new Christian inquisition for just thirty

pieces of silver rewarded by the Caesar of faith-based

oppression. All have made us understand how privileged we are

that the (Reverend) James Forbes administers to our soul and

can never be charged with patriotic treason.

Riverside Church has generously yielded its pulpit to many

of the greatest thinkers of the 20th century. It has blessed

and embraced all those, regardless of faith, who have come

here in defiance of the tyranny of the State. Powerful voices

have been heard in these walls, which speak out against

injustice and bring truth and humanity to rebellious cause.

This cathedral inspires change in a world that hungers for

more than the food of the body; it hungers for leaders with

voices of courage that will provide food and moral plenty for

the soul. In this place, we once gather to honor truth.

After centuries of oppression and destruction, Africa, the

greatest resource in the building of the empires of the

world, has found no kindness from her conquerors. No one came

to her with a Marshall Plan. She has found no generosity from

the banks of her bleeders, Quite the contrary. Africa

severely hemorrhages from the burden of the financial debt

she carries. She cannot even repay the interest on the debt.

In many places, the continent suffocates from the pollution

of decaying bodies that have died from violence. Americans

and Europeans often view nuclear bombs, germ warfare,

chemical weapons, poison gas and planes crashing to buildings

as the only weapons of mass destruction. But for Africa, with

15 million of her people dead and millions more wounded,

handguns, automatic rifles and land mines are added to the

list. The great irony is that Africa does not have the

capacity to mass-produce weapons. America and Europe,

however, sell her all the arms required while vigorously

fueling the conditions that create the demands for them.

For Africans, poverty, ignorance and illiteracy are also

weapons of mass destruction. These realities, coupled with 27

million people infected with HIV/AIDS and 10 million children

orphaned by the disease, ravage the population. And all of

the sins attributable to Africa's pain, global indifference

is the greatest offender.

But a maturing Africa is coming together in ways that are

different than before. She is making choices that are African

choices. The Africa on the horizon will have no tolerance for

colonial status in the World Bank and the International

Monetary Fund's economic slavery system, a system that, while

admitting to its share of guilt, defined as ``mistakes of the

past'', stays tragically addicted to the same sins of the

present. Africa will no longer endure these indignities. She

will know a decidedly different future. With this new

determination, Africa affirms her spiritual, cultural and

historical allegiance to her decedents in the four corners

of the earth. She is telling citizens of the Diaspora that

they are first and foremost citizens of the continent and

saying to them, ``Come, for by right of birth and of

struggle and our common history, you are of us.''

Most of this vision set in motion by the entrance of the

Democratic Republic of South Africa into the arena of

democratic nations. The African National Congress commits

itself and the nation to the development, welfare, peace and

dignity of the entire continent and other nations in the

world who are in need. Its voice speaks for all to hear that

this 21st century will be Africa's century.

Rolihlahla Nelson Mandela has stood here (at Riverside)

before. From this Cathedral our nation was inspired when he

spoke of his vision for the future of his South Africa.

Through the guidance of his political genius and the

compelling force of his moral authority he transformed his

nation from a cruel oppressive state into one of the most

advanced democracies humankind has ever known. Perhaps the

most remarkable aspect of this achievement was Madiba and his

comrades did this without the violence and racial upheaval

the world anticipated. During the time of his presidency, he

transformed his countrymen's mood for revenge into one whose

desire to be a continuing search for national harmony rooted

in truth and reconciliation.

Now in the autumn of his winter years he comes again to

America at a time when our nation faces one of the most

critical crossroads in its history. Would that our nation

could be touched by his humanity and be guided by his moral

vision!

(Harry Belafonte, the world famous actor, singer and human

and civil rights advocate was introducing Nelson Mandela to a

large audience at the Riverside Church during the South

African Nobel Peace Prize winner's recent visit to New York

City.)

Mr. Speaker, I rise today in recognition of United Nations Secretary-General Kofi Annan for his outstanding leadership in the creation of the United Nations Democracy Fund.

Under Mr. Annan's guidance, the UN has held leaders of the global community to a higher degree of accountability. In 2001, the Secretary- General issued a ``Call to Action'' to address the HIV/AIDS epidemic and proposed the establishment of a Global AIDS and Health Fund to stimulate the increased spending needed to help developing countries around the world confront the HIV/AIDS crisis.

His dedication to spreading democracy has also been at the forefront of his agenda. In 1998, he was instrumental in a mission to help promote the transition to civilian rule in Nigeria.

Earlier this year, Mr. Annan introduced his UN reform package, calling on world leaders to be responsible to the global community. His plan included strategies for achieving international development, maintaining security and ensuring human rights. Among these initiatives was the creation of the UN Democracy Fund. The fund promises to promote democracy throughout the world by providing technical assistance to countries seeking to establish or strengthen their democracy. Mr. Annan has urged Member States to show their support for democracy by financially contributing to the fund. These contributions will then be distributed within the UN Fund for International Partnerships.

Mr. Annan's perseverance has allowed for international cooperation in spreading democracy. So far, twenty-six countries, including the U.S., have expressed their support to fund.

It takes leaders from all over the world to deal with global threats and issues. Mr. Annan has taken an important step in holding these leaders accountable for doing just that.

The following CNN article discusses Mr. Annan's reforms and the UN Democracy Fund.

Annan: Adopt U.N. Reform Package

United Nations (CNN)--U.N. Secretary-General Kofi Annan has

urged world leaders to reconfigure the international body to

reflect the world's population and better enable it to tackle

environmental and human rights challenges.

In the speech he delivered to the general assembly, Annan

urged countries to adopt his entire reform package at a

summit of world leaders in September.

The report comes five years after the Millennium

Declaration, in which the United Nations pledged to slash

poverty rates around the world by 2015, and six months before

a summit in New York to address achieving that goal.

Annan described his plan--which gives equal weight to

development, security and human rights--as a comprehensive

strategy.

``Specifically, I ask developing countries to improve their

governments, uphold the rule of law, combat corruption and

adopt an inclusive approach to development,'' Annan said.

The report, years in the making, comes days before Paul

Volcker is expected to issue a report on Annan's handling of

the corrupt oil-for-food program in Iraq. But Annan denied

that there was any link.

Volcker, a former Federal Reserve chairman, began leading

an independent probe of the program for the United Nations

almost a year ago.

Annan's proposal establishes a specific charitable goal for

prospering nations. By 2015, he wants developed countries to

spend .7 percent of their gross domestic income on official

development assistance.

And he linked prosperity and the environment. ``Our efforts

will be in vain if they are resolved by continued degradation

of the environment and depletion of natural resources.''

Annan said he wants the Kyoto Protocol extended beyond its

2012 expiration.

Security Council shifts

Annan's proposals include a recommendation to expand the

15-member Security Council to 24 to make it more

representative of today's ``geopolitical realities.''

He recommends three, non-permanent seats with two-year

terms and six new permanent seats--two from Africa, three

from Asia and one from Latin America. None would have veto

rights.

``Five out of the six will come from regions and areas that

are under-represented.''

Those seats would be in addition to the permanent seats the

United States, Britain, France, Russia and China hold.

Annan also proposed strengthening its human rights

mechanisms by abolishing the Commission on Human Rights and

replacing it with a smaller, standing Human Rights Council.

Among other changes Annan requested were:

Creating a ``Democracy Fund'' with contributions from

member states to provide money and technical assistance to

countries seeking to establish or strengthen their democracy.

Asking all member states to sign and implement a

comprehensive convention on terrorism, ``based on a clear and

agreed definition'' of the term.

Strengthening the rule of law, human rights and democracy

and clarifying when the use of force is necessary.

Reforming the secretariat to make it more transparent, and

buying out some employees and replacing them with staffers

who have the skills necessary to implement his proposals.

Pursuing the establishment of a worldwide early warning

system for natural disasters.

``What's needed now is not more declarations or promises,

but action,'' Annan said. ``I believe my report provides a

clear program of action.''

Mr. Speaker, with the G-8 Summit and its Africa-centered agenda approaching, there has been much discussion in recent weeks about the scale of U.S. development assistance to Africa, I find it appropriate to bring to the attention of this body a June 27th report authored by Susan E. Rice of the Brookings Institution. The report entitled ``U.S. Foreign Assistance to Africa: Claims vs. Reality'', gives a fresh analysis of U.S. aid to Africa, and puts into question many of the assertions put forward by the administration. ``

In response to calls for increased Africa assistance, Bush has frequently stated that U.S. assistance to Africa has ``tripled'' under his administration to $3.2 billion. However, according to the Brookings report, U.S.-Africa assistance has increased only 67 percent in nominal dollars, or 56 percent in real--inflation adjusted--dollar terms from the period 2000-2004 of which President Bush speaks. The report further points out that 53 percent of the 4 year assistance increase to Africa was in the form of emergency food aid rather than actual development assistance. When looking at development assistance exclusively--which excludes emergency food aid and security assistance--the 4-year increase is only 33 percent in real dollar terms.

It must be said that the Bush administration should be commended for its work to increase overall Africa assistance. In particular, HIV/AIDS programs in Africa have benefited from the administration's efforts. However, the closer examination given by the Brookings Institution shows that the scope and composition of U.S. assistance to Africa is somewhat overstated.

Emergency food aid--which has been given in large quantities by the Bush administration, and is a large portion of the administration's Africa assistance package--is extremely vital and saves lives during a short term crisis, but it does not really help a country to ``develop''. Real development relates to the areas of health, education, infrastructure, and trade and business promotion. In these areas, the report points out, the overall aid increase is fair, but not overly substantial.

This is important, because as the leaders of the G-8 have tried in recent months to find agreement on increased assistance to Africa, the Bush Administration has touted its Africa assistance track record and the existence of its Millennium Challenge Account (MCA) as reasons why it does not need to subscribe to Prime Minister Blair's development assistance recommendation.

The MCA in particular does not help President Bush's argument that the U.S. is doing enough for Africa. The MCA, which Bush introduced in 2002, was supposed to have provided $10 billion in additional assistance to developing countries from 2003-2005 and five billion dollars a year starting in 2006.

However, the Republican-led Congress has only appropriated $2.5 billion dollars total for the MCA over the past 2 years, and just 2 countries in Africa have received funding--Cape Verde and Madagascar at $110 million each. Indeed, the majority of the MCA's expenditures so far have gone to simple administrative costs.

On a recent trip to the White House in early June, several African leaders lamented the slow pace of aid through the Millennium Challenge Account mechanism, and urged the President to do more to bring aid to African nations. So bad is the situation at the MCA, the agency's director suddenly resigned earlier this month.

With all that said, the Bush Administration must be more aggressive in bringing increased aid to the continent--just as vigorous as it was in spearheading the U.S. invasion and occupation of Iraq, which has cost America over $200 billion and counting.

In the report, Ms. Rice argues that the U.S. should commit to increasing their oversees development assistance to 0.7 percent of GNP by 2015, as called for by Prime Minister Blair, and several longstanding United Nation agreements. The EU has recently agreed to meet the 0.7 percent assistance benchmark, with half of the increase going to Africa. Canada is also currently considering ways in which it can meet the goal, with its Parliament urging action on the matter.

Not only has the United States not committed to the 0.7 percent goal, but at 0.17 percent, it is currently second to last among industrialized nations in the percentage of GNP dedicated to development assistance. Some countries, such as Sweden and Holland, have long achieved the goal, and even surpassed it.

The United States now has the opportunity to rise to the challenge and rewrite history. We dedicated 2.5 percent of our GNP to fund the Marshall Plan, which helped to reconstruct Western Europe. Why then, can we not now dedicate 0.7 percent to help development the entire world, especially when we would have 10 years to meet the objective? In the short-term, the doubling of assistance to Africa that Blair is advocating would require only $6 billion dollars a year on the part of the United States--or $1 billion dollars more than what President Bush had planned under the Millennium Challenge Account after 2005.

I thank Ms. Rice and the Brookings Institution for their insightful report. It contributes to an increasing body of evidence that the Administration can do more to help Africa, and it will undoubtedly serve to embolden the chorus of individuals, organizations, and nations challenging the Administration to do its part to end the evil of global poverty.

The Bush Administration Record

The Bush Administration has significantly increased aid to

Africa, but that increase falls far short of what the

President has claimed. U.S. aid to Africa from FY 2000 (the

last full budget year of the Clinton Administration) to

FY2004 (the last completed fiscal year of the Bush

Administration) has not ``tripled'' or even doubled. Rather,

in real dollars, it has increased 56 percent (or 67 percent

in nominal dollar terms). The majority of that increase

consists of emergency food aid, rather than assistance for

sustainable development of the sort Africa needs to achieve

lasting poverty reduction.

President Bush has thus far rejected Blair's call to double

aid to Africa, as well as the benchmark set by the OECD and

signatories to the Monterey Consensus, which called on

developed countries to devote 0.7 percent of their gross

national income to overseas development assistance by 2015.

In declining to commit to either of these targets, President

Bush frequently states that his Administration has

``tripled'' U.S. assistance to Africa over the past four

years to $3.2 billion. On June 7, 2005, the President also

announced that the U.S. will spend an additional $674

million, which consists of previously appropriated emergency

humanitarian food aid. The U.S. recently agreed with G-8

partners to cancel the multilateral debt owed by 18 Heavily

Indebted Poor Countries, a positive step forward.

The Challenge

As G-8 member states prepare to meet from July 6th to 8th

in Gleneagles, Scotland, they will have to confront the

challenge posed by their host, British Prime Minister Tony

Blair, to double aid to Africa to $25 billion by 2015,

preferably through the creation of an International

Finance Facility. Part of a sweeping agenda set forth by

Blair and his Commission for Africa to alleviate poverty

and improve prospects for African security, democracy and

sustainable development, this proposal includes scaled-up

commitments by the G-8 to assist Africa with increased

aid, trade opportunities, investment, debt relief as well

as conflict prevention, conflict resolution and

peacekeeping capacity.

What the U.S. Should Do and Why

The Gleneagles Summit poses an historic opportunity for the

United States to lead the international community in

providing increased development and other assistance to

Africa. The Bush Administration should join the UK, France,

Italy and Germany and twelve other developed nations and

commit to devote up to 0.7 percent of U.S. gross national

income to overseas development assistance by 2015. This

commitment would place the U.S. in the forefront of

international efforts to alleviate global poverty.

Global poverty undermines U.S. national security by

facilitating the emergence and spread of transnational

security threats, including disease, environmental

degradation, crime, narcotics flows, proliferation and

terrorism. First, poverty substantially increases the risk of

conflict, which in turn creates especially fertile breeding

grounds for such threats. Second, poverty erodes weak states'

capacity to prevent or contain transnational threats.

Key Findings

U.S. aid to Africa from FY 2000 to FY 2004, the period to

which the President referred, has not ``tripled'' or even

doubled. Rather, in real dollars, it has increased 56 percent

(or 67 percent in nominal dollar terms).

An analysis of actual U.S. appropriations from FY 2000 (the

last full budget year of the Clinton Administration) to FY

2004 (the last completed fiscal year of the Bush

Administration) reveals a different reality about U.S.

aid to Africa than President Bush has maintained.

In nominal dollars, total United States aid to Sub-Saharan

Africa increased from $2.034 billion in FY 2000 to $3.399

billion in FY 2004.

In nominal dollars, of the $1.365 billion overall increase,

$728.9 million, or 53 percent, consists of emergency food aid

rather than overseas development assistance, which

contributes to sustainable development. The remainder of the

increase is comprised primarily of funding for the

President's HIV/AIDS initiative (distributed between two

accounts, Child Survival and Global Health) as well as

emergency and post-conflict assistance to Liberia and Sudan.

Actual development assistance, excluding food aid and

security assistance, increased only 33 percent from FY 2000

to FY 2004 in real dollar terms, or 43 percent in nominal

dollars.

In nominal dollars, less than $450 million of the increased

foreign aid to Africa is official development assistance.

Official Development Assistance to Africa (aid programs

directed at sustainable development) increased by 43 percent

from FY 2000 to FY 2004. Of these programs (in nominal

dollars):

Funding for the Child Survival and Health Programs Fund

increased by 70 percent, primarily for HIV/AIDS.

Development Assistance funding increased 1 percent over FY

2000.

Global Health and HIV/AIDS Initiative, which did not exist

as a separate program in FY 2000, received $263.8 million for

Africa in FY 2004.

Peace Corps funding increased by 19 percent.

African Development Bank funding increased by 24 percent.

African Development Foundation funding increased by 31

percent.

African Development Fund decreased by 12 percent.

The newly-created Millennium Challenge Account did not

exist in FY 2000, and its entire FY 2004 budget went towards

administrative expenses rather than country programs.

The Heavily Indebted Poor Countries debt relief funding

decreased by 32 percent.

The only programs that both existed in FY 2000 and more

than doubled by FY 2004 were Foreign Military Financing,

which increased by 109 percent, and emergency food aid (PL

480 Title II), which increased by 159 percent.

From FY 2000 to FY 2005 (estimated), U.S. aid to Africa

will have increased by 78 percent in real dollar terms or 93

percent in nominal dollars--not quite a doubling, much less a

``tripling'' of aid. Of this increase, 50 percent consists of

emergency food aid (PL 480 Title II).

Actual development assistance, excluding food aid and

security assistance, will have increased an estimated 74

percent from FY 2000 to FY 2005 in real dollar terms, or 89

percent in nominal dollars.

Mr. Speaker, today my colleague from Connecticut, Mrs. Johnson, and I are introducing a concurrent resolution calling upon the Bush Administration to urge the Government of China to refrain from adopting new regulations that would make it nearly impossible for U.S. software companies to sell their products to the Chinese government. The resolution also calls upon the Administration to urge China to join the World Trade Organization (WTO) Agreement on Government Procurement, as China committed to do when it joined the WTO in 2001.

The regulations that China has proposed would require U.S. software companies to manufacture all of their products in China, register their copyrights first in China and perform at least 50 percent of their development in China. Perhaps the most disturbing aspect of the proposed rules is a requirement that American companies outsource a specific percentage of their work to China.

To be honest, I am amazed that China would propose these rules at a time when American companies already are facing significant impediments to doing business in China. Piracy rates of intellectual property-- including software--in China remain as high as 90 percent. In addition, China continues to provide subsidies to its manufacturers, and manipulate its currency--despite calls from international institutions and governments around the world to stop this practice. These unfair trade barriers contributed to a record $162 billion trade deficit with China in 2004. That deficit is on track to top $170 billion this year.

Mr. Speaker, I am pleased that Ambassador Portman, our U.S. Trade Representative, and Commerce Secretary Gutierrez are scheduled to travel to Beijing on July 11, to meet with Chinese officials at the annual U.S.-China Joint Commission on Commerce and Trade. I urge Ambassador Portman and Secretary Gutierrez to press upon the Chinese that the proposed software procurement rules are unacceptable. Further, it must be made clear that the U.S. Congress is growing increasingly frustrated that China is not living up to the obligations that the country agreed upon when acceding to the WTO in 2001. As a supporter of the legislation granting Permanent Normal Trade Relations status to China, I am particularly disappointed by its failure to comply with its obligations.

One of the commitments China made in 2001 was to join the WTO Government Procurement Agreement ``as soon as possible.'' Three years later, China has yet to begin the process of acceding to this agreement. Its participation in this agreement is essential, as the GPA requires countries to ensure that their procurement processes are transparent and do not unfairly discriminate between domestic and foreign companies.

I urge my colleagues to support this resolution.

Mr. Speaker, I rise to begin a formal acknowledgment of the injustices imposed on African descendants of the transatlantic slave trade in all of the Americas, with an emphasis on populations in Latin America and the Caribbean, and to encourage United States and international efforts to work to improve the situation of Afro- descendant communities in these regions.

In the 108th Congress, my colleagues and I concluded that, for too long, this country and other nations had ignored the struggle and challenges faced by Afro-descendant populations in the Americas. While the U.S. has been compelled to take steps to address our race problem in this country, we have often unintentionally forgotten or deemphasized the impact of that struggle throughout the Western Hemisphere.

The transatlantic slave trade had a devastating impact on the region's economies. While the exact events and conditions of slavery that dominated the U.S. did not necessarily permeate into Latin America and the Caribbean directly, Central and South America did have to deal with its own ``peculiar institution.'' Slavery transforms the body politic and the institutions of power and culture. It lifts one group of nations above another group, makes some the superior to others, and discriminates against those in the minority.

In this country, it led to three centuries of segregation, discrimination, and prejudice. It remains a battle that African- Americans continue to suffer through today. Rising above the harmful effects of centuries of racism has not been easy for us; neither has it been for countries in Latin America and the Caribbean.

In 2005, the struggle of Afro-descendants in Latin America and the Caribbean continues. Representing the largest population of African descendants outside of Africa, Afro-descendants have not fared well in the region. Afro-Latinos for instance account for about 30 percent of the Latin American population and make up over 60 percent of its poor. Afro-Latinos also have extreme high rates of suicide, homicide, infant mortality, and illiteracy.

Brazil has the largest population of Afro-descendants in Latin America and the Caribbean. Shockingly, only one in three Afro- Brazilians attends secondary schools. Colombia has the second largest Afro-descendant population in the region and Afro-Colombians have shorter life expectancies, limited access to medical and health care facilities, and the highest rates of illiteracy.

Our involvement, dependency, and complicity in the transatlantic slave trade require action by this country to help address the issues of Afro-descendant populations. With my House colleagues, I have introduced legislation (H. Con. Res. 175) to call for the recognition by this Congress of the struggle of Afro-descendant populations and to encourage and promote efforts to assist Afro-descendant communities. The resolution calls on the President, the Congress, and the international community to devote resources and services to help eradicate the economic and social disparities that exist in Latin America and the Caribbean.

I also must acknowledge the productive support, insights, and assistance of the Afro-Latino Working Group: The Honorable Mr. John Conyers, Mr. Donald Payne, Ms. Barbara Lee, Mr. William Jefferson, and Mr. Gregory Meeks. Their counsel, advocacy, and commitment to these issues have been instrumental in raising the importance and awareness of this cause to me and this Congress. I appreciate their support.

I would also like to thank the number of colleagues that have extended their support to this resolution and are currently listed as cosponsors to the legislation. They are a sign of the bipartisan and broad support of this resolution by this Chamber. Today, the Subcommittee on the Western Hemisphere of the International Relations Committee marked up this legislation and voted to support it. I hope the 109th Congress will give it the same attention and support.

I would like to submit the text of House Concurrent Resolution 157 for the Record.

Mr. Chairman, I offer an amendment.

Mr. Chairman, I yield myself such time as I may consume.

(Mr. RANGEL asked and was given permission to revise and extend his remarks.)

Mr. Chairman, right now in the Committee on Ways and Means there is a lot of discussion going on in reporting out a Central American Free Trade Agreement, which includes the Dominican Republic. This is part of an effort on the part of our great country to try to open up the doors and to make certain we give an opportunity to people throughout the world, but especially those in our own hemisphere to have an opportunity for a better quality of life.

This concept has been extended to Communist China, to North Korea, and to other countries. But here, we believe, in Cuba, it has nothing to do with anything except politics. It has nothing to do with the economy. It has everything to do with a small group of people in Florida. With all due respect to their strong feelings against Castro, it would seem to many of us that the best way to get rid of a dictator is to really open up the country; to be able to go to send remittances to families; to be able to travel; but certainly to be able to have an exchange of commodities between their country and ours.

It seems to me that American businesses are losing billions of dollars by not being able to trade. And who is being hurt? It is certainly not Castro. It is the poor people in the country. And if we cannot believe or bring ourselves to see that this policy for over 45 years has cost us in prestige around the world that respects international trade agreements; that has cost us in money; but I really believe it has cost us by allowing Castro to tell the people in Cuba that every economic crisis that

they have is based on the United States' embargo.

As an American, if every country in the world has recognized this man, why can we not say that we recognize the Cuban people? Why can we not allow our business people to establish a relationship so that we are not blamed for what is happening in Cuba?

We have tried to do this before. The United Nations believes that we are in violation of international law. The CARICOM nations in the Caribbean believe that we are violating the law. The World Trade Organization certainly cannot support what we are doing. In many areas it is considered an act of war to surround a nation and not allow ships to go in or to penalize a country.

Most importantly, however, this is an un-American concept. We should not be afraid that any small island nation can take away from the strong deep-seated principles of democracy that we enjoy here.

Mr. Chairman, I yield 1 minute to the gentlewoman from California (Mrs. Capps).

Mr. Chairman, I yield 30 seconds to the gentleman from Illinois (Mr. Emanuel).

Mr. Chairman, I yield the balance of my time to the gentlewoman from California (Ms. Lee).

Mr. Chairman, will the gentleman yield?

Mr. Chairman, I appreciate what was pointed out by the gentlewoman from California (Ms. Lee). I have no idea why the gentleman from Florida would refer to the victim of this atrocity that was committed in Cuba as being black. I do not see what that adds to the discussion as to whether or not as a free country we should not continue to respect international trade. I think that is what we are trying to do.

We are trying to say the best way to get after dictators is to make certain that we have communication between nations. The best way to have people to understand what democracy is all about is to demonstrate what democracy is about by allowing Americans to

go where they want to go when they want to go, to allow Americans to send money to whomever they want to send money to in Cuba.

I truly believe all of the things that have been said, we would all agree. I believe that Saddam Hussein was a terrible man; but I do not believe we had a right to have a preemptive strike against a country. What we are trying to talk about is the value of trade, the value of countries communicating with each other.

Who is being penalized? No embargo works when only one country is perpetrating the embargo. If all of the countries in the world are trading with Cuba, the best we do is lose money and restrict ourselves from showing that when it comes to competition, quality goods, farm goods, that America is the best. But when people say they do not want to offend a handful of people in Cuba, and therefore we put an embargo against an independent country, it is not the democratic, American thing to do.

Mr. Chairman, I demand a recorded vote.

Mr. Speaker I rise to discuss the ongoing progress towards meetings the objectives of Prime Minister Blair's G-8 objectives. The announcement of a tentative debt relief agreement for certain developing countries, mostly in Africa, is an extremely promising development for Africa that is long overdue. The recent agreement on 100 percent debt relief will initially benefit 14 nations in Africa, and is largely based on the Heavy Indebted Poor Country (HIPC) Program, which already offers some debt relief to the world's poorest nations.

Several countries not included in the initial package are still technically eligible. An additional 9 African countries could qualify for full debt cancellation in the next 12 to 18 months, and a further 9 countries in Africa may potentially benefit from the agreement sometime in the future, if they continue to progress in meeting HIPC objectives, such as tackling corruption. But these additional countries are by no means guaranteed debt relief.

The current $40 billion debt relief package must be commended. It is by far the most significant and comprehensive debt relief package ever given to Africa. However, a recent article entitled ``Plan That Falls Far Short of Global Needs'' in the publication CaribNews suggests that the plan must be closely scrutinized. One glaring issue is that the current package at most cancels only one-sixth of Africa's $295 billion debt and leaves out several countries such as Nigeria and Kenya.

Nigeria, despite having a per capita GDP in line with HIPC eligible countries, and a staggering $36 billion debt, is not currently included in the deal, though G-8 representatives say that some type of Nigeria specific arrangement is in the works. As a leader in West Africa, if not the entire continent, its fate is closely linked to that of the region. As such, the inclusion of Nigeria in a debt relief package is crucial.

In addition to debt relief, the issue of increased assistance must be addressed. This was reiterated in a recent Op-Ed release by Bernice Powell Jackson, Executive Minister of the Justice and Witness Ministries of the United Church of Christ, which calls on the U.S. to do more to help Africa. President Bush has so far rejected Blair's call to double aid to Africa, as well as establish the UN sanctioned benchmark which calls on developed countries to devote 0.7 percent of their gross national income to overseas development assistance by 2015. Of the G8 countries, France, Germany, Italy and Britain, have all pledged to hit the 0.7 percent target in the allotted period. The European Union also a collective body has also agreed to the benchmark.

In 2004, the United States, the largest economy in the world, was second to last among industrialized nations in the amount of development assistance it gave as a percentage of Gross National Income--it was dead last in 2003. In sheer volume the U.S. gives the largest total amount of foreign development aid, but as a proportion of national income only 0.16 percent goes to aid, far short of the 0.7 percent UN target.

While we claim to be the leader of the free world, small countries such as Norway and Denmark dwarf us in the percentage of their national income dedicated to development. Indeed, these countries have long exceeded the 0.7 percent aid target that the U.S. has yet to adopt. In addition, a recent report released by the Brookings Institute argues that the extent of U.S. assistance in recent years is not as large as the Administration has asserted.

Lastly, the issue of trade liberalization must be tackled if Africa is to experience real and sustainable development. Africa has a population of 860 million, accounting for 13.6 percent of the world's population, yet it only accounts for only two percent of global trade volume--down from 6 percent in the 1980's.

This is compounded by industrialized countries' usage of unfair trading mechanisms, such as subsidies, which have prevented African farmers and firms from competing on an equal footing with other nations. While industrialized nations battle with each other over increasing the $50 billion they give in annual development assistance, they continue to spend over $300 billion on domestic agricultural subsidies.

For its part, the U.S. gives billions of dollars annually in subsidies to a very small group of largescale agricultural producers-- while compelling poor countries to further open up their markets. The World Bank has estimated that an end to Western agricultural subsidies would allow developing countries to earn hundreds of billions--on their own. Concessions on trade may prove to be the hardest sell in Blair's G-8 agenda, but his agenda is one the world cannot afford to ignore.

Helping the Least of These: Cancel Africa's Debt and Share the Wealth

(By Bernice Powell Jackson)

If you were only to read most of the newspaper headlines,

you'd think that the U.S. government is being quite generous

to the world's poorest continent, Africa, but it just ain't

so. In fact, we're being awfully stingy and while President

Bush is trying to put a happy face on his meetings with

British Prime Minister Tony Blair, Mr. Blair must be pretty

disappointed at how little he is coming away with for Africa.

The truth is that 34 of the world's 48 poorest nations are

in Africa, which is also facing a rampant AIDS epidemic,

where thousands die every day. Moreover, a number of African

nations are still recovering from civil wars and/or enormous

national debts, many of which were incurred by unscrupulous

dictators and illegitimate governments who never used the

funds for the hospitals and schools for which they were

intended. The truth is that Africa is a continent whose

natural resources of gold, diamonds, oil, chromium and other

much-needed minerals have been ravaged by much of the rest of

the world. Moreover, tens of millions of its most precious

resource--human beings--died or were stolen in the African

slave trade a century ago. I remember being on a World

Council of Churches panel in 1998 in Zimbabwe, where an

African leader reminded us that when you count the

billions of dollars lost to Africa through these ways,

``we don't owe Europe and America anything. You still owe

us,'' he said.

The truth is that for many of the poorest nations, paying

back these huge national debts is not only burdensome, it is

impossible. For most, they will never be able to pay off the

principle, while the interest costs continue to mount. But

many of these nations are forced to make these interest

payments, which means that they cannot put funds into health

care and education, which are critical to their national

survival.

Even the new World Bank President, Paul Wolfowitz; has said

that a case can be made for more funds going to development

in Africa. President Bush, however, doesn't seem to agree

with his protege, Mr. Wolfowitz. In his meetings with Prime

Minister Blair, President Bush has expressed an openness to

canceling debts, but he has refused to increase substantially

U.S. foreign aid to Africa. Instead, he has agreed to use

$674 million already allocated by Congress for emergency

famine relief to a few African countries.

The extra $25 billion a year for Africa sought by Mr.

Blair, are not budgeted President Bush replied. Nevermind

that almost the entire $220 billion allocated for the wars in

Iraq and Afghanistan have been unbudgeted by this same

administration.

Many Americans believe that we spend about 25 percent of

our Federal budget on foreign aid to poor nations when we

actually spend about 1 percent. Many Americans believe the

headlines when our government agrees to fund programs like

the $15 million announced for AIDS in Africa. The reality is

that little of that money has been sent. Similarly, three

years ago the U.S. signed onto the United Nation's Millennium

Project. In it, the world's riches nations agreed to

increase their aid to .7 percent by 2015 to the poorest

nations. Two weeks ago the European Union agreed to double

their aid by 2015. But, it seems the President Bush has

told Mr. Blair that we won't be doing the same. It's the

old story of the check is in the mail.

In a recent editorial, the New York Times pointed out that

.7 percent of the American economy would equal about $80

billion. That's roughly equivalent to the amount the

Senate approved for additional military spending in Iraq and

a little more than half of the corporate tax cut last year.

Three hundred million Africans live on less than $1 a day

on a continent trapped in $300 billion in foreign debt. If

we're serious about fighting the war on terrorism and serious

about living out the moral values we're so quick to talk

about, then we must not only cancel the debt of Africa's

poorest nations, but we must also substantially increase our

foreign aid to Africa.

You can write or call President Bush and tell him so. You

can write or call your Senator. You can ask others to join

you--it's up to us, all of us.

Mr. Speaker, as the people of the Caribbean prepare for another chaotic hurricane season, I rise today to bring to the attention of my colleagues some important advice on the preparation and prevention efforts in the region. During last summer's hurricane season the small island nations of Grenada, Jamaica, and Haiti were severely impacted with terrible destruction of essential infrastructure and significant loss of life. This catastrophe caused the Members of the last Congress to include $100 million in relief assistance in the supplemental appropriations bill for Florida.

Our neighbors in the Caribbean were harder hit than even Florida. Homes, lives, and economic prospects were destroyed in the wake of hurricanes that beat down on the island nations of the Caribbean and the United States southern coastline. Many were shocked and surprised by the destructive force of these natural phenomena. Many felt the devastating blows of the hurricane splitting and eroding homes, towns, and communities. Others witnessed the indiscriminate winds that ripped roofs from homes, merchandise from store fronts and children from homes.

Hurricane season routinely strikes the Caribbean harder than the U.S. The fragile economies of these noble neighbors too often succumb to the might and power of these natural disasters. As staples of their economy, tourism and agriculture suffer significantly in the wake of the floods, winds, and aftermath of a destructive hurricane. The effect of hurricanes on the United States alone is often breathtaking and requires a mammoth community mobilization and effort of the surrounding states. Imagine its impact on the Dominican Republic, Jamaica, and St. Vincent.

As we enter this annual season of threat in 2005, this Congress should take the lead in preparing our Caribbean neighbors for the events to come. We should be ensuring that the resources are available to meet the humanitarian needs of the region. We should be securing the supplies and gear necessary for recovery. We should be certain that the regional infrastructure can handle the health and welfare needs that will arise.

CaribNews recently hosted a Caribbean conference in the Bronx on the subject of disaster preparedness. They focused on the planning and preparation of the region for the next major natural disaster. In a recent article, they established some important steps that should be taken to ensure that the region is prepared and ready to deal with the consequences of this year's hurricane season.

I submit for the Record the following editorial from the CaribNews on their conferences and recommendations for addressing the challenges of hurricane preparation.

We Need to Be Ready for the Consequences

Preparation, they say, is the mother protection. In this

case, we are talking about protecting lives, property, and in

many ways the future against the ravages of Mother Nature.

In the Caribbean and the South and the southwest of the

United States, the need is to prepare against the often-

ferocious high winds and the rain of hurricanes. And now that

we are into hurricane season, and with the experts predicting

some of the strongest weather patterns in recent years, it's

important that the U.S. and the Caribbean nations be ready

for what may befall us.

Just the other day, Adolfo Carrion, the Bronx Borough

President, and this newspaper focused the city's spotlight on

disaster preparedness. That was done at a highly successful

Caribbean conference in the Bronx and participants in a panel

discussion emphasized that we can't wait until a hurricane or

other natural disasters strike and then respond.

After all, the geological and geographic features of the

Caribbean archipelago almost guarantee that a hurricane can

strike at any time during the second half of the year. While

we can prevent trade conflicts, end political rows or avoid

military adventures, there is precious little we can do to

stop hurricanes, earthquakes, or floods from hitting us,

affecting all those who live in a particular country or the

region.

Last year's devastation in Grenada brought on by Hurricane

Ivan was a case in point. Not only was it unstoppable but its

effects will be felt for many years to come. The floods,

which took thousands of lives in the Dominican Republic and

Haiti, could not have been thwarted by human effort but the

pain and suffering was prolonged by the inability to respond

effectively once the tragedy had occurred.

Similarly, the damage caused by Ivan and other hurricanes

in the Bahamas, Jamaica, Puerto Rico, Florida, St. Vincent

and the Cayman Islands spoke more of the resilience of these

countries to bounce back and the relatively good fortune

that prevented them from being struck a mightier blow than

to anything else.

We shouldn't forget too that Dominica was hit but spared

extensive damage when an earthquake shook the Caribbean

island. Unlike hurricane warnings, earthquake prediction

didn't have any value in Dominica's case.

That's why the meeting in the Bronx was of such

significance and why Caribbean nations, the international

community and immigrant groups in New York, Miami, Boston,

Hartford, and elsewhere must plan ahead in case the

vulnerability of the small islands are exposed once again.

For as 2004 showed us, the twinkling of the proverbial eye

and the decades long effort to build a country and put it in

very good shape to propel living standards forward can be

undone in a matter of hours.

Clearly, because natural disasters are inevitable, the

emphasis must be placed on minimizing damage and responding

to the needs of those affected.

To begin with Caribbean and U.S. governments must take

measures to lessen pain, suffering and damage. Mutual

assistance and self-help scheme at the institutional and

individual levels are vital and must be integrated into sound

natural disaster strategies. Building codes must be enacted

and enforced to limit the effects of the troubles we have

seen in recent years, not simply in the Caribbean but in the

U.S. as well when entire villages come tumbling down.

It's incumbent upon home owners and business places whose

structures were built several years ago or even recently to

check to see to what extent their buildings can resist

hurricane force winds, floods, or even seismic shocks.

Although Caribbean governments are already strapped for

cash, they should consider providing tax incentives to

property-owners to promote disaster mitigation. The tax

system can be an important tool to achieve the goal of

increasing the number of buildings that can withstand the

winds and the rains spawned by hurricanes.

As for the Diaspora and the international community, not to

mention local and state governments in New York State and

other parts of the country, they must extend their disaster

preparations schemes to include the Caribbean. After all, in

places such as New York where hundreds of Caribbean

immigrants live the inevitability of natural disasters is of

great concern to many. So they must be included in the

planning and the response.

Caribbean immigrants have in the past responded well and

with alacrity to disasters in their respective homelands and

in the region as a whole. But there is also an urgent need

for a greater coordinated approach to relief.

The counterparts of the Bronx Borough President in

Brooklyn, Queens and Manhattan should also consider the

approach he adopted recently when he brought people and

institutions together to consider the problem before it occur

again. Assembling folks to discuss the potential perils ahead

and putting mechanisms in place can go a long way in bringing

relief after disaster has struck.

Mr. Speaker, I rise today to acknowledge the bravery and courage of the Little Rock Nine as we commemorate the 50th anniversary of the integration of Central High School in Little Rock, Arkansas. At the time, these nine young African-Americans took heroic and dynamic steps toward achieving an integrated educational experience that would enhance their opportunities for a quality education.

Fifty years ago, the idea that white and black students would sit in the same classroom, amongst other places, was unbearable to many. Individuals on both sides of the race line could not fathom the possibility of an integrated educational system. The racism and segregation that dominated the country at the time was also vile and vicious. Fear and intimidation had long been the mark of this country's racial past, evidenced by the lynchings that the Senate recently apologized for not taking action against. For those young men and women to take the brave steps toward equality by presenting themselves as instruments of change must have taken a lot out of them.

Their bravery and courage nonetheless were the steps that have led this country to greater tolerance and understanding. It took heroes, like the Little Rock Nine, to lay the path for the important advances of today. Imagine where this country would be if these individuals had failed to step forward, to demand a desk at an integrated school, and to walk into American history demanding the fulfillment of the American Constitution.

With machine guns at the ready, screaming mobs, and death threats hurdled at them, these nine young men and women bravely walked through the mob and into their classrooms. Their actions laid the foundations for a revolution in the American educational system. It called for an equalization of the way schools and communities would operate to ensure that all Americans received an equal opportunity to education and knowledge and that the doors of progress would no longer be closed to future generations of Americans, based on their race.

Today we have cause to applaud these valiant efforts. The Nation has moved significantly towards provided educational opportunities for all of our citizens and given them access to true opportunities of access and influence. There is still much to be done though. States still spend disproportionately more, per student, on white schools than black schools. The facilities of some minority schools lag way behind those of predominately-white schools. Whites often take advantage of private educational systems, draining the resources of public schools. The effect is a continued deficiency in the educational opportunities of our students.

Nonetheless, we have made considerable progress in our movement towards equality. That progress is largely thanks to individuals such as the Little Rock Nine. Without their bravery and courage in the 1950s, this country would still have much work to do in terms of equal opportunity.

I also want to thank my House colleagues for introducing and passing this resolution to recognize and honor those brave nine students. It is a sign that we have accomplished so much in this country.

Mr. Speaker, I rise in strong support of H. Con. Res. 71, to provide for the establishment of a Caribbean-American Heritage Month. Congresswoman Lee's resolution represents a nonpartisan appeal to honor the millions of Caribbean-Americans who have contributed greatly to the social, political, and economic life of the United States. I am proud to be a cosponsor of this legislation, and urge my fellow colleagues to lend their support to this important measure.

Caribbean Americans are becoming an increasingly integral part of the American fabric. Though the total Caribbean-American population is approximately 3 million, the Department of Homeland Security estimates 4 million Caribbean people have immigrated to the United States since the 1820s. As a representative of New York City, where Caribbean Americans account for over 25% of the population, I can attest first- hand to the size and impact of this community.

Many Americans do not know the extent of the Caribbean-American contribution to the United States. Indeed, the Capitol Building in which we stand today was designed by a man from the British Virgin Islands. Alexander Hamilton, one of our country's founding fathers and the first U.S. Secretary of the Treasury was from the Caribbean island of Nevis.

The founder of Chicago, Jean Baptiste Point du Sable, was born in Haiti, and Shirley Chisolm, the first African American woman elected to Congress, was also of Caribbean ancestry. Colin Powell, the first African American Secretary of State, is of Jamaican heritage. One could go on and on with the names of Caribbean Americans who have made significant contributions to our history and society, and that just serves to validate why this resolution is long overdue.

In addition to their contribution inside the U.S., individuals of Caribbean descent have contributed directly to the United States even when they did not actually reside in the country. Many are not aware that the United States utilized the skill and labor of thousands of English speaking Caribbean workers in the construction of the Panama Canal in the early 1900s. So large was this group that many of their descendants remain in Panama, and throughout Central America, to this day. The immense contribution that the Canal has made to the American economy, and global trade in general, serves as another reminder of what people of Caribbean decent have given to our country.

Caribbean-Americans also help to maintain the economic vitality of the region. As we all know the United States provides significant financial assistance to the Caribbean. However, this amount is dwarfed by the $1.6 billion that Caribbean Americans send to the region in the form of remittances to family members. This is needed more than ever as the nations of the Caribbean continue to face many obstacles related to their small economies, and frequent natural disasters.

As we reflect on the contributions of the Caribbean community, there is much that we can learn from them. The Caribbean is quite arguably the most diverse region in the Western Hemisphere. With a population consisting of Asians, East Indians, Africans, Europeans, Native Americans, and even Middle Easterners, the Caribbean has thrived in its diversity, and Caribbean Americans have brought this culture of tolerance and inclusion with

them as they have integrated into American society.

As we now find ourselves with the passage of this resolution appropriately recognizing the Caribbean American community, I find it appropriate to point out a little-known, but ironic, fact. The first country to recognize the fledging United States in 1776 was the Caribbean island of St. Eustatius. At a time when the odds where stacked against our Nation, the Caribbean was the first to extend the hand of friendship. Now we have the opportunity to return the favor with H. Con. Res. 71. I thank the gentlewomen from California for her introduction of this resolution, and I am confident that my colleagues will follow her lead.