Floor Statements

Thank God that the Native Americans didn't have these immigration laws when they were discovered, you know, by other people.

But having said that and forgetting the idea of compassion, I'm reminded that in 1950, when the outfit was surrounded by Chinese and Lieutenant Colonel Joseph Vines called up and he

says, We need replacement or we've got to get out of here. And they told him that we didn't have any colored replacements. And even though President Truman, in 1948, had outlawed discrimination, still it was that way.

Lieutenant Colonel Vines says, I don't care what color they are.

I don't care what color they are. You send someone up here to defend this country or we're pulling out of here.

And that's where we find ourselves today. At a time when we're looking for scientists and researchers and teachers and people to allow this country to maintain its greatness, we find people that were raised in the United States, salute the flag, the Pledge of Allegiance, the Star-Spangled Banner, the Boy Scouts; and these, for all practical purposes, we have invested in them. Now they want to pay back by becoming professionals. This is time for us not to retreat but move forward and support the DREAM Act.

First, let me apologize to this august body for putting you in this very awkward position today.

To the Ethics Committee, I do recognize that it is not a job that many of us would want to have.

Last week, as we were reading about the North Koreans attacking the South Koreans, I was haunted by the fact that, on November 30, 60 years ago, I was in Korea as a young, 20-year-old volunteer in the 2nd Infantry Division. On that occasion, in subzero weather--20 degrees below zero--the Chinese surrounded us and attacked, and there were hundreds of casualties wounded and killed and captured. Bugles blared and screams were heard.

I was wounded and had no thoughts that I would be able to survive. But God gave me the strength, not only to survive, although wounded, but to find my way out of the entrapment, and for 3 days, I had the strength to lead 40 of my comrades out of that situation. We all were haunted by the fact that so many of my comrades did not survive it.

I tell you that story, not for sympathy, but to let you know that, at that time, in every sense, I made up my mind that I could never complain to God for any events that occurred in my life and that I would dedicate my life to trying, in some meaningful way, to improve the quality of life for all Americans as well as do as much as I could for humankind.

It is for that reason that I stand to say that I have made serious mistakes. I do believe rules are made to be enforced. I do believe that we in the Congress have a higher responsibility than most people. I do believe that senior Members should act, in a way, as a model for new and less experienced Members. I do believe that there should be enforcement of these laws. There should be sanctions.

But if you're breaking new ground, I ask for fairness. In none of the precedents of the history of this great country has anyone ever suffered the humiliation of a censure when the record is abundantly clear and never challenged, and when, in those 2 years of investigations which I called for, counsel on the committee found no evidence at all of corruption, found no evidence of self-enrichment, found no evidence that there was an intention on my part to evade my responsibility, whether in taxes or whether in financial disclosures.

There is absolutely no excuse for my omissions for my responsibility to obey those rules. I take full credit for the responsibility of that. I brought it on myself, but I still believe that this body has to be guided by fairness. So that's all I'm saying. I'm not here to complain. I have too much to be thankful for, being from where I am and who I am today.

Once again, it has been awkward, especially for my friends and supporters, but I want to respect the dignity of the community that elected me to serve them. I want to continue to serve this Congress and this country and do what I can to make life better for other people, and I think we all agree that, in 40 years, I've tried my darndest to do that.

So, at this point, by unanimous consent, I would like to turn the remainder of the time that the Chair has given to me to my fellow colleague, Bobby Scott.

I fully recognize that constitutionally this body has the full jurisdiction to determine the conduct of one of its Members. My predecessor suffered because they didn't allow him to be a Member before they decided that he should be expelled. But notwithstanding that, we do know that we are a political body; and even though it is painful to accept this vote, I am fully aware that this vote reflects perhaps the thinking not just of the Members but the political tide and the constituency of this body.

Having said that and having my opportunity to do what I wanted to do initially, and, that is, to make certain that this body and this country would know that at no time has it ever entered my mind to enrich myself or to do violence to the honesty that's expected of all of us in this House. I think that has been proven, and that has been what I have been asking for. That's why I have admitted to mistakes and was prepared to do what I have done.

I understand that this is a new criteria and a breakthrough in order to teach somebody a higher lesson than those that in the past have done far more harm to the reputation of this body than I. But I just would want all of you to know that, in my heart, I truly feel good. It's not all the commitments that I made to God in 1950. A lot of it has to do with the fact that I know in my heart that I am not going to be judged by this Congress, but I am going to be judged by my life, my activities, my contributions to society. I just apologize for the awkward position that some of you are in. But at the end of the day, as I started off saying, compared to where I've been, I haven't had a bad day since. Thank you.

Mr. Speaker, I would soulfully report to this body the loss of a great Member, Congressman Steve Solarz, who just left us. He passed away at the age of 70 years. He served in this body from 1975 to 1992. Republican or Democrat, he loved this country, and he fought hard for a sound foreign policy.

At this point, I would like to yield to Congressman Jerry Nadler, whose district now takes in a great part of former Congressman Solarz' congressional district.

Mr. Speaker, I would like to recognize my friend and colleague, the gentleman from New York, Peter King.

Mr. Speaker, I rise today to express my support for H. Res 1605, a bill recognizing the service of the medical and air crews in helping our wounded warriors make the expeditious and safe trip home to the United States.

These physicians, nurses, technicians, and flight air crews represent squadrons of the Air Force Reserve, Air Force National Guard, and Air Force Active Duty. I thank my colleague,

Congressman Mike Thompson, for introducing this bill, which gives us the opportunity to pay tribute to the dynamic support these crews provide to our troops. We commend these Air Force members for their commitment to the well-being of all our service men and women.

Aeromedical services are essential to the success of our Armed Forces, contributing to a survival rate of 98 percent--the lowest mortality rate of any war in U.S. history. Medical and air personnel closely tend to the urgent medical needs of our troops ensuring that they return home with their lives intact. We salute them.

Mr. Speaker, I rise today to express my support in recognition of Gold Star Mothers Day, which is celebrated the last Sunday of September. These mothers have given the supreme sacrifice for their country: they have lost a son or daughter serving in the Armed Forces. But instead of mourning alone, these courageous women have taken their personal loss and used it to help others in the same situation.

Several weeks ago, I hosted the Congressional Black Caucus Annual Legislative Conference, along with Rep. Corrine Brown of Florida and Rep. Sanford Bishop of Georgia. At that conference, we were honored to have here with us Ms. Aseneth Blackwell, a former President of the Gold Star Wives of America, a sister organization of the Gold Star Mothers. Both members of these organizations have lost loved ones in service for their country.

These honorable women provide support to those who may not know who to turn to. They provide a listening ear and sympathetic voice to the bereaved, because they have been there too. They assist veteran's families in understanding and obtaining the benefits provided by the government for veteran's families. And they make sure that the Nation never forgets those sacrifices made by the men and women of the Armed Forces.

My condolences go out to any family member that has lost a spouse, a child, or a parent in the service of their country. That is why I am proud to speak today on behalf of this bill that recognizes the sacrifice made by mothers of this country, by observing Gold Star Mothers Day. I also commend President Obama for his proclamation on September 24th, asking the public to observe this special day with them.

Madam Speaker, it is with great sadness that I rise today to memorialize a beloved young member of our Harlem community, DeAnte Pierre Wilson, whose mass will be celebrated on Saturday, November 20, 2010 at Kelly Temple Church Of God In Christ in my congressional district.

His unexpected and untimely passing has left behind a deeply felt void within his church, the Kelly Temple COGIC, where he served as youth minister. That deeply felt void is also extended to his family and friends at the Harlem Hospital Center, where he worked and was admired by all he came into contact. For a man who chose the path to deliver and mentor God's ministry at a very young age and open the hearts of all us with his amazing smile, the loss of DeAnte Pierre Wilson is especially profound to me and to the greater Harlem community in which he lived and served.

Mr. DeAnte Pierre Wilson was born in Gastonia, North Carolina on November 30, 1981. After completing his schooling in the Gastonia School District, DeAnte attended World Harvest Bible College, placing his spiritual path in God's unyielding hands. Even at a young age, DeAnte managed to touch the hearts of people as he was called to preach at the age of 16.

DeAnte Pierre Wilson relocated and established his roots in Harlem, New York, where he joined Kelly Temple Church Of God In Christ. DeAnte cultivated his spiritual activism and under the leadership of Bishop James H. Gaylord, he was appointed youth president, where he served faithfully until 2007. His primary goal was to encourage the youth of the church, and the community at large to aspire for greatness and perfection. DeAnte could often be found mentoring and counseling a young person, giving them the push needed to reach their set goals and potential.

In 2008, DeAnte was ordained elder in the Church Of God In Christ in Brazil, during the time of their Holy Convocation. He then returned to Kelly Temple COGIC, and was appointed youth minister for the Youth Department, where he, along with Ms. Angela Williams, instituted Youth Church. DeAnte was instrumental in bringing young people from various congregations to the church to minister to the youth.

I am told that DeAnte had a very extensive resume, but found his calling working with people and doing special events. On December 14, DeAnte joined the Harlem Hospital Center team, working as the Assistant Coordinating Manager in the Office of Special Events. Though his tenure was short, DeAnte managed to touch the lives of many and was especially noted for his pleasantry and poise as he greeted each employee and customer with a smile while working events. DeAnte exhibited world class customer service and expressed a great love for the community he had become a part of. I truly believe that his enjoyment of working with the community led him to enroll in Fordham University and major in political science. He joined the NAACP Mid-Manhattan Branch, where he helped the branch organize a very special Women's History Month event, ``Love in the Time of HIV.'' The tribute highlighted the strengths of ordinary women winning the fight and contributing to their communities, while surviving with HIV/AIDS.

Madam Speaker, DeAnte Pierre Wilson, a giant of a man departed this life on Sunday, November 7, 2010. As it is noted in his obituary, DeAnte will be remembered for his random acts of kindness, his infectious smile, his willingness to strive for greatness, and his drive to push others to their own success. Please join me in celebrating the short-lived life of this amazing spiritual man.

Madam Speaker, I rise today to express my full support for H. Res. 1637, the National Domestic Violence Awareness Month Act. This act recognizes the importance of efforts to raise awareness of this problem nationally, while educating health care workers about the signs of domestic abuse and its long-term effect.

Domestic violence affects people of all races, religions, cultures, gender, age and economic standing. In New York City alone, it is estimated that over 25,000 women suffer some sort of domestic abuse annually. In New York State, over 20,000 women sought assistance from the authorities last year. Although much has been accomplished since the Violent Crime Control and Law Enforcement Act of 1994, much remains to be done.

This is not a problem that affects women alone; children, teenagers, men and the elderly can also be affected, either directly or indirectly. For example, research shows that children who grow up in violent households tend to do badly in school, abuse drugs or alcohol, engage in prostitution or become abusers themselves when they are older. This is why it is important for Congress to broaden and strengthen its efforts in educating the public about this issue.

I commend Rep. Ted Poe of Texas for his legislation recognizing National Domestic Violence Awareness Month and the work that needs to be done, and I urge my colleagues to support this bill. I also commend the work of activists, organizations and law enforcement agencies in raising awareness of this issue.

Mr. Speaker, I yield 1 minute to the gentleman from the sovereign State of New Jersey (Mr. Pascrell).

Mr. Speaker, I yield myself 1 minute.

This is not a tax question. This is a moral question. This is one of the most serious abuses that we have in the Tax Code. It has come before this august body before and it has been supported for sound tax reasons.

We are here today because we were given the opportunity by Mrs. Maloney and Mr. Nadler and the people of the State of New York to bring this before the House, with the support of the Speaker of the House. We had hoped so badly that this bipartisan issue would get a bipartisan vote.

We have an opportunity to say thank you, not for those people who are jobless and helpless, but for those people who gave up their lives and their families that are surviving, and those heroes that came to the site, came to the pile, and exposed themselves to these death- threatening diseases.

We have a chance not to talk about loopholes that we have in our Tax Code, but loopholes we have in the hearts of people who want to say thank you to these brave men and women. From all over the country people came, and they didn't thank New Yorkers, they thanked the people who cared about what was happening to the United States of America.

This flag is up, this flag is waving, and we really hope everyone gets a chance to salute it by saluting these people to be an example for Americans when anybody attacks us.

I reserve the balance of my time.

Mr. Speaker, before I recognize the next speaker, I would just like to say when voters get an opportunity to ask the question, ``and what did you do to help these people who have given so much of their lives to this cause,'' that you just won't have to say that you tried to save jobs through an abusive tax provision.

Our country wants to say thank you. Certainly our New York delegation in Congress does too.

One of our Members felt this strongly. He felt it as an American, but he felt it also as a relative that had lost so much in this attack on the United States of America.

For purposes of closing, Mr. Speaker, I recognize Joseph Crowley from the State of New York.

Let me congratulate the chairman and the ranking member of Ways and Means for coming together to have this civil type of discourse, having our staffs work together, agreeing on some things, disagreeing on others, but showing that bipartisanship, while it might be in intensive care, at least on the Ways and Means Committee it is not dead.

Mr. Speaker, we do recognize that there is a split among business people as to whether or not we should go forward with this bill that would point out to China, as so many developing countries would like to, but they certainly don't have our leverage, that it is time that they be fair in terms of international trade.

Those people who buy from China and enjoy the lower prices, I can understand why they would not support the equity that we are seeking in international affairs, as well as in the WTO.

But for those Americans who take a deep-seated pride when they see ``made in the USA,'' when we know we can make it in the USA with jobs, then we don't get excited about the number of jobs that occur in China, but believe that it is patriotic, and if it hasn't reached that level, then certainly it is in the best interests of the United States of America, to say that we supported you, we supported you in getting into the World Trade Organization, with that comes some obligation. And if the President cannot succeed in persuading them, as he said, there are other means which we can use as a nation to encourage them to do the right thing.

So, Mr. Speaker, I hope that the chairman here and the ranking member could find some other things before we go home that we can come together on. But until that happens, congratulations to both of you.

Madam Speaker, I stand before you today to recognize the late Lois Mailou Jones, a renowned American artist and educator who died in 1993 at the age of 93. One of the longest living painters of the Harlem Renaissance, she influenced many emerging African-American artists during and since that historic period.

Her work will be on exhibit at the National Museum of Women in the Arts, in Washington, D.C., October 9, 2010 to January 9, 2011.

Lois Mailou Jones (1905-1998) explored multiple themes and styles, poetically portraying African-American struggles in her work which included paintings, drawings and textile designs. For over fifty years, she consistently experimented with new techniques and inspired others to innovate. This led to many collaborations with her Harlem Renaissance contemporaries, from drawing illustrations for Langston Hughes to working alongside Carter G. Woodson, her significance during this period has been acknowledged.

As a long-time professor at Howard University, she shaped generations of students and upcoming artists. She enhanced their learning experience with painting tours outside of the classroom, convinced the exposure would help them become better artists. This included travels as near as the local park to as far away as Paris and Africa.

Born in Boston, MA, but traveling frequently throughout her career, her artwork consistently captured what was relevant in her life. After marrying Haitian artist Louis Vergniaud Pierre-Noel in 1953, Jones traveled and lived in Haiti and in those pieces one can see the influence of the Haitian culture, with its African influences and more colorful creations.

Her race and gender contributed to a long and challenging path before receiving recognition for her work, but eventually the accolades came. President Jimmy Carter honored Jones for her outstanding achievements in the arts in 1980, and in the last ten years of her life both President Bill Clinton and French President Jacques Chirac met the artist and collected her work. Lois Mailou Jones continued to create her vibrant paintings until her death in 1998.

A unique synthesis of African, Haitian, Parisian, and American iconography, Jones' work remains a remarkable contribution to the world of art. Her paintings grace the permanent collections of the Metropolitan Museum of Art, National Museum of American Art, Hirshhorn Museum and Sculpture Garden, National Portrait Gallery, Boston Museum of Fine Arts, the National Palace in Haiti, the National Museum of Afro-American Artists and private collections around the world.

At this time, I would like to also honor the current Trustees of the Lois Mailou Jones Pierre Noel Trust: Robert W. Jones, Chris Chapman, MD, and Larry Frazier, Esq.

Madam Speaker, we recognize this distinguished artist and offer recognition of her contributions made to this genre.

Madam Speaker, I rise today to support House Resolution 1610 commemorating the tragic loss of lives on September 11, 2001. I commend Representative Hoyer and Representative Boehner for taking the initiative on this important bill and I wholeheartedly join in embracing the sentiments contained therein.

The morning of September 11, 2001, is indelibly imprinted in the hearts and minds of all Americans. Nine years later, our country is still mourning the 2752 innocent lives lost.

In the midst of the horrific attacks on American soil, we also witnessed boundless bravery, selfless sacrifice and heartfelt humanity. On September 11 we saw everyday Americans become heroes--ordinary men and women who, under exceptional circumstances, acted extraordinarily. We remember the pedestrians on streets near the Trade Center Towers offering their assistance at extreme peril. We remember the passengers and crew aboard United Airlines Flight 93, saving the lives of countless others at the expense of their own. We remember the acts of support from our allies at home and abroad.

In the aftermath of 9/11, we remain resolute in our commitment to defeating al-Qaeda and the Taliban. Our Armed Forces abroad are at the ready to defend us from further terrorist attacks. Let us be clear--we are not fighting against Islam; we are fighting against extremists who threaten to destroy our lives and freedoms.

We have not and we will not surrender to fear, violence and extremist acts. We have stood up for and will continue to stand up for our American values of liberty, justice and tolerance.

Madam Speaker, it brings me sadness and honor to pay final tribute to LT Vernon J. Baker, United States Army. He passed away on Tuesday, July 13, 2010, at the age of 90, due to complications of brain cancer at his home near St. Manes, Idaho. He will be laid to rest at Arlington National Cemetery on September 24, 2010.

Vernon Baker, a black U.S. soldier, belatedly received the Medal of Honor for his World War II battlefield valor after historians concluded he had been wrongly denied the military's top award because of racial prejudice.

Baker, who was born in 1919 in Cheyenne, Wyoming, and orphaned as a small child, was raised by his grandparents in Cheyenne. While working as a railroad porter, he decided to join the U.S. Army in mid-1941, a few months before Pearl Harbor. At his first attempt to enlist, in April 1941, he was turned away, the recruiter stating ``We don't have any quotas for you people.'' Undaunted, he tried again weeks later with a different recruiter and was accepted. He requested to become a quartermaster but was instead assigned to the infantry.

In 1944, Second Lieutenant Baker was sent to Italy with a full platoon of 54 men, assigned to the all-black 92nd Infantry Division. Despite being wounded in the arm in October of that year and hospitalized near Pisa, he rejoined his unit in reserve along the Gothic Line in December.

On April 5, during his company's attack against a strongly entrenched enemy in mountainous terrain near Viareggio, Italy, his company was stopped by the concentration of fire from several machine gun emplacements. He crawled to one position and destroyed it, killing three Germans. Continuing forward, he attacked an enemy observation post and killed two occupants. With the aid of one of his men, Lieutenant Baker attacked two more machine gun nests, killing or wounding the four enemy soldiers occupying these positions. He then covered the evacuation of the wounded personnel of his company by occupying an exposed position and drawing the enemy's fire. In all, Baker and his platoon killed 26 Germans and destroyed six machine gun nests, two observer posts, and four dugouts.

After the end of the war, Baker remained in Europe with the Allied occupation forces until 1947. He later joined the Army Airborne forces and left the military in 1968 as a first lieutenant. It was after these years of service that Baker returned to his northern Idaho home.

President Bill Clinton presented the Medal of Honor, the nation's highest award for battlefield valor, to Baker in 1997. He was one of just seven black soldiers to receive it and the only living recipient. The other six soldiers received their awards posthumously.

Due to the racial and social strife prevalent in the 1940s, no black soldiers were awarded the Medal of Honor during World War II, although, Baker did receive the Purple Heart, a Bronze Star and Distinguished Service Cross. Reflecting on life in a segregated Army unit, Baker told The Washington Post, ``I was an angry young man. We were all angry. But we had a job to do, and we did it.'' He added that he ``knew things would get better, and I'm glad to say that I'm here to see it.''

Baker's actions on the front line demonstrated better than words can describe why discrimination and segregation in the military was both unfair and absolutely inconsistent with an effective fighting force. He demonstrated a degree of courage few people have. ``He was prepared to give his life for his country--a country in which he was considered a second-class citizen,'' said U.S. Representative Walt Minnick.

Vernon J. Baker was a great American hero who will forever be remembered as someone who overcame unfair barriers and prejudice to change the course of history. He will be greatly missed; however, his legacy will live on as a source of inspiration for generations to come. I extend my sincere condolences to his family in the wake of this tremendous loss and share their enormous pride in all that he accomplished.

Madam Speaker, I rise today to express my full support for H. Res. 1577, a bill observing the fifth anniversary of the date on which Hurricane Katrina devastated the Gulf Coast. I thank Congressman Anh Joseph Cao for introducing this bill to give us the opportunity to honor and remember the 1,822 lives lost on that fateful day. We also salute the dedicated volunteers who assisted those affected by the storm and aided efforts to rebuild the affected Gulf region.

We celebrate and commemorate the progress made by New Orleans as rebuilding continues and recovery moves forward. The New Orleans Metropolitan area has recovered more than 90 percent of its population and 85 percent of its jobs since the flooding occurred, moving unemployment in the area below the national average.

However, we must not forget that despite these successes, the Gulf Coast still faces challenges that must be addressed. Thousands of residents of the Gulf Coast remain displaced; some are homeless. We will overcome these challenges if we remain strong and unified. President Obama appropriately has reminded us that the legacy of Katrina must be ``not one of neglect, but of action; not one of indifference, but of empathy; not of abandonment, but of a community working together to meet shared challenges.'' Indeed, as we observe this fifth anniversary of Hurricane Katrina, we are encouraged to persevere and remain strong.

Madam Speaker, I rise to a point of personal privilege.

My dear friends and colleagues, I rise to the floor because the newspapers and the media have indicated that there is a concern about some of the Members in this House that I retire or remove myself from this body. And I have always tried to play by the rules. And I cannot think of anybody that has encouraged me to speak here.

I want to thank all of you who are concerned about me for saying that, you know, a guy's a fool to represent himself, as some of the people have said. But I have been losing a lot of sleep over these allegations, and my family and community. And some of these rules that they have is that I am restricted by confidentiality. But for years I have been saying, No comment, no comment, no comment to a lot of serious allegations because I could not comment, and I would refer them to the Ethics Committee.

When the Ethics Committee finally brought out their statement of alleged violations, it was a long list of things, and somehow the chairman of the subcommittee of investigation indicated that I had received a lot of offers to settle this thing so that it would not cause embarrassment to my Democratic friends, and that I had been offered a reprimand. And a lot of people kind of felt that that sounded like a wonderful opportunity to remove this so that I could leave the Congress with some degree of dignity.

Why, even some people said that the President had suggested that his life might be made easier if there was no Charlie Rangel so-called scandal. But I interpret it another way. I think when the President said that he wanted me to end my career in dignity, he didn't put a time limit on it. And I would think that his concern would be that if any Member of the House of Representatives has been accused of serious crimes or allegations, that somehow within the process, even though we are not entitled to a court process, there has to be some process in which the Member has an opportunity to tell his constituents, his family, and his friends what he didn't believe.

So when the chairman of the investigative committee said I had been offered a settlement, it reminded me of something that I will devote my retiring years to besides education, which is the major thrust of my attempt here, is that those of you that come anywhere near criminal courts, we have a terrible thing that happens throughout these United States. And that is that someone gets arrested for a very serious crime, and they get their lawyer, and the lawyer explains that, I think it's better that you plead guilty to a lesser crime. And he says, Well, I am not only not guilty, but I don't even know what's involved here. They said, Well, listen, we are not suggesting that you plead guilty if you are innocent, but we think you ought to know that this judge, if you are found guilty, is going to send you away for 20 years. On the other hand, you have no offenses, you are a first offender, and if you could just forget about this thing and explain later what happened.

So he continues to tell his lawyer that, hey, I am willing to admit what I have done wrong, and I have done some things wrong, but I shouldn't have to anyway. He says, listen, we would never tell you to quit or resign. We are just telling you that it would be easier for us if this were not an issue. But knowing the President as I do, I think he believes that dignity means that everybody is entitled to be judged for allegations against them.

Now, what is working against me? We come back to this House because the Speaker has called us here in order to make certain that we provide resources for governors and mayors to maintain our teachers and our firefighters, and Rangel is not on the schedule for anything. Which is okay, because I know that the members of the committee, they work hard, it is a selfless job. God knows I wouldn't take it. I respect the time that they have placed on this. And it has been almost 2 years.

But I have a primary that takes place a couple of days before they even thought about meeting. And then I found out from my lawyer that even when they meet on the 13th of September, there is no trial date for then.

So I don't want to be awkward and embarrass anybody. As a matter of fact, those people that believe that their election is going to be dependent on me resigning, I would like to encourage Democrats to believe, I think Republicans have given you enough reason to get reelected, and they continue to do something.

But quite frankly, I think I have given. I mean, a lot of people don't know, but when the--well, I don't want to be critical of the Ethics Committee because my lawyer said you can't get

annoyed with them because there still may be room for settlement. And I thought about it.

Well, when I found out that one of the Republicans that will be sitting on what they call the adjudication committee had made remarks condemning me for my contribution to City College, that it was a Rangel thing, an ego thing and a corrupt thing, and he was going to judge me, I asked my lawyer, I said, well, how can they do that? They said well, the Ethics Committee can do what they want.

I said, well, do me a favor. I have paid close to $2 million. I continue to owe you money. And you are telling me that you have no idea when there is going to be a hearing, and every time I talk with you there are six or seven lawyers. I said, do me a favor. I said Friday, let's see what happens today in terms of reaching out to settle this thing, because I can't afford to be represented by counsel.

Each and every day the expenses build up, and I think that I have an obligation to younger Members of Congress to be able to tell them if you couldn't raise the $2 million, you are out of business, no matter what the allegations are, because no one is going to read the defense. And, of course, just the allegations by themselves with Members who have close districts, Republicans and Democrats, they would be out of business. So I am here because I could afford lawyers for close to 2 years, but everyone would know that there comes a limit.

So I told them, just put everything on hold. See what happens when we meet here. And, guess what? Nothing happened. There is no agenda. So what they are saying is that, well, the Ethics Committee will be leaving for Members to be able to work in their districts and to get reelected, and I am having a primary that I have to wait until after my primary to find out when the Ethics Committee intends to have a hearing. And then that hearing comes just before, maybe, the general election.

There must be something wrong with the rules, because people would advise me that I can only hurt myself by coming before this committee. Nobody has tried to protect the integrity of the Congress with 2 years, almost 2 years of investigation. They said the mistakes that Rangel has made should be public, and it should have been public earlier than now. And I couldn't say anything because I didn't want to offend and don't want to offend the Ethics Committee. But the Ethics Committee won't even tell me when I am going to have a hearing.

And, heck, people who are concerned about me, I am 80 years old. I don't want to die before the hearing. And I think my electorate are entitled to find out who their Congressman for 40 years is. Who am I? Am I corrupt? Did I get a nickel? What did they offer me. And I want to be a role model for new Members and tell them the mistakes I made so they don't make them.

So they list foundations that specialize in providing funds for education for kids. So I am convinced that the President wants some dignity in knowing that not only am I one of his strongest supporters, but I know that you know that unless we are able to provide education for every child that is there, almost by any means possible, that our Nation's national security is being threatened by foreigners, our ability to be ahead of the curve in terms of trade. And nobody is more supportive of the President in trade. Clear up some of the things in the Korean bill so you don't hurt us. Clean up a little corruption and violence in Colombia and move on with the thing. So the whole idea is really me trying to have some dignity in making certain that America is stronger.

Now, the thing is that in the haste of sending out hundreds of letters, never asking for a penny, but still suggesting I wish you would meet with these people, because I knew that I would hope that they would convince them to provide money. Now, a lot of people have done that. That doesn't mean it is right. But the rules have changed. So there has to be a penalty for grabbing the wrong stationery and not really doing the right thing.

But it is not corrupt. It may be stupid, it may be negligent, but it is not corrupt. And there is no indication that any sworn committee would say I received a benefit.

Some might say that the benefit was that you have a legacy with your name up there. Well, I wish you would go to my Web site to take a look at my answers. This is a broken-down building that you have to run away from if someone is going to put your name on it. But it is still there.

Then they say that I would receive a luxurious office. The sworn testimony was they never told me they were giving it to me. Who the heck needs an office with 40 years of service in the Congress in a broken down building? Then they said, hey, we didn't ask him. We just put it in there so that we encourage people to put it in there. They said the name they thought was not a benefit for me, but a benefit in order to get money.

So I can't imagine why, in the course of all of these things, that I used government personnel, I didn't buy stamps--well, if you think that it is official and you are wrong, then I violated the franking benefits.

And at the end of the day, the inferences are very serious, and mistakes can be made and these things shouldn't have happened. But I can't walk away and have you guys doing your campaign because I am annoying, and the action is out there calling me corrupt.

And no one is coming forward saying Rangel is not corrupt. Rangel didn't make a nickel. No witness ever said there was preferential treatment given. And the one guy that had an issue before the Senate, staff, Republicans, everybody said it never came before the House but they keep putting it down there. And guess what? It was the district attorney of New York over 40 years that suggested that I meet with him because he was in the education philanthropic business, in addition to having business in the Senate, which Republicans and Democrats say never came to the Ways and Means Committee, and staff certainly can prove it.

I don't know how far to go with making a mistake and trying to help kids, but you have to be very careful, new Members, of making certain when they change the rules that you know what happens. And I'm prepared to say I'm sorry for any embarrassment that has caused.

Another issue has to do with having an office, a congressional office, in the building that I live in. Now, forever people have said that I have taken advantage and had four rent-controlled, stabilized apartments. Nobody has said that the Ethics Committee never found four stabilized apartments. No one said I broke any laws. No one said that the apartment that they considered two had always been considered one at the least. No one said that 10 years ago there was an apartment, one-bedroom apartment, that I got for my family, for my political friends that I no longer have. But the concern was, well, how do you explain the congressional office?

Well, let's read the landlord's testimony. He said he was 20 percent vacant, that he needed money, that he knew that the checks were paid by the congressional committee, that the mail came in there ``Rangel for Congress,'' and that the lawyers have told him and the officials of the city and State of New York that there was no violation of any law or rules.

And what was the benefit? The benefit was that your colleague and friend was not sensitive to the fact that there was appearance as though I was being treated differently than anyone else. But the landlord said he didn't treat me any differently, no one said that they did treat me differently, but I have to admit that I wasn't sensitive to anything because I never felt then that I was treated any differently than anybody else. And so that ends the apartment thing, but I plead guilty of not being sensitive.

Now when it comes to the negligence of the disclosures and the tax issues, there is absolutely no excuse that's there. When accusations were made, I hired a forensics accountant and told them to check out what the heck is going on, because I want to make certain that when I stand up and speak, that it's true.

Well, after I found out it was far more serious than the accusations, I then referred it to the Ethics Committee. It wasn't as though someone tracked me down, the IRS or the Clerk of the House. I filed the correct papers.

And the taxes that were paid, an accountant might say that, had my accountant recognized that this $32,000 down payment for a house in the Dominican Republic that was promised to be paid for in 7 years would be a complete failure, and if indeed they did not give me one nickel, but whenever they thought they were making a dollar or two, they reduced the mortgage, then there is no question--you don't have to be a tax expert to know that if you didn't report that income, notwithstanding the fact that if you had done the right thing you would have no liability because the taxes that were paid to the Dominican Republic would have been deducted and with depreciation I would have no liability.

Having said that, is that an excuse that is worthy? Of course not. And the fact that there was negligence on the part of the person that for 20 years did it and the fact that I signed it does not really give an excuse as to why I should not apologize to this body for not paying the attention to it that I should have paid to it. But there is not one scintilla bit of evidence that the negligence involved in the disclosures, that there was some way to hide from the public what I had because the value of the property, they would say, was $25,000, $100,000, $200,000--whatever it would be--that it didn't make any sense that I was trying to disclose it.

So why did I take the floor today when I haven't found one lawyer that said I should do it, I haven't even found one friend that said I should do it, but I thought about it. If the lawyers are going to continue to charge me--and I don't even know when the hearing is going to be, and I can't tell them I want one and not six lawyers--I don't want to offend the Ethics Committee. They're doing the best they can.

But I'm in the position that, hey, I'm 80 years old. All my life has been, from the beginning, public service. That's all I've ever done, been in the Army, been a State legislator, been a Federal prosecutor, 40 years here. And all I'm saying is that if it is the judgment of people here, for whatever reason, that I resign, then, heck, have the Ethics Committee expedite this. Don't leave me swinging in the wind until November.

If this is an emergency--and I think it is to help our local and State governments out--what about me? I don't want anyone to feel embarrassed, awkward. Hey, if I was you, I may want me to go away, too. I am not going away. I am here.

I'm not saying there is any partisanship in this. Because if I knew of all the people that have been accused of accusations, I'm in a close district and they were Republicans, I would give a couple of moments of thought to see whether or not--especially if I didn't have anything to work with to get reelected--I would say, hey, take a look at these Republicans. They've been accused.

But I don't really think that the unfairness of this is to me. I don't take it personally. I'm thinking about all of you.

If the President wants dignity, let's have dignity in this House where the Ethics Committee means something and that none of you, if the newspapers say anything, will have to wait 2 years before you can say ``no comment.''

And, in addition to that, once they make the accusations, they have no business making any mistakes in saying that I didn't cooperate. I've got papers with my signature on it. I've got papers that said I tried my darnedest. I've got papers where my lawyer tells me she had every reason to believe that the full committee would sign on there. There was space for people to sign. I'm the only one signing. I don't know what changed their minds about settling this case.

But my lawyer says, don't offend them. My friends say, don't go to the floor. And I say, what are you going to do me? Suppose I do get emotional, suppose I do think of my life, the beginning and the end, are you going to expel me from this body? Are you going to say that, while there is no evidence that I took a nickel, asked for a nickel, that there is no sworn testimony, no conflict, that I have to leave here?

As much as I love you Democrats that figure it would be easier for you, I'm the guy that was raising money in Republican districts to get you here, but that doesn't mean that I criticize you for saying, hey, that's great then, but I'm running for reelection now. I mean, do what you have to do.

And, Republicans, hey, you don't have much to run on, but, what the hell, if Rangel is an embarrassment based on newspaper articles, I can see why you would do it.

But think. Think. Isn't this historically the first time that it appears as though partisanship has entered the Ethics Committee? Isn't it historically the first time that the recommendations of the subcommittee of investigation is turned down? And, darn, who in the heck would want somebody who politically called you ``corrupt'' to be the ranking bipartisan guy to judge you?

Now I don't expect answers today, and I know you're going home, and I wish all of you well. But at the end of the day, somebody, somebody has to do more than wish I go away. Somebody has to tell me, when does Rangel get a chance to talk to witnesses? I haven't talked with any member of the Ethics Committee in terms of settlement. My lawyers have.

I haven't talked with any of the witnesses. And they had to expedite this case. In other words, I have a shorter time to prepare, for reasons that they tell me, don't challenge the Ethics Committee; they make up this stuff as they go along.

My lawyer, I can understand how financially this thing can go on longer than I can afford. But she is willing to assist me in working out something in pro bono, and I will expect the leadership to help me.

Don't let this happen to you. Don't walk away from here because it is convenient that I disappear because not all of you will be able to withstand it, as I have. If there is no issue of corruption, if everybody, including the leader over here, has to start off with what a great American I am before he drops the bomb, well, I think that should count for something. And I am not asking for leniency. I am asking for exposure of the facts. They have made a decision. I want you to make a decision.

Now, I apologize to the leadership. I feel for those people, especially newcomers that love this place so much that, like someone said: Charlie, they all love you. And I paused, and so they finished with: But they love themselves better. I understand that, you know. But for God's sake, just don't believe that I don't have feelings, that I don't have pride, that I do want the dignity that the President has said. And the dignity is that even if you see fit to cause me not to be able to come back, because you are not going to do it in my district, but if there is some recommendation that I be expelled, for me, for me, that would be dignity because it shows openly that this system isn't working for me. And I hope some of you might think, if it doesn't work for me, that it may not work for you.

So I know we are anxious to get home. I know I can't get on the agenda. I know that some time somewhere I will have a hearing. So while you are saying I should resign, I do hope that you might think about what happens if the whole country starts thinking it is better that you resign and don't make anyone feel uncomfortable than to have the truth, at least a person an opportunity to say you have made alleged violations. I'm saying you are wrong based on sworn testimony. And I want somebody, and I don't think it is going to be people who have been critical of me for doing the same thing that is going to be the judge.

I know outside doesn't count because we judge the conduct of our own Members. Adam Powell knew that when they wouldn't let him be seated; and the courts, of course, overruled it. But if I can't get my dignity back here, then fire your best shot in getting rid of me through expulsion.

Now I apologize for any embarrassment that I have caused. I'm prepared to admit, and try to let young people know that you never get too big to recognize that these rules are for junior Members, as they are for senior Members, and that you can't get so carried away with good intentions that you break the rules because the rules are there to make certain that we have some order, some discipline and respect for the rules.

And I violated that, and I am apologizing for it. And I don't think apologies mean that this is a light matter. It is very serious.

But corruption? No evidence, no suggestion that this was ever found. And

lastly, I close by saying that there is an organization that some of you know, certainly DCCC, National Truth in Government, and whatever, and the only thing I can say that some of my more important Democrats are on the list that sent out mail soliciting money in order to get rid of me even before I became the chairman. They have a Web site that I will be giving you because they got a lot of our Members, including Black Caucus members on their list. One I do remember is send your money in now, we've got Rangel against the ropes and we're going to get rid of him. Everyone knows who they are. They followed me on vacation. They followed me when I was doing business. They're at the airport. They're outside where I live. It is kind of rough.

I'm sensitive to your feelings and the hard work by the Ethics Committee, but this has to stop some time. It has to stop. One month; 1 year; 2 years; primaries; election. And all I'm saying is I deserve and demand the right to be heard. And if I hurt anybody's feelings, believe me, it is the equity and the fairness and the justice that I'm asking for, and not your feelings. We are entitled to our political feelings and what we want done. But we have to respect each other and this institution which I love. I love my country. I love my Congress. And there is nothing I wouldn't do to preserve this from going on. I love the disagreements. I love the debates. I love the arguments. But you are not going to tell me to resign to make you feel comfortable.

So to all of those who tried to help me to help myself, let me appreciate it. And for those who disagree, I'm sorry, but that is one thing you can't take away from me. So thank you for listening. I do hope that you have a pleasant time while you are away. And maybe, just maybe, the members of the Ethics Committee might think about telling me when they think they might have a hearing so that whatever they decide, I can let my constituents, my family, and my friends know that I did the best I could as an American, as a patriot, and someone that loves this country.

Thank you for your attention. Go home.