Mr. Chair, I want to start off by thanking the chair and ranking member for supporting these two amendments, one in this bloc, one in the next bloc. The first amendment will authorize the Hacking for Defense, or H4D, Program. This is an…
Mr. Chair, I want to start off by thanking the chair and ranking member for supporting these two amendments, one in this bloc, one in the next bloc.
The first amendment will authorize the Hacking for Defense, or H4D, Program. This is an innovative program developed in Silicon Valley with the help of battlefield-experienced Iraq and Afghanistan veterans, and it finds unique solutions to national security problems.
First taught at Stanford, H4D uses lean business startup methods to engage America's best and brightest in solving real security challenges faced by the DOD.
Rapid, low-cost technological innovation is what makes Silicon Valley revolutionary, but the DOD hasn't historically had the mechanisms in place to harness this American advantage.
Hacking for Defense creates ways for talented scientists and engineers to work alongside with veterans, military leaders, and business mentors to innovate solutions that make America safer. For example, a July 7 New York Times article details how an H4D graduate, Capella Space, is helping track North Korean nuclear capabilities, helping to try to make our world safer.
Mr. Chairman, I include in the Record this article, along with these letters of support from universities and tech communities---
[From the New York Times, July 7, 2017]
Tiny Satellites Will Track North Korea Missiles
(By David E. Sanger and William J. Broad; Eric Schmitt contributed
reporting)
For years before North Korea fired its first
intercontinental ballistic missile this week,
the Pentagon and intelligence experts had sounded a warning:
Not only was the North making progress quickly, spy satellite
coverage was so spotty that the United States might not see a
missile being prepared for launch.
That set off an urgent but quiet search for ways to improve
America's early-warning ability--and the capability to strike
missiles while they are on the launchpad. The most intriguing
solutions have come from Silicon Valley, where the Obama
administration began investing in tiny, inexpensive civilian
satellites developed to count cars in Target parking lots and
monitor the growth of crops.
Some in the Pentagon accustomed to relying on highly
classified, multibillion-dollar satellites, which take years
to develop, resisted the move. But as North Korea's missile
program progressed, American officials laid out an ambitious
schedule for the first of the small satellites to go up at
the end of this year, or the beginning of next.
Launched in clusters, some staying in orbit just a year or
two, the satellites would provide coverage necessary to
execute a new military contingency plan called ``Kill
Chain.'' It is the first step in a new strategy to use
satellite imagery to identify North Korean launch sites,
nuclear facilities and manufacturing capability and destroy
them pre-emptively if a conflict seems imminent.
Even a few extra minutes of warning might save the lives of
tens of thousands of Americans--and millions of South Koreans
and Japanese who already live within range of the North's
missiles.
``Kim Jong-un is racing--literally racing--to deploy a
missile capability,'' Robert Cardillo, the director of the
National Geospatial-Intelligence Agency, which coordinates
satellite-based mapping for the government, said in an
interview days before North Korea's latest launch. ``His
acceleration has caused us to accelerate.''
The timeline for getting the satellites in orbit, which
defense officials have never discussed publicly, reflects the
urgency of the problem. The missile launch by North Korea on
Tuesday was initiated from a new site, a mobile launcher at
the Pang Hyon Aircraft Factory. Capt. Jeff Davis, a Pentagon
spokesman, said the missile ``is not one we have seen
before.''
That mobility is the problem that the new satellites, with
wide coverage using radar sensors that work at night and
during storms, are designed to address. Less than one-third
of North Korea is under spy satellite coverage at a given
moment.
American intelligence analysts detected indications of an
impending launch in the days before the missile firing,
according to a spokesman for the Defense Intelligence Agency,
Cmdr. William Marks. But even after the launch, the Pentagon
misjudged what it was looking at. Minutes after its 37-minute
flight ended, the United States Pacific Command described the
missile as an intermediate-range model, often seen.
Hours later, Secretary of State Rex W. Tillerson issued a
very different conclusion: that the North had tested its
first intercontinental ballistic missile, able to reach
Alaska.
The commercial radar push is one of several new ways the
administration is seeking to counter the North Korean threat.
President Trump inherited a secret effort to sabotage the
North's missile launches. But its success has been spotty at
best, especially of late.
And joint American-South Korean missile tests, conducted
hours after the ICBM test, appeared to be part of the new
strategy that includes Kill Chain--the missiles were designed
to reach Pyongyang, where the country's leadership lives.
Kill Chain was also mentioned in a joint statement issued
last week by the United States and South Korea, a notable
shift for the South's new president, Moon Jae-in. He has
rejected public discussion of pre-emptive military action,
arguing it plays into the North Korean paranoia that the
United States and its allies are plotting to end the Kim
government.
Mr. Moon has spoken of reviving direct talks--a so-called
sunshine policy, which he advocated as chief of staff to an
earlier South Korean president.
But Mr. Trump has tried to build pressure, using warships,
sanctions and missile defenses. He was recently presented
with new options, including military ones, for responding to
a sixth nuclear detonation by the North or a test of a
missile that could reach the United States.
``The threat is much more immediate,'' H.R. McMaster, Mr.
Trump's national security adviser, told a conference last
week at the Center for a New American Security in Washington.
``So it's clear that we can't repeat the same approach--
failed approach--of the past.''
The new satellite initiative builds on technology created
more for Wall Street than the Pentagon. From an office in an
old Defense Department building within view of the Google
campus in California, Raj Shah, the director of the Defense
Innovation Unit Experimental, or DIUx, is already investing
in companies that exploit tiny civilian radar satellites,
able to pierce darkness or storms, in hopes that the Pentagon
can use them by the end of the year, or early in 2018.
``It's a very challenging target,'' said Mr. Shah, a former
F-16 pilot in Iraq whose extensive experience in Silicon
Valley appealed to Defense Secretary Ashton B. Carter, who
set up the unit during Mr. Obama's second term and recruited
Mr. Shah.
``The key is using technologies that are already available,
and making the modifications we need for a specific military
purpose,'' Mr. Shah said.
His unit made an investment to jump-start the development
efforts of Capella Space, a Silicon Valley start-up named
after a bright star. It plans to loft its first radar
satellite late this year. The company says its radar fleet,
if successfully deployed, will be able to monitor important
targets hourly.
``The entire spacecraft is the size of a backpack,'' said
Payam Banazadeh, a founder of the company. Born in Iran, he
learned satellite design at the University of Texas and
NASA's Jet Propulsion Laboratory, specializing in
miniaturization.
Once in orbit, the payload, he added, would unfurl its
antenna and solar panels.
``Everything is getting smaller,'' Mr. Banazadeh said of
the craft's parts. ``Even the next version of the satellite
is getting smaller.''
Seeing the early fruits of the Pentagon experiment, the
National Geospatial-Intelligence Agency is opening its doors
to companies that can supply it with satellite radar data in
addition to traditional images. Its outpost, set up this
year, is in San Jose, the heart of Silicon Valley.
Federal officials rarely, if ever, acknowledge the poor
reconnaissance coverage of the North from traditional
military satellites. But William J. Perry, the former
secretary of defense, recently said in Washington that if the
North rolled out a missile to hit the United States or its
allies, ``there's a good chance we'd never see it.''
The threat grew worse last year as North Korea began using
solid fuels after decades of relying on liquid propellants to
power its big rockets and missiles. While liquid-fueled
missiles can take hours or even days of preparation, solid-
fueled missiles can be fired with little or no warning.
Mr. Kim has made the effort a personal project, posing next
to a large solid-fueled motor after a successful ground test
last year. The North followed that firing with four
successful flight tests, twice last year and twice this year.
The advances, said Young-Keun Chang, director of the Global
Surveillance Research Center at the Korea Aerospace
University in Seoul, moved the North significantly closer to
a mobile intercontinental missile that could eventually pose
``a serious potential threat to the United States.''
The key to detecting launch preparations is the near-
constant presence of satellites that can see through clouds,
rain, snow, foliage and camouflage and can detect the
movement of military gear, including missiles. That requires
space-based radars, which over the years have been highly
expensive, with their big antennas and tendency to use large
amounts of power. Like any radar, they fire radio waves at
targets and gather faint echoes.
Space-based radars can also detect changes in ground
elevation that signal hidden tunnels, bunkers and even
radioactive cavities left by nuclear blasts, experts say,
because such hollows cause the surface above them to subside
ever so slightly.
But building the radars has historically been expensive for
the government.
In 2007, the Congressional Budget Office estimated that a
constellation of 21 radar satellites would cost the nation up
to $94 billion--or more than $4 billion each. The report,
published shortly after the North's first nuclear detonation,
zeroed in on whether the satellites could track Korean
missiles on mobile launchers. It called the goal ``highly
challenging,'' and said 35 to 50 spacecraft would be needed
to make such detections rapidly.
The new generation of tiny, cheap satellites has made that
outcome more achievable. Capella plans to loft its first
radar satellite late this year and build up to 36 orbital
radars, within the range the congressional report
recommended.
In addition to Capella, private companies rushing to make
and exploit new generations of small radar satellites include
Ursa Space Systems in Ithaca, N.Y.; UrtheCast in Vancouver,
Canada; and Iceye in Espoo, Finland. Like many new companies
seeking to make small satellites, most have strong ties to
Silicon Valley.
The National Geospatial-Intelligence Agency's initiative,
known as the Commercial Geoint Activity, builds on programs
in which the agency bought radar-satellite data from Canada,
Italy and Germany as part of its evaluation of the new
civilian technologies.
Mr. Cardillo said the new partnerships could help the
United States close the gaps in tracking Mr. Kim's rapidly
expanding arsenal of threatening missiles.
``If any of these companies, new or old, can help fill
those gaps,'' he said, ``then I'm interested.''
Mr. Chair, the second amendment deals with cybersecurity standards.
At the end of 2016, the DOD issued important updated cybersecurity standards for defense contractors. Companies must implement these new standards by January 1, 2018. However, I have heard from a number of small manufacturers in my district that it is very difficult getting the information and expertise necessary to institute these standards. They fear this may mean the end of their companies.
America cannot afford to lose these small businesses, so my amendment encourages the Secretary of Defense to establish a cooperative program between the DOD and MIST to educate and assist small- and medium-sized manufacturing firms in achieving compliance with the updated cybersecurity standards.
This would help improve cybersecurity access across the defense supply chain while also preserving competition for DOD contracts. It has received broad support from the business and technology community.
Mr. Chair, I thank the chair and ranking member for supporting these two amendments in this bloc and the next.
I ask my colleagues to support these amendments.