Mr. Speaker, over the last year and a half, the administration has attempted to make the case that the Iraq war is part of the global ``War on Terror.'' They argued that military action to disarm Iraq would save the United States from…
Mr. Speaker, over the last year and a half, the administration has attempted to make the case that the Iraq war is part of the global ``War on Terror.'' They argued that military action to disarm Iraq would save the United States from being directly attacked by Iraq's weapons of mass destruction, and would also prevent Iraq from giving weapons of mass destruction to terrorist groups that could then launch attacks against the United States.
Of course, no weapons of mass destruction have been found, and there has been no proof offered that legitimately connects Saddam Hussein with the September 11 attacks or the work of the al Qaeda network on September 11.
The war has effectively had the opposite effect of what was desired. Al Qaeda, which was not proven to exist inside of Iraq prior to the war, is now thriving in Iraq and is targeting U.S. soldiers in their war against the United States. The U.S. occupation is fueling internal and regional hatred towards the U.S. and is providing al Qaeda with a recruiting poster for their anti-American ambitions.
The world is considerably less safe because of this endeavor. Terrorist attacks in Saudi Arabia and Turkey, and a complete breakdown in the Israeli-Palestinian conflict, only reinforce that the war in Iraq did not bring peace to the region as President Bush said it would.
Clearly, the mission has not been accomplished. More U.S. troops have died since the end of the war than during combat operations. Last week, the U.S. military launched Operation Iron Hammer, a version of shock and awe, targeted at foreign and nationalist terrorists insurgents whose presence in Iraq is a direct result of the U.S. invasion.
Most of the world's nations view the war and occupation of Iraq to be a U.S. folly. The U.S. is stuck, mostly alone, with a costly, unpopular, and unending occupation of Iraq.
This is why a major change is needed. That is why I believe we need to get the U.S. out and the United Nations in. The U.N. will not go in, however, unless the main focus of resistance and instability, the United States, agrees to pull out.
The U.S. must also renounce all political and economic interests in Iraq. It will be necessary to renounce, clearly and unequivocally, any interest in controlling Iraq's oil resources. The U.N., not the U.S., will administer Iraq's oil revenues.
Under a new U.N. resolution, the U.N. will administer contracts to repair Iraq. War profiteering will no longer be tolerated. It will be necessary to suspend all reconstruction contracts and close the U.S.- led Coalition Provisional Authority, because of the suspicion that various contracts have been given to large American corporations were as a result of political connections. In its place, the U.N. would help Iraqis administer funds to employ Iraqis to repair the damage from the invasion.
I believe if we hand over the security, administrative, and economic responsibilities to the United Nations, member countries would be more inclined to help pull the United States out of this quagmire.
I am not suggesting that we do not have responsibilities there. We need a phase-in of the U.N. force and a phase-out of the U.S., while keeping a Navy fleet to defend the territorial integrity of Iraq from foreign invasion.
The U.S. owes a moral debt to the people of Iraq for the damage caused by the U.S. invasion. The U.S. will also owe a contribution to the U.N. to help Iraq make the transition to self-government.
American taxpayers deserve their contributions to be handled in an accountable, transparent manner. However, Americans are not required to build a state-of-the-art infrastructure as the administration seems to be planning.
All we can do now is to make a dramatic reversal. Of course, we must acknowledge that the continued U.S. military presence in Iraq is counterproductive and destabilizing. We have a choice in front of us: either we change course, withdraw our troops, and request that the U.N. move in and bring the U.N. in and take the U.S. out, or we sink deeper into this occupation, with more U.S. casualties, ever higher financial costs, and diminished security for Americans. I think that we can still turn this around. I think that America can take a new direction.
Today, Mr. Speaker, in the Washington Post on page A21, there is a story called ``Sending a Message,'' and I will include that in the Record of my Special Order. What that does is it talks about the aspects in which the war is escalating and the damage that is occurring to Iraqi communities as a result of U.S. military action. I would suggest that the damage inherent, as is described in this story, is not only to the humble people whose homes are being blown up, but it is also to the U.S. reputation, because as we get into the cycle of violence, we will be digging ourselves in deeper, and we will be distancing ourselves from the world community. This is a time that we need to reach out to the world community, take a new approach, and that will then enable the United States to finally end this unfortunate episode.
``Sending a Message'' With a Show of Force
rural iraqi homes destroyed in u.s. offensive
(By Daniel Williams)
Tikrit, Iraq, Nov. 18.--The house of Omar Khalil Ibrahim is
a flattened jumble of broken bricks and roofing. Three of his
neighbors' homes, still standing, are riddled with big holes
made by tank shells that blasted through two or three walls.
A dead cow lies rotting beside a broken shed.
The scene in central Iraq was the result of a U.S. military
offensive aimed at taking the initiative away from anti-
occupation guerrillas. It is using helicopter gunships, tanks
and Bradley fighting vehicles, as well as an occasional jet
strike, unleashing 500-pound bombs and satellite-guided
rockets.
One high-ranking commander described it as a ``no-holds
barred'' operation. The targets are suspected hideaways,
command centers and safe houses of the elusive guerrillas,
U.S. officials said.
``We have to use these capabilities to take that fight to
the enemy, and why not?'' said Maj. Gen. Charles H. Swannack
Jr., the commander of the 82nd Airborne Division, which
patrols western Iraq. ``That's why we use them. They are the
right systems.''
For all the heavy and sophisticated armaments, the targets
in Hawijat al-Ali, a rural hamlet near Tikrit, are small-
scale. The houses are single-story structures set within
walled rose gardens.
``We were surprised by all the big shooting,'' said Kafi
Khalaf, Ibrahim's wife. ``They spent a lot to get rid of our
houses.''
U.S. military officials say the show of force is a
necessary response to escalating attacks in central Iraq.
Maj. Gordon Tate, a spokesman for the 4th Infantry Division
in Tikrit, said the offensive, which began Oct. 1, picked up
steam after Nov. 2, when guerrillas shot down a U.S. CH-47
Chinook transport helicopter near the western town of
Fallujah, killing 16 soldiers. Rocket and artillery
operations replaced search-and-seizure raids that
characterized U.S. military activity in the summer and early
fall.
``We are sending a message. We are showing we are here,''
Tate said. Among the
weapons now in use are rockets that each disperse 960 little
anti-personnel bombs. Five Iraqis were killed Monday night in
a 4th Infantry Division attack, Tate said.
Tate said that sympathizers of deposed Iraqi president
Saddam Hussein pay mercenaries to harass U.S. troops. ``We
want them to think twice,'' he said. ``They should leave out
of fear or face death.''
To curb the use of roadside bombs that are among the
deadliest weapons employed by Iraqi resistance fighters,
soldiers have orders to shoot and kill anyone seen digging a
hole alongside thoroughfares, Tate said. The same goes for
anyone seen carrying a weapon, he said.
Emphasizing the new get-tough approach, U.S. troops in
dozens of armored vehicles patrolled in convoys throughout
Tikrit Monday. ``They are saying, `I dare you,' '' said
Ashraf Skarki, a farmer. ``The noise and dust, it is all part
of their letter to Tikrit.''
The activity is not limited to this town, which is
notoriously hostile to the U.S. occupation. In Baqubah,
several miles east of Tikrit, a pair of F-15 fighter jets,
launched from Qatar on the Persian Gulf, dropped four 500-
pound bombs Tuesday on some abandoned farmhouses, military
officials said. Apache helicopter gunships and artillery
poured fire on targets on Baqubah's outskirts and then ground
troops pounded the area with 155mm howitzers and 120mm
mortars.
``We have taken action on these targets before, but this is
to demonstrate one more time that we have significant
firepower and we can use it at our discretion,'' said Lt.
Col. Mark Young, commander of the 67th Armor Regiment's 3rd
Battalion, part of the 4th Infantry Division. ``This is the
biggest operation we've had in the Baqubah area in terms of
tonnage and volume'' of munitions, he said.
On Monday, two U.S. soldiers were killed near Balad, about
35 miles from Baqubah, one in a rocket-propelled grenade
attack, the other by a roadside bomb.
``We will not let these insurgents dance on our territory.
We need to maintain an offensive stance and let the enemy
know that we will come down with a heavy hand,'' said Lt.
Col. Steve Russell, a battalion commander with the 4th
Infantry Division.
In Baghdad at mid-evening, U.S. forces fired heavy weapons
at suspected guerrilla positions in the far western part of
the city. A series of blasts reverberated across the capital.
For a second consecutive night, the city was largely blacked
out. U.S. officials blamed the electrical outage on a storm
that they said toppled high-tension wires, although the
weather has been calm for several days all across Iraq.
Exactly who the guerrillas are remains a mystery, even to
commanders on the ground. At a briefing in Baghdad on
Tuesday, Swannack said that 90 percent of the fighters that
U.S. forces have captured or killed were loyalists of Hussein
or Iraqi religious militants. While the Bush administration
has described foreign fighters as posing a mounting threat,
Swannack estimated that only 10 percent of the guerrillas had
come from abroad.
``We are not finding foreign fighters coming across the
borders in significant numbers to do the fighting,'' said
Swannack, whose soldiers patrol a vast swath of Iraq that
borders Syria, Jordan and Saudi Arabia.
Resident of Hawijat al-Ali doubted the offensive in the
Tikrit area would be successful. ``Do they really think
making this kind of ruin will stop the resistance?'' said
Jamal Shahib, who described himself as a shepherd.
Shahib and other residents said U.S. soldiers arrived
Monday night searching for Ali Ahmed Hamid and Hussein Ali,
two teenagers suspected of being members of Saddam's
Fedayeen, a militia created in the 1990s as an irregular
adjunct to Iraq's army and secret police. They did not find
the young men. The soldiers arrested Omar Khalil Ibrahim, 55,
and told the residents to leave their houses. They then
unleashed the barrages of firepower to destroy the
structures.
Everyone denied that anyone had a connection to Saddam's
Fedayeen. One woman, in a fit of emotion, began to chant,
``With our blood and our souls, we will defend you, O
Saddam.''