Floor Statements

I change my vote to no.

Madam President, I enter a motion to reconsider the failed cloture vote.

Now, Madam President, I want to be clear about what just happened on the floor of the Senate. Every single Republican Senator just blocked this Chamber from having a debate--simply a debate--on protecting Americans' right to vote in free and fair elections.

A little over a year ago, our country held the safest, most accessible, most on-the-level elections in modern history. Our former President could not accept defeat with grace. He refused to show fidelity to the democratic process.

Instead, he told a Big Lie--a Big Lie that has now poisoned-- poisoned--the roots of our democracy. Capitalizing on this malicious lie, his acolytes in conservative-controlled legislatures are now passing laws across the country making it harder for younger, poorer, urban, and non-White Americans to participate in our elections.

These laws are a direct attack on our fundamental liberties as American citizens. If there is anything--anything--worthy of the Senate's attention, it is unquestionably this.

And yet, given the chance to respond to an obvious problem, given the chance to merely debate these latest threats against the franchise, Senate Republicans voted unanimously--unanimously--to block any opportunity for action.

Let there be no mistake, Senate Republicans blocking debate today is an implicit endorsement of the horrid new voter suppression and election subversion laws pushed in conservative States across the country. By preventing the Senate from functioning as it was intended, Republicans in this body are permitting States to criminalize giving food and water to voters at the polls. Republicans are saying it's OK to limit polling places and voting hours and shut the doors to more expansive vote by mail.

I mean, my God. Why aren't all of my colleagues outraged by these laws?

Frankly, we haven't heard a clear explanation from Republicans at all because they refused for this Chamber to even hold a debate. It is ludicrous--ludicrous--for them to simply state that the Federal Government has no role to play here. They should read the Constitution of these United States of America. It precisely empowers Congress to regulate the ``times, places, and manners'' of holding elections. The Congress--us. Sometimes the Federal Government has been the only recourse when States conspire to shut voters out.

Madam President, the fight to protect our democracy is far from over in the United States Senate. Senate Democrats have made clear that voting rights is not like other issues we deal with in this Chamber. This isn't about regular old politics. It is not just about even regular old policy. It is about protecting the very soul of this Nation, about preserving our identity as a free people who are masters of our own destiny.

Republican obstruction is not a cause for throwing in the towel. As soon as next week, I am prepared to bring the John Lewis Voting Rights Advancement Act here to the floor.

What we saw from Republicans today is not how the Senate is supposed to work. This is supposedly the world's greatest deliberative body, where we debate, forge compromise, amend, and pass legislation to help the American people. That is the legacy of this great Chamber. The Senate needs to be restored to its rightful status as the world's greatest deliberative body.

Now, in the aftermath of the Civil War, and as the Nation began the colossal work of Reconstruction, America was more divided than at any point in history. It was hard to imagine that a single nation could endure after the bloody conflict of the four previous years.

At the time, the Republican Congress set to work on granting newly freed slaves the basic freedoms that had long been denied to them. These freedoms were eventually enshrined in the 14th and 15th Amendments, granting due process and the right to vote to all citizens, regardless of color or race.

Today, these amendments rank as some of the greatest and most revered accomplishments in congressional history. They are proof that our country is capable of living up to its founding promise, if we are willing to put in the work.

But at the time, the minority party in both Chambers refused to offer a single vote for any of the civil rights legislation put forward during Reconstruction. Not one vote. Not one vote. They argued these bills represented nothing more than the partisan interests of the majority--a power grab, they said, from vengeful northerners.

But that didn't stop the majority. If expanding basic freedoms meant going it alone, that was something they were willing to do. Today, we feel the same way.

To the patriots after the Civil War, this wasn't partisan; it was patriotic. And American democracy is better off today because the patriots in this Chamber at that time were undeterred by minority obstruction. Again, today, we feel the same way.

Today, the question before the Senate is how we will find a path forward on protecting our freedoms in the 21st century.

Members of this body now face a choice. They can follow in the footsteps of our patriotic predecessors in this Chamber, or they can sit by as the fabric of our democracy unravels before our very eyes.

I ask unanimous consent that the Senate resume consideration of the Lin nomination.

Mr. President, last night, I began the process for the Senate to hold a vote on the Freedom to Vote Act, a commonsense proposal that would make it easier for every eligible American to participate in free and fair elections.

The bill, which my colleagues, including yourself, very diligently have worked on for months to put together will set basic standards to improve ballot access across the country, end partisan gerrymandering, and fight the influence of dark money and special interests in our politics. It will go a long way toward restoring people's faith in our democracy while respecting the role of States in administering elections.

Every Senate Democrat has united around this legislation, and I thank all of my colleagues, including you, Mr. President, who worked so hard on this bill. I especially want to thank my friend Senator Manchin, who has spent weeks reaching out to our Republican colleagues in an effort to find common ground. I applaud him for his commitment to trying to get something done on this issue in a bipartisan way if we can.

The clock is ticking for this Chamber to take meaningful action to protect Americans' right to the franchise. So, tomorrow, the Senate will vote on cloture on the motion to proceed to the Freedom to Vote Act.

Every Senator will have to answer a straightforward question: Should the Senate be allowed to simply begin a debate on voting rights, as has been done many times throughout our history? That is what tomorrow's vote is about: Do the Members of this Chamber think protecting our democracy is worthy of even a debate in the Senate?

Senate Democrats think it absolutely is. If our Republican colleagues don't like our ideas for fighting voter suppression and guarding against election subversion, then they ought to tell us what they have in mind. If they are so confident of their position, then let's debate the issue on the Senate floor. What is there to be afraid of by allowing simply a debate?

Democrats are ready to work with Republicans in good faith if they vote to begin a debate on voting rights. We know disagreements run deep. We don't hide from that. But if our Republican colleagues have good ideas, we will work with them. We will listen to them, and if these ideas are truly aligned with the goals of this bill to protect our democracy, we will work to include them in the final text.

What Republicans should not do--what they must not do--is squelch any chance for the Senate to debate something as critical and sacrosanct as the right to vote, nor should they pretend like the Federal Government has no role to play in protecting our democracy. On the contrary, throughout history, the Federal Government has sometimes been the only remedy when States try to suppress the vote. And no honest observer can look at the way the States have changed election laws this last year and pretend that there is nothing malicious afoot.

As Senator Manchin said earlier this year regarding congressional action on voting rights, inaction is not an option. Let me repeat that because this is one place where Senator Manchin and I agree. As Senator Manchin said earlier this year regarding congressional action on voting rights, ``Inaction is not an option.'' Inaction is not an option. I agree. All 49 other Democrats agree with Senator Manchin. Inaction is not an option.

The Senate can rise to the task if given the chance, but its Members must vote to begin debate first.

Mr. President, now on Build Back Better, for decades now, millions of families in this country have found the basic American promise that if you work hard, then you can have a better life for yourselves and your loved ones, the proverbial American dream--Americans have found it is getting harder to reach. That is what creates a sourness in the land. That sunny optimism so crucial to our identity has receded away from view.

Democrats have promised to do something about it. When Senate Democrats secured our majority this year, we committed to delivering on the trust that the American people placed in us and to respond to the challenge of our times. That is why we immediately set to work and passed the American Rescue Plan to propel our economy out of the crisis of COVID. And that has been the driving force behind our efforts to make President Biden's Build Back Better agenda into law.

Last night, I continued my discussions with Speaker Pelosi and President Biden as we work to an agreement on legislation we can bring to the floor. I know that, throughout the day, the President will meet with a number of Members from both Chambers, and, as the week progresses, I will continue to hold talks with my colleagues as we move forward to the finish line.

Here is what matters: Build Back Better legislation is going to dramatically improve the lives of tens of millions of American families for years to come. Something that impactful is not an easy feat, but we are going to keep working. By passing this legislation, we can create good-paying jobs for this generation and the next; we can lower costs and cut taxes for American families while taking overdue steps to meaningfully address the climate crisis.

We still have work to do, but we are going to continue at it until-- until the job is done.

I yield the floor.

Pursuant to S. Res. 27, the Committee on Banking, Housing, and Urban Affairs being tied on the question of reporting, I move to discharge the Senate Committee on Banking, Housing, and Urban Affairs from further consideration of Brian Eddie Nelson, of California, to be Under Secretary for Terrorism and Financial Crimes.

I ask for the yeas and nays.

Madam President, for the information of the Senate, we expect the vote to discharge the nomination to occur about 5:30 p.m. today.

I yield the floor.

Madam President, I move to proceed to legislative session.

Madam President, I ask unanimous consent that the Senate proceed to legislative session and be in a period of morning business, with Senators permitted to speak therein for up to 10 minutes each.

Madam President, I move to proceed to executive session to consider Calendar No. 254.

Madam President, I send a cloture motion to the desk.

Madam President, I move to proceed to legislative session.

Madam President, I move to proceed to executive session to consider Calendar No. 187.

Madam President, I send a cloture motion to the desk.

Madam President, I move to proceed to legislative session.

Madam President, I move to proceed to executive session to consider Calendar No. 338.

Madam President, I proudly send a cloture motion to the desk.

Madam President, finally, I ask unanimous consent that the mandatory quorum calls for the cloture motions filed today, October 19, be waived.