Mr. Speaker, I rise today with some other colleagues to talk about the important issue of Iran. As you may know, on November 24, a mere 6 days from now, the Joint Plan of Action expires. And what that means is that the United States and…
Mr. Speaker, I rise today with some other colleagues to talk about the important issue of Iran.
As you may know, on November 24, a mere 6 days from now, the Joint Plan of Action expires. And what that means is that the United States and the other P5+1--and that means the permanent members of the Security Council plus another country, six countries--have been negotiating, with the U.S. taking the lead, with Iran to come to some kind of agreement if perhaps Iran would stop its mad quest to develop weapons of mass destruction.
Many of us are concerned, Mr. Speaker, here in Congress that we may not end up with a very good negotiated settlement. Now, the President has said that it is better to have no deal than to have a bad deal, and Secretary of State John Kerry has said the same thing, and that is exactly what we want to see happen.
I am joined tonight by several colleagues who will be talking about this important issue. So I would like to just move right now and yield to a good friend and colleague, a member of the Armed Services Committee, Jackie Walorski of Indiana.
I would like to ask the gentlelady, you mentioned an important point. You talked about what would happen if Iran did, God forbid, achieve the ability to have a nuclear bomb.
What would other countries in the region do? What are some of the countries you feel would be compelled to have their own version of a nuclear weapon?
I appreciate that, and I think we would agree that of the other countries in the region almost without a doubt Saudi Arabia would want its own bomb.
Egypt would want its own bomb. Turkey would want its own bomb. And others. Others would aspire, but they would have the money and possibly the technology to actually achieve that, or buy it from another country.
I thank the gentlelady.
Mr. Speaker, I would now like to invite another Member to speak. Ron DeSantis represents part of the State of Florida, and I am privileged to call him a colleague and a friend. I now yield to Mr. DeSantis.
Mr. Speaker, I would like to ask the gentleman what would happen over in the Senate if Harry Reid were to allow for a vote on, let's say, the Menendez-Kirk language on tougher sanctions if Iran leaves the negotiating table?
It is interesting, it was tough sanctions that brought Iran to the negotiating table in the first place. Now the administration had to be drug kicking and screaming to have tougher sanctions that Congress initiated and pushed for. They ultimately relented and enforced those, and I approve of that. But it was not their initiative. It was Congress's initiative.
Today, as you just said, Ron, Congress is pushing once again, and the administration for some reason is digging in its heels, and yet tougher sanctions is what brought Iran to the table. If Iran is serious about having a deal, what is wrong with saying if it falls apart we will reimpose tougher sanctions, but if you do do an acceptable deal, nothing happens along those lines?
Well, I appreciate your comments and thank you for saying that. Also, let me ask you one further question. You talked about Iran as a state sponsor of terrorism and you touched on the fact that they contributed to the death of some of our finest young men and women in this country who died in Iraq. Can you elaborate on that?
Thank you so much for your remarks. You have helped enlighten everybody on how important it is that we not have a bad deal with Iran. The President has said that no deal is better than a bad deal, and yet I am afraid that is what we are tiptoeing to. And in 6 days, if we don't have a deal, I have no doubt that there will be a request for an extension of time. But I haven't seen up to now, and there are only 6 days left, that this joint plan of action has materialized, has produced any kind of solid deal, and that is very troubling.
Representative DeSantis made a good point about Iran as a state sponsor of terrorism, in fact, the leading worldwide state sponsor of terrorism. That is very troubling. For that reason Congress in the past and the Security Council have said, Iran, you must stop your state sponsor of terrorism. Both the Security Council of the United Nations and Congress have said that you need to stop your ballistic missile program.
Also the Security Council and Congress have said, ``You need to stop your nuclear enrichment program.'' Those three elements are not something that are snatched out of thin air. They have a history. There is a reason why those three things are so troubling to Congress and to the Security Council of the United Nations.
For that reason, I offered an amendment during the discussion of the National Defense Authorization Act on the floor here in the House this summer saying that those three elements need to be part of a comprehensive agreement with Iran. The House went along with that, totally agreed with that.
I want the Senate to act on the NDAA. I hope that they can adopt that same language because, once again--and I will just repeat--that is language that has already been agreed to by the House, by the Senate, by Congress, as well as by the Security Council of the UN.
I want to see, in 6 days, an agreement with Iran where those three elements are dominant, where we have stopping of their nuclear enrichment, stopping of their ballistic missile program, and stopping their state sponsor of terrorism. Anything short of that is going to be very troubling, Mr. Speaker.
I am concerned that we may have an administration that does not enforce those three vital elements of a deal, but they need to be part of a deal.
Our hearts really go out to the families of those who were killed in that sad and tragic terrorist attack in Jerusalem earlier today. It just shows that the Middle East is a very troubled place. There are those who do not want peace, and they will resort to violence and death and destruction. That is a very sad and tragic thing.
When we look at Iran--and we know that Iran wants to destroy Israel-- and
yet Israel is only the Little Satan, the United States is the Great Satan--so when we look at containing Iran, it is not just to protect Israel--although that is important and vital as far as it goes--but also Iran is a threat to Europe, to the United States, to the whole Western World.
Iran has a set of values, at least up until today, where they call Israel the Little Satan and the U.S. the Great Satan.
Just recently, the President of Iran came out with a plan how he would go about destroying Israel. This kind of rhetoric is just unacceptable and tragic. I find it very hard, Mr. Speaker, to trust Iran with a negotiated agreement that doesn't have those verified elements, those three vital elements: stopping their nuclear enrichment, stopping their ballistic missile development, and stopping the state sponsorship of terrorism.
Mr. Speaker, if we don't have a good agreement in 6 days, I am just afraid that we need to reimpose the strong sanctions that brought Iran to the negotiating table in the first place. I know that if the majority leader of the Senate who will be in office for the next 6 weeks or so--Harry Reid--if he were to allow a vote of the Senate, there is no doubt they would agree to stronger sanction language.
The Kirk-Menendez language would do just that. The House previously had passed almost identical language establishing the same doctrine, that if Iran leaves the negotiating table and does not have an acceptable deal with the U.S. and the rest of the P5+1, that we will reimpose tough sanctions.
That obviously was having an effect because that brought them to the negotiating table. We need to have tough sanctions waiting in the wings, waiting in reserve, if Iran does not do the right thing.
I don't understand why the administration is fighting and resisting a vote in the Senate and saying that that will somehow offend or humiliate or drive away the Iranians. It is what brought them to the negotiating table in the first place. They understand strength and force.
Mr. Speaker, there are some people in some countries in this world that view weakness as provocative and they move in and take advantage of that. Iran is one of those countries, history has shown.
If we show strength and resolve and decisiveness to them, then they are more likely to respond in the right way. If we show weakness, then they are more likely to take advantage of that. I think we show strength to Iran during this time of negotiation--we have 6 more days before the deadline--by making a statement that, ``Hey, if you don't back off, then we are going to reimpose these tough sanctions, sanctions that have bite to them.'' That is what brought them to the negotiating table, and it has to be part of what we do going forward.
Mr. Speaker, it is just really important that we show strength to Iran, and we only have 6 days left. We don't want a bad deal, no deal is better than a bad deal, but I am very apprehensive. You have heard from others as well. Up until now, the prognosis hasn't been good. We haven't heard of breakthroughs or concessions in the negotiations.
Mr. Speaker, with those things in mind, I think that we just need to urge the administration to show resolve, to show strength, to allow Congress, especially the Senate which hasn't yet taken a position because they have been denied the ability to vote, although we have done it here in the House, to say, ``Iran, you have to come back to the table and have a serious negotiation where you do agree to stop enrichment, stop ballistic missile production, and stop state sponsorship of terrorism, and if you don't do those things, we will have tougher sanctions come back in force.''
We shouldn't deny the Senate that chance for a vote. We should allow them to have that vote. We have taken that position here in the House. It is the right position.
Mr. Speaker, I just want to thank my colleagues for this time that we have had. We are going to be watching for the next 6 days. I think that it is one of the most vital issues that is hanging out there in world politics today. It affects Israel, but it affects even so much more.
I think the Western World will be totally affected in a negative way if Iran doesn't come clean and have a concession on nuclear enrichment, on state sponsorship of terrorism, and on ballistic missiles.
With that, Mr. Speaker, I yield back the balance of my time.