Floor Statements

Mr. Speaker, I rise to today to ask for the House's support for the Filipino Veterans Family Reunification Act, which I introduced with my colleague Congresswoman Jen Kiggans of Virginia. It is the companion version of the bill introduced in the U.S. Senate by Senator Mazie Hirono of Hawaii, along with twelve other Senators.

In 1941, more than 250,000 Filipino soldiers responded to President Roosevelt's call-to-arms in the Philippines and elsewhere and fought bravely for the U.S. and our allies during World War II. These soldiers were promised the opportunity to immigrate to the United States along with their families. However, after sacrificing for our country, many returned home from the War only to be denied the benefits promised for their service. Though many of these veterans became proud U.S. citizens, our immigrant visa backlog, exacerbated by caps on visas from the Philippines, have forced many of their family members to wait decades to come to the United States to join and care for them. This has effectively prevented these aging veterans from reuniting with their families.

In October 2017, Congress finally awarded the Filipino veterans of World War II the Congressional Gold Medal to honor their service to our country, but we must do more as we promised. Additionally, in 2016, the U.S. Citizenship and Immigration Services created the Filipino World War II Veterans Parole Program, a temporary administrative fix that allows these veterans to request parole for their children or siblings. Under this policy, they can live in the U.S. pending processing of their permanent resident applications, which may still take years if not decades. However, as these veterans near the end of their lives, they deserve the certainty of a non-revocable permanent solution.

The Filipino Veterans Family Reunification Act would address this by exempting from existing visa caps the visa applications of the children of Filipino World War II veterans. This would allow them to gain green cards once their applications are processed and approved, including careful vetting in line with existing immigration standards. This will not only assist these veterans in their senior years but also provide a fitting recognition of their critical service in the War.

I encourage my colleagues to join me in supporting these veterans and helping fulfill our promises to them and their families.

Mr. Speaker, I rise today in strong support of Congresswoman Radewagen's South Pacific Tuna Treaty Act. I am an original cosponsor of this bill because we urgently need this update to U.S. law that will strengthen our national tuna fleet, restore regulatory clarity and reinforce America's presence and partnerships across the Pacific.

The South Pacific Tuna Treaty, first signed in 1987, has long been the cornerstone of U.S. access to the tuna-rich waters of sixteen Pacific Island nations. This access supports the operations of American purse-seine vessels, ensuring that our fleet can remain competitive in a region that is both economically and strategically vital.

The amendments enacted in 2016 provided much-needed updates, including clearer access terms and more flexible mechanisms for engagement with Pacific Island countries. But nearly a decade later, these improvements are still not reflected in U.S. law.

This legal disconnect has left the American fleet, including vessels operating out of Hawaii, in a state of regulatory limbo. Operators are forced to navigate conflicting rules between what the treaty allows and what our domestic regulations enforce. It's a situation that adds unnecessary risk, uncertainty and cost to an industry that is already facing tight margins and fierce international competition.

This uncertainty has serious consequences, particularly for Hawaii. My home state is not just a waypoint for the U.S. South Pacific fleet, it is a central base of operations, home to many of the crews, companies and services that keep the industry running. The fishing industry supports good-paying jobs across the Hawaiian Islands and ensures our communities have access to healthy, locally sourced seafood.

The impact is equally critical in American Samoa, where the tuna industry forms the backbone of the territory's private sector and plays an essential role in supporting families and sustaining the local econony.

Passing the South Pacific Tuna Treaty Act today will eliminate this long-standing regulatory conflict, bring our domestic laws into alignment with the amended treaty and restore stability to a sector that is vital to the economic wellbeing of Hawaii and American Samoa. It provides the clarity our fleet needs to operate effectively and the consistency our Pacific partners expect from the United States.

The significance of this legislation extends well beyond economic benefits. The treaty itself embodies a broader commitment, one rooted in decades of cooperation, mutual respect and shared responsibility for the stewardship of ocean resources. By fully implementing the amended treaty, we not only support our fishermen and industry partners but also reaffirm the United States as a trusted ally to Pacific Island nations, help strengthen regional stability and reinforce our leadership in a part of the world where long-term relationships are built on trust, continuity and cultural understanding.

I urge my colleagues to join me in supporting this legislation--for the future of American fisheries, for the strength of our partnerships across the Pacific and for the communities in Hawaii and American Samoa that depend on this industry.

Mahalo.

Mr. Speaker, I rise today to introduce legislation to ensure that the U.S. Small Business Administration (SBA) fully supports our small businesses establish and maintain employee stock ownership plans (ESOPs).

ESOPs offer a powerful way to ensure employees become stakeholders and help run the business they've built. This wealth-generating and retirement plan approach creates a more engaged and productive workforce by aligning employee interests with a company's success. This model promotes a stronger sense of ownership and community and keeps investment and wealth in local economies, benefiting workers and their families.

In Hawaii, we've seen firsthand the benefits of ESOPs. Hawaii is home to the second-oldest ESOP chapter in the Nation, underscoring the success and importance of employee-owned businesses in our state. From that humble beginning, the Hawaii Chapter of the ESOP Association now represents over 45 ESOP companies and professional service providers in the state, which is a significant number considering our state's size. These businesses, with the help of ESOPs, have continued to thrive, contributing to the local economy in ways that benefit families and the broader community.

Despite this strong record of ESOPs in Hawaii and throughout the United States, many small businesses face challenges in navigating the complex process of establishing and maintaining an ESOP. They often lack expertise in tax considerations, regulatory compliance, stock valuation, and securing the necessary funding.

There is also a growing concern with the ``Silver Tsunami''--the impending wave of baby boomer business owners looking for ways to transfer ownership. As these owners retire, many are considering ESOPs, but the complexity of setting them up may discourage some from pursuing this option.

To help overcome these challenges, my ESOP Funding for SBA Position Act of 2025 will create a position within the SBA to guide small businesses through the process of setting up ESOPs, providing essential support on tax considerations, compliance, stock valuation and securing funding. This new SBA position will provide businesses with the resources they need to navigate the complexities of employee ownership.

This bipartisan bill, which I have introduced with my colleague Congressman Robert Bresnahan, will help empower small businesses nationwide. I urge my colleagues to support this important initiative that will make employee ownership more accessible, foster stronger communities and keep business wealth where it belongs--locally.

Mahalo.

Mr. Speaker, I rise to focus attention on one of our most pressing crises: our rapidly deteriorating federal budget, crippled by unsustainable annual deficits and accelerating overall debt. While most prefer to deny or explain it away, we all recognize it, and we all must address it.

Our federal budget operates on principles no different from those of a business or family budget. Revenues come from taxes and fees, and expenses from government operations. When revenues exceed expenses, the government runs a surplus. When expenses exceed revenues, the government runs a deficit.

The federal budget operates on a fiscal year, meaning surpluses and deficits are calculated annually. When the government runs a deficit in any given year, it must borrow money to cover the shortfall. This is done primarily through issuing government bonds. Additionally, we borrow from intragovernmental sources such as the Social Security Trust Fund, which must eventually be repaid in order to fund Social Security benefits.

We also pay interest on the money we borrow. The total amount borrowed, largely to cover accumulated net deficits over time, constitutes our national debt.

Much like a family or business, it is ideal to avoid deficits and debt. However, some level of debt can be acceptable so long as it is not chronic, not an excuse for irresponsible spending, and remains proportionate to our overall budget and our gross domestic product (GDP).

Sadly, none of these sound budgetary principles has been followed for a full generation now. The last time the United States had a balanced budget was in 2001. Since then, we have run deficits every year, and our total debt and annual interest on that debt have ballooned.

The highest recorded annual deficit was in 2020 during the COVID-19 pandemic, reaching $3.1 trillion. Since then, the deficit has remained high, with the current year's deficit at approximately $1.9 trillion. If we continue on this path, the annual deficit is projected to reach $2.9 trillion by 2034.

Our national debt has reached unprecedented levels as well. In 2004, the total debt was $7 trillion. By 2014, it had increased to $18 trillion. In 2019, it stood at $23 trillion. Today, our total debt has surpassed $36 trillion.

Our gross debt-to-GDP ratio is now 124 percent, the highest it has been since the final years of World War II, when it peaked at 126 percent. If left unaddressed, this ratio is projected to reach 134 percent of GDP by 2034, with total debt climbing to $57 trillion.

Additionally, we are now spending more on interest payments on our national debt than any other federal program except for Social Security, so including even defense or Medicare. Interest will rise from $881 billion in Fiscal Year (FY) 2024 to $1 trillion by FY 2026.

Failing to address our mounting debt and deficits has severe implications. It crowds out other critical spending in both defense and non-defense areas; reduces fiscal flexibility especially in times of crisis; contributes to inflationary pressures; slows economic growth; increases pressure to raise interest rates; creates national security risks, particularly as adversaries hold significant portions of our debt; discourages responsible budgeting practices on an international scale; and fuels arguments made by our adversaries in particular the People's Republic of China for replacing the U.S. dollar as the world's reserve currency.

In a Congress where we often repeat the platitude that our budget reflects our values, it is disturbing that the main common value reflected is fiscal unsustainability ranging to irresponsibility. We need look no further than a mirror for the root cause: our collective inability to face the music of fiscal responsibility and sustainability. It is clear that we need additional help to focus our Nation on the specific issues and collective decision-making required to stabilize our budget.

To set us on some path to righting our fiscal ship, I have introduced the Sustainable Budget Act with my colleagues Congressmen Steve Womack, Scott Peters and Zachary Nunn. Our bill will create a National Commission on Fiscal Responsibility and Reform, similar to other such commissions past, to serve this function.

The commission would consist of eighteen members split between Democrats and Republicans, and would be charged with proposing recommendations designed to achieve a balanced annual federal budget within ten years and meaningfully improve the long-term federal fiscal outlook. This commission would also include recommendations to address the growth in entitlement spending, which we all, regardless of our views on the issue, know is a key fiscal concern on its current track.

The commission's final recommendations would be due to Congress by no later than one year after the Commissioners are appointed. If the proposal is supported by at least twelve members of the committee, including at least four members of each party, it would receive expedited consideration in the House and Senate, which would have to vote on the proposal.

A commission process has been utilized in other times of fiscal uncertainty and has facilitated some tough, but necessary, discussion. It has been attempted before in the federal fiscal context through various commissions such as Simpson-Bowles, which came close to succeeding in restoring some fiscal discipline in Washington. There is no reason to conclude that it would not work here, and every reason to conclude that absent such an approach we will be in far worse shape far faster than followed previous attempts.

We clearly need help with our collective inability to confront this reality. My Sustainable Budget Act is at least a start toward a solution.

I urge this bill's prompt consideration and passage.

Mr. Speaker, I rise today to urge support for my Indigenous Diplomacy and Engagement Act to ensure that our foreign affairs fully encompass and incorporate the independent interconnectedness of our world's indigenous peoples.

The estimated 476 million indigenous peoples spread across all parts of our world are bound together by a common heritage, common wisdom and common challenges that transcend often artificial lines of national sovereignty. To recognize their international status and leverage their collective knowledge, in 2007 the international community adopted the United Nations Declaration on the Rights of Indigenous Peoples.

This common history, knowledge and approach, in such key areas as preservation of unique cultures, sustainable use of our natural resources, and advancement of health care, offers all of us not only a wealth of expertise on their own challenges but on those we all face. To better coordinate focus on indigenous peoples worldwide and engage internationally on issues important to indigenous peoples, my Indigenous Diplomacy and Engagement Act would create an Office for Indigenous Affairs at the Department of State responsible for coordinating all efforts of the federal government regarding diplomacy and engagements with international indigenous peoples. The office would be headed by a Coordinator for Indigenous Affairs, appointed by the President with the advice and consent of the Senate. The coordinator will be tasked with establishing a comprehensive international strategy for promoting diplomacy and engagement with indigenous peoples.

The strategy will be developed in coordination with various federal departments and agencies as well as an Advisory Commission on Indigenous Peoples established by the bill. The Commission will consist of members appointed by the Secretary of State, President Pro Tempore of the Senate and the Speaker of the House, as well as representatives from the National Congress of American Indians, Alaska Federation of Natives and Office of Hawaiian Affairs, the representative entities for the largest groups of our country's own indigenous peoples. This will help more directly link our Nation's indigenous peoples with efforts to build relationship with those in other countries.

This bill would also require our Foreign Service Officers to be trained on the history and culture of indigenous communities that reside near their posts of assignment. Our Foreign Service Officers will often be the primary American officials for interaction with these communities, and should be well versed in specific indigenous peoples' issues.

We must not step away from the international stage; rather we should lead efforts for meaningful engagement where and however we can. This includes strengthening our relationships and partnerships with international indigenous peoples to more fully include their special perspective and connectedness in an inextricably interlinked world.

I strongly urge my colleagues to join with me in passing and enacting the Indigenous Diplomacy and Engagement Act.

Mr. Speaker, I rise today to invite my House colleagues to join Congressman Joe Neguse of Colorado and me in recognizing the critical importance of the native plants of our country by cosponsoring our resolution designating the month of April as Native Plant Month.

Native plants are not just a vital part of our natural landscape; they are integral to the environmental health of our Nation. From supporting biodiversity to enhancing local ecosystems, native plants play a crucial role in promoting sustainability and resilience in our environment. They provide critical habitats for wildlife, including pollinators like bees and butterflies, which are essential for agricultural productivity. They also help reduce our reliance on chemical fertilizers and pesticides, prevent soil erosion and improve water quality. Beyond their environmental benefits, native plants are foundational to the cultural heritage of many indigenous communities, who have long depended on these plants for food, medicine, shelter and spiritual practices.

In my home state of Hawaii, our kuleana (responsibility) is to care for over 1,400 native plant species, nearly 90 percent of which are endemic, meaning they are found nowhere else on Earth. These plants are not only critical to the islands' biodiversity but also serve as living treasures that reflect the resilience and adaptation of life in an isolated, often harsh environment. The plants that thrive in Hawaii's diverse ecosystems--ranging from rainforests and drylands to volcanic craters and coastal areas--have adapted in remarkable ways to the unique conditions of the islands. They play an essential role in maintaining the delicate balance of these ecosystems, providing food, shelter and crucial support for the diverse wildlife that depends on them, such as native birds, insects and other species that are also found nowhere else in the world.

Beyond their ecological value, native plants in Hawaii hold profound cultural and historical significance for Native Hawaiian communities. For centuries, Hawaiians have relied on these plants for a variety of essential purposes, including as staple foods like taro (kalo) and breadfruit (`ulu), which were central to their diet and agricultural system. These plants also provided medicinal benefits, with species like `a`ali`i (hopbush) and mamaki (pipturus) integral to the holistic health practices of Native Hawaiians. Additionally, many plants were used to create tools, clothing and materials for daily life. The fibers of hala (pandanus) and ki (cordyline) were woven into mats, baskets and garments, while the wood of native trees like koa was essential for building canoes and homes. These practices reflect the deep, sustainable connection that Native Hawaiians have long had with their land, or `aina, underscoring the importance of preserving these plants for both ecological and cultural continuity.

However, the survival of these plants is increasingly threatened by invasive species, habitat destruction and the shifting environmental conditions brought on by climate change. The native flora of Hawaii and other parts of our Nation face constant pressure from non-native plants that crowd out indigenous species, diminishing the richness of our ecosystems. Additionally, extreme weather events, rising temperatures and unpredictable rainfall patterns continue to jeopardize the health and viability of these plants.

If we are to preserve the irreplaceable native plants that have evolved over millennia, it is critical that we take action to protect them. Recognizing April as Native Plant Month will not only provide an opportunity to celebrate the diverse and invaluable plants across our country but also help raise awareness about the challenges they face. By designating this month, we can shine a spotlight on the importance of native plants in maintaining the ecological balance of our communities and encourage the public to take steps to protect and conserve these species.

As we face the ongoing challenges of habitat loss and invasive species, it is more important than ever that we recognize the role that native plants play in sustaining the health of our ecosystems. We must act now to raise awareness, promote conservation efforts and educate future generations about the importance of preserving these plants for the benefit of our Nation's biodiversity and cultural heritage.

I encourage all my colleagues to support this important initiative. Mr. Speaker, I ask for your cosponsorship of this resolution and for your partnership in raising awareness about the conservation and appreciation of native plants across our great Nation. Together, we can make a lasting difference.

Mr. Speaker, I rise today to urge support for my Saving Natural Ecosystems and Marine Organisms (NEMO) Act to protect the ornamental reef species living in the fragile and invaluable ecosystems of our world's endangered coral reefs.

Our oceans, teeming with life and rich biodiversity, depend on the health of coral reefs, some of the most biologically diverse ecosystems on Earth. Nearly 25 percent of the ocean's fish rely on coral reefs for shelter, food and breeding grounds. These reefs and

the species that inhabit them are critical to the balance and vitality of our oceans.

Unfortunately, coral reefs and the marine life living in them are under threat due to the high demand for ornamental reef species. This has resulted in unsustainable and harmful collection practices, such as overcollection of species, particularly younger specimens; reef- dredging; the use of harmful gill nets, explosives, or poisons; and excessive mortality of specimens during transit.

These practices not only deplete species populations but also cause irreversible damage to the coral ecosystems themselves. In some cases, this damage has led to the extirpation of species from specific areas and the introduction of invasive species, which further disrupts the ecological balance. The long-term consequences of these practices are the loss of biodiversity and the degradation of habitats that are vital to the health of our oceans.

Many of these harmful collection practices occur in international waters, particularly in regions such as Southeast Asia, where most of the world's coral reefs are located. In many of these countries, there are weak or insufficient regulations to prevent destructive collection methods. As the largest importer of ornamental reef fish and corals, the United States bears a significant responsibility in perpetuating the demand for these species, which drives destructive practices in coral reef ecosystems worldwide.

We have an opportunity to take decisive action. My Saving NEMO Act would prohibit the importation into the United States of protected reef species taken through unsustainable or destructive practices. Going beyond complementing the Lacey Act, CITES and the Endangered Species Act, my bill will also fill a critical gap by addressing those species that, while not endangered, are still collected through methods that harm marine ecosystems. It also includes a process for delisting a species if the Secretary of the Interior and the Secretary of Commerce determine that its collection no longer poses a substantial risk to its sustainability, providing an incentive for the industry to adopt responsible practices.

Furthermore, the Saving NEMO Act would support industries that focus on sustainability and environmentally friendly practices, which is the future of the industry. In doing so, this bill will ensure that the aquarium trade evolves in a way that protects our oceans and promotes long-term ecological balance.

I urge my colleagues to support this critical legislation to help safeguard our coral reefs and the diverse marine life they support. By restricting the importation of ornamental reef species collected through harmful practices, we can protect these vital ecosystems for future generations.

Mahalo.

Mr. Speaker, I rise today in support of my Hawaii Native Species Conservation and Recovery Act, a critical piece of legislation to protect and preserve the unique and irreplaceable native plant and animal species of our precious and endangered Hawaii. I am introducing this bill in conjunction with my Hawaii colleague, Senator Brian Schatz.

Our Hawaii is one of the most biologically unique and diverse places on the planet. The islands are home to over 10,000 native species, many of which are found nowhere else in the world, making Hawaii an extraordinary natural treasure unparalleled in biological diversity. From the endangered Hawaiian monk seal, one of the few seal species that thrives in tropical waters, to the endemic 'alala (Hawaiian crow), a bird with deep cultural and ecological significance, Hawaii's native wildlife plays a crucial role in maintaining the health of its ecosystems. The striking silversword plant, which grows only on the volcanic slopes of Hawaii's highlands, is another example of the island's extraordinary flora, having evolved to withstand harsh, isolated conditions.

These species, and so many others, also represent an irreplaceable part of Hawaii's heritage, not only contributing to the islands' ecological integrity but also holding cultural and spiritual value for Native Hawaiians. The unique biodiversity found in Hawaii is not only a source of pride for its people but also a global treasure that must be preserved for future generations.

A growing crisis driven by a range of interconnected threats to our native species is unfolding in Hawaii. Habitat destruction has significantly reduced the space where native plants and animals can thrive. Forests, wetlands and coastal ecosystems--critical habitats for native species--are being cleared or degraded, leaving these species increasingly vulnerable. As these ecosystems are altered or destroyed, the species that depend on them are at risk of extinction.

In addition to habitat loss, Hawaii's native species are also facing the impacts of climate change. Rising sea levels, higher temperatures and changes in rainfall patterns are already beginning to alter the habitats and food sources that these species rely on. For example, higher temperatures push native species to higher altitudes, leaving them with increasingly limited habitats. These environmental changes further stress the islands' delicate

ecosystems and compound the challenges posed by invasive species and diseases. The combination of habitat loss and climate change has created an urgent need for coordinated conservation efforts to ensure the survival of Hawaii's extraordinary biodiversity.

Another major threat to Hawaii's native species is the introduction and spread of invasive species. Non-native plants, animals and insects, whether intentionally or accidentally introduced, have caused significant ecological damage. Invasive species such as the mongoose, rats and predatory insects have decimated native bird populations. Invasive plants like the fireweed and strawberry guava overwhelm native vegetation, altering habitats and disrupting the food chain. These invaders not only outcompete native species for resources but also introduce diseases, further endangering the delicate balance of Hawaii's ecosystems. Effective control of invasive species is crucial for the long-term survival of Hawaii's native flora and fauna.

Together, these interconnected threats create a complex and urgent challenge for the conservation of Hawaii's native species, making coordinated, science-based efforts more critical than ever.

To address these pressing challenges, our Hawaii Native Species Conservation and Recovery Act proposes a competitive grant program to support the conservation and recovery of these species. This grant program will provide vital funding to local organizations, government entities and academic institutions to develop and implement science- based, coordinated conservation strategies that protect Hawaii's native species. This includes efforts to prevent the spread of invasive species, restore critical habitats and engage communities in the conservation process.

These communities of interest include the Native Hawaiians, who stewarded our natural resources successfully through generations pre- contact as a matter of both kuleana (responsibility) and survival. By providing a pathway for collaboration across local, state and federal stakeholders, this bill empowers Native Hawaiian communities to actively participate in the recovery of their native species. It also recognizes the critical role of Native Hawaiian organizations, many of which possess traditional ecological knowledge that is vital for successful conservation outcomes.

I urge my colleagues to support this important bill that will help secure the future of Hawaii's native species for generations to come. By working together, we can protect one of the world's most exceptional natural environments and ensure its remarkable biodiversity remains a source of pride and inspiration for all.

Mr. Speaker, I join my colleagues in condemning what can only be seen as sheer desertion--yes, I used the word ``desertion''--of Ukraine

by this President, and I deeply regret, at least to date, by my Republican colleagues in Congress.

The dictator of Russia, as has already been pointed out, has not seen a better day at least since the successful death of Alexei Navalny. Let's be clear. Putin is not the only dictator--and for the third time I use the word ``dictator''--who is dancing today.

Let's just take one example. For the dictators of Iran, this betrayal is a bright light in a dim room. They want nothing more than a stronger and resurgent and unchecked Russia because that brings them renewed hope to their singular focus of the destruction of Israel.

By the way, I say very directly to our friends of Israel, wherever they are--and many of them were in the Capital today--if they do not call out this abandonment of Ukraine now, they have learned nothing from 1939 Czechoslovakia.

There is one dictator in our world who is cheering the loudest of all, and that dictator is the general secretary of the Chinese Communist Party. This is the world he covets. This is the world that he has worked for. This is the world that turns the lock and opens the door on his ambitions. This is the world of a weakened, isolated America that nobody trusts. This is a world in which this country walks away from proven international rules-based orders that have kept the peace and stability for three generations now. This is a world he hopes for that has forgotten that true peace and prosperity are built on both strength and democratic values.

Yes, the desertion of Ukraine and its sheer ripple effects shows Xi that he finally has the willing partner he has sought, even more than Putin himself. He has a partner equally committed to an ad hoc transactional foreign policy where all that really matters is power, money, and leverage, that alliances, principles, and loyalty are disposable, as if that ever alone would buy lasting peace. There is no example in world history that it does.

Our President says: Don't worry. We have an ocean between us and Ukraine, so what is to worry about?

No doubt, in time, he will assert the same thing about my ocean, the Pacific Ocean, between us and the People's Republic of China. He will say that that ocean offers the same illusion of insulation from the world of reality.

Tell that to Japan or Taiwan or South Korea or the Philippines. Tell them that that ocean protects them. Tell that to the ASEAN countries, Australia and New Zealand, Singapore, India, the island nations of the Pacific. Tell that to the citizens of the American homeland in the Pacific: Hawaii, Guam, the Northern Mariana Islands, and American Samoa.

Just try to tell the rest of our world and country that the outcome in Ukraine has nothing to do with the geopolitical challenge of our time, the threat of the Chinese Communist Party. Tell that to anybody, and you truly live in denial of the world today and the lessons of history.

The PRC knows history, and they already have an edition of the People's Daily, their leading newspaper, already printed up as a gift for the President's trip home when he surely visits shortly. The headline of People's Daily in Mandarin reads: Peace in Our time.

Those are the unavoidable broader stakes of betraying Ukraine today. I know my Republican colleagues know this. I know this because I have heard them say it repeatedly over 3 years. I have heard them say it in committee. I have heard them say it on this floor. I have heard them say it in public, but where are they now?

Did something in the world change in the last week or two? Was there some fundamental shift in our understanding of this world, in our alliances, in our commitment to loyalties and principles and values in addition to strength?

I don't think so, and I don't think anybody else thinks anything has changed, other than a President who wants to go in a different direction. That President has no effective check and balance on this tragic mistake, except for the majority in the House and the Senate.

I really hope for my Republican colleagues in this body because I don't hold that hope for the administration of the Presidency. I do hold that hope for my colleagues. I hope they find their way back soon through the fog into reality again before it is too late.

Mr. Speaker, I rise today to introduce two critically important pieces of legislation aimed at protecting our oceans and marine ecosystems from the potentially catastrophic consequences of deep-sea mining: the American Seabed Protection Act and the International Seabed Protection Act.

These bills will place a moratorium on seabed mining until its full environmental, social and economic impacts are thoroughly studied and appropriate regulatory protections are in place.

Our deep oceans and seabeds are among the last unexplored frontiers of our planet. What we do know about these ecosystems is that they are fragile, diverse and essential to the health of our entire planet. Over half of all known coral species are found in the deep sea, and it is believed that as many as ten million marine species may inhabit this area, many of which are still undiscovered.

These ecosystems are not only rich in biodiversity but also serve vital functions, such as supporting carbon sequestration processes that help mitigate climate change. Additionally, some species residing in these depths have already provided invaluable benefits to humanity. For instance, enzymes from microbes found in deep-sea hydrothermal vents were crucial in developing reliable COVID-19 tests.

While deep-sea discoveries have already made significant contributions to humanity, there is still much scientific research to be done and countless discoveries yet to be made. One of the most exciting areas of research lies in the study of dark oxygen, a unique form of oxygen recently found in certain deep-sea environments. Unlike the oxygen we typically encounter, dark oxygen exists in a chemically distinct state, revealing that oxygen dynamics in the deep ocean are far more complex than previously understood. This discovery could have profound implications not only for marine life but also for biogeochemical processes in the ocean, helping us better understand how deep-sea ecosystems function and how they may respond to environmental changes, including those caused by human activities like seabed mining. The mysteries of the deep ocean, including dark oxygen, continue to unfold, offering new insights that could reshape our understanding of marine ecosystems and the vital role they play in our planet's health.

Unfortunately, these ecosystems are now under increasing threat. The imminent expansion of large-scale commercial seabed mining poses a direct threat to these ecosystems, with potentially irreversible consequences for marine biodiversity, climate processes and communities that depend on ocean resources.

The methods used in seabed mining, including shear-mining techniques that strip away

seamounts on the ocean floor, can be highly destructive. In fact, these practices bear many similarities to terrestrial strip mining and can result in the loss of species, the creation of toxic sediment plumes and contamination of marine food chains, Additionally, mining can disrupt the natural processes that help sequester carbon, thus accelerating climate change rather than alleviating it.

Given that the environmental risks of deep-sea mining are largely unknown, and the science surrounding its impacts is still in its infancy, it is critical that we pause and take the time to assess these consequences properly. That is why the American Seabed Protection Act would place a moratorium on all deep-sea mining activities in U.S. waters, as well as any mining activities conducted by American companies on the high seas. This legislation also directs the National Oceanic and Atmospheric Administration and the National Academies of Sciences to conduct a comprehensive environmental and social impact study to evaluate the risks of seabed mining on ocean species, carbon storage and coastal communities.

At the international level, the International Seabed Protection Act would require the United States to oppose any international seabed mining efforts until the President certifies that the International Seabed Authority (ISA) has established a comprehensive and effective regulatory framework to safeguard these vital ecosystems. The ISA is currently under pressure to finalize mining regulations, but this process is complicated by ongoing scientific uncertainty and environmental concerns. As such, the U.S. must take a leadership role in ensuring that these regulations are not rushed and that the long- term health of our oceans is prioritized.

The reintroduction of these bills comes at a critical juncture as the ISA prepares to consider regulations that could open vast ocean areas to industrial mining. While proponents of seabed mining argue that it will provide essential minerals for renewable energy technologies, that is an assumption that should not go unchallenged, nor, contrary to some of their arguments, have we maximized the sourcing of critical minerals elsewhere. In either event, we should not and cannot simply fling ourselves headlong into a practice that, wholly unknown and improperly regulated, would certainly cause irreversible damage to our oceans and the communities that rely on them, damage that would far outweigh any arguable short-term benefit.

I urge my colleagues to join me in cosponsoring these bills and defending our marine environment.

Mr. Speaker, today I again introduce three bills to end over a century of federally-imposed monopolistic closed market domestic cargo shipping to and from my isolated home state of Hawaii and the other island and separated jurisdictions of our country not part of the contiguous 48 United States. In doing so, we seek to break the stranglehold on the peoples and economies of our exposed communities and our resulting sky-high costs of living which are caused by just a few domestic shipping companies controlling the lifeline of commerce upon which we absolutely depend.

These bills all amend the Merchant Marine Act of 1920, also known as the Jones Act. That federal law mandates that all cargo shipping between U.S. ports occur exclusively on U.S. not foreign, flagged vessels. Additionally,

the law requires that these vessels are built in the U.S. and owned and crewed by U.S. citizens.

The Jones Act was enacted in a protectionist era under the guise of preserving a strong national merchant marine. But today it is just an anachronism. Most of the world's shipping is by way of an international merchant marine functioning in an open, competitive market. And those few U.S. flag cargo lines that remain have maneuvered the Jones Act to develop virtual monopolies over domestic cargo shipping to, from and within our most isolated and exposed locales--our island and offshore states and territories--that have no alternative modes of transportation such as trucking or rail.

My Hawaii is a classic example. Located almost 2,500 miles off the West Coast, we import well over 90 percent of our life necessities by ocean cargo. There are plenty of international cargo lines who could and would compete for a share of that market. Yet only two U.S. flag domestic cargo lines--Matson Navigation and Pasha Hawaii--operate a virtual duopoly over our lifeline.

While they are nominally subject to federal regulation, the fact of the matter is that cargo prices have gone in only one direction--up, fast and repeatedly, despite a surplus of International shipping--and it is indisputable that there is no downward market pressure which would otherwise result from meaningful competition. These accelerating cargo prices are not absorbed by the shipping lines, but passed through all the way down the chain, to the transporters, wholesalers, retailers, small businesses, mom-n-pops and ultimately consumers, of all of the elements of life, from food to medical supplies, clothes, housing and virtually all other goods. The result is a crippling drag on an already-challenged economy and the very quality of life in Hawaii.

The Jones Act has far-reaching consequences for the people of Hawaii, one of the most glaring and pervasive being its contribution to the high cost of living across all segments of our society. For the average Hawaii family, the act adds nearly $5 a day to their expenses, which amounts to $1,794 a year. While this may seem like a small amount on its own, when compounded over time, it creates a substantial financial strain on households already grappling with high living costs. That extra $1,794 could be spent on essentials like healthcare, education or better housing--things that would directly improve the quality of life for Hawaii's residents. However, instead of these scarce resources being available for more pressing needs, it is channeled into inflated transportation costs and the profits of the Jones Act shippers and their owners. These price increases cascade through every aspect of daily life: families are paying an additional $389 for housing, $200 for motor vehicles and their maintenance and $147 for food, on top of what they would otherwise be paying, due just to the difference between market and monopoly shipping costs.

One of the most significant areas affected by the Jones Act is housing, already challenged. The construction industry in Hawaii relies heavily on noncontainerized cargo like sand, cement, gypsum, steel and bricks, materials that are essential for building homes and infrastructure. However, due to the restrictions imposed by the Jones Act, the number of available vessels to transport these types of goods is severely limited. This scarcity drives up the cost of building materials, making it more expensive to develop affordable housing or address deferred maintenance on existing housing. In addition, because a large portion of these materials must be imported from foreign countries, they are subject to tariffs that further increase the price. This results in higher construction costs, which ultimately contribute to the already skyrocketing housing prices in Hawaii. The burden on the real estate market not only affects homebuilders but also exacerbates the affordable housing crisis, as fewer homes are being built, and the ones that are tend to be priced out of reach for most families.

As a consequence of the Jones Act's impact on construction, the limited availability of affordable housing in Hawaii leads to a number of secondary challenges. With fewer new homes being built, the housing stock becomes increasingly vulnerable to damage from natural disasters like hurricanes or flooding. These older homes are at greater risk during such events, further exacerbating the state's housing crisis. As the risk of damage rises, insurers are forced to adjust premiums to reflect the increased likelihood of costly claims. This, in turn, drives up the cost of housing insurance, further burdening homeowners and renters alike, while also making it more difficult for individuals and families to secure affordable, safe housing.

Another prime area for Hawaii is food, most of which we import on Jones Act ships. The monopolistic cargo premium is priced into our food products, contributing to the highest cost of food of any state. And even for locally-produced agriculture, the Jones Act extracts its price for necessary imports including farm machinery, fertilizer and processing materials, resulting in an addition to one of the highest costs of food production anywhere in the country.

Nor is the Jones Act's impact limited to imports into Hawaii, for it also restricts cargo exported from Hawaii to other U.S. ports (especially the West Coast) to the very few Jones Act shippers and their monopolistic prices. Take our cattle industry, which is dependent on access to the market on the continent. No non-Jones Act international ship can serve that route, so, for example, no international ship could ship cargo from Asia into Hawaii, pick up cattle for another run to the West Coast, and then pick up U.S. exports to ship them back to Asia. That means our cattle industry is forced to take whatever is offered by the Jones Act ships returning to the continent, when they want, how they want, and at the prices they choose. It also means that we get very little direct international imports; they must first go to the continent and then ship on Jones Act ships to Hawaii, jacking up prices completely unnecessarily.

The Jones Act also has other consequences, in addition to monopolistic shipping costs absorbed by Hawaii families, that are nothing short of ridiculous. Take the case of defueling the military's bulk fuel storage facility at Red Hill after the disastrous leaks. The great bulk of that fuel was transported elsewhere, which required specialized fuel tankers. There are many in the international trade but few Jones Act tankers in domestic use and in high demand. Much of the fuel was transported to non-U.S. locations and so could access non- Jones Act international shipping and much lower rates. But some fuel was between U.S. ports and so required short-supply Jones Act tankers and much higher rates. Even a one-tanker load transported from Pearl Harbor to another location in Honolulu just ten miles away required bringing in Jones Act tankers from the continents at much higher tates, rather than allow an international tanker here for international export to do a short hop. I specifically asked for a waiver of the Jones Act to avoid this result, a total waste of taxpayer dollars, but got no support from the Jones Act shippers, who, although it made no real difference to them, were petrified by the precedent.

The three bills I introduce today say: enough is enough. If you, the 48 contiguous United States, want to continue the Jones Act as to shipping between your ports, that's your business. But don't penalize islands and other noncontiguous locations by throwing us to the monopoly wolves you've created.

The first bill, the Noncontiguous Shipping Relief Act, exempts all noncontiguous U.S. locations from the Jones Act. These include Hawaii, Alaska, the Northern Marianas, Guam, American Samoa, Puerto Rico and the Virgin Islands.

The second, the Noncontiguous Shipping Reasonable Rate Act, benchmarks the definition of a ``reasonable rate'' that Jones Act shipping can charge to within ten percent of analogous international shipping rates.

And the third, the Noncontiguous Shipping Competition Act, prevents monopolies or duopolies in noncontiguous Jones Act shipping by allowing the noncontiguous Jurisdictions to be serviced by non-Jones Act vessels, in order to create and increase and increase competition in these critical shipping lanes. Again, this is a very small portion of the total national Jones Act shipping where it is particularly destructive in application and would not affect the bulk of Jones Act shipping throughout the 48 contiguous United States.

Essentially, these bills are designed to provide viable solutions for alleviating the burdens faced by our U.S. noncontiguous areas. While there are multiple pathways to address this issue, one thing is clear, we must change the status quo that has caused such widespread harm to my state and other jurisdictions dependent on the Jones Act. I urge my colleagues to lend their support to this important effort to reduce the sky-high costs of living to the people of Hawaii and the other non- contiguous areas.

Mr. Speaker, I rise today to join my Hawaii colleague, Representative Jill Tokuda, in introducing our bill to protect one of the most unique and fragile environments on Earth, our Hawaii, from devastating invasive species.

Invasive species pose an especially grave threat to Hawaii's ecosystems, natural resources and agricultural communities, in part due to Hawaii's unique geography. Hawaii is the most isolated island chain and one of the most ecologically diverse places in the world. We are 2,282 miles from the Continental United States, 2,952 miles from Japan and 4,772 miles from Washington, D.C., with no other islands in close proximity.

We have within our constrained borders ten of the thirteen world climate zones, with ecosystems ranging from desert to tropical, where plants and animals that found their way to Hawaii evolved like nowhere else. Hawaii has the world's highest percentage of endemic species--90 percent of terrestrial and more than 25 percent of marine species are found nowhere else on Earth. These species include the Hawaiian scarlet honeycreeper, the `i` iwi; the flowering evergreen; and the state mammal of Hawaii, the `ilioholoikauaua (Hawaiian monk seal).

However, tragically, in large part due to invasive species, Hawaii has become the endangered species and extinction capital of the world. The Pacific Islands are home to 44 percent of the threatened and endangered species listed under the Endangered Species Act, and Hawaii currently has 578 species listed as endangered or threatened, more than any other state. Many of these species are critically endangered and face an extremely high risk of extinction in the wild. Although we will never know the true number of species that have gone extinct in Hawaii, in 2023 alone eight Hawaiian species were declared extinct.

The threat to our state tree, the `ohi`a lehua, is also illustrative of out growing crisis. Used for poi boards and outrigger canoes, the `ohi`a lehua is important to Hawaiian culture and the islands' watersheds. As the first tree to grow in new Hawaii lava flows, `ohi`a grows throughout the watershed creating new soil, stabilizing steep mountain ridges and comprises approximately 80 percent of Hawaii's native forests. However, rapid `ohi`a death, or ROD, caused by an invasive fungal pathogen, kills `ohi`a trees quickly, and threatens the stability of Hawaii's native forests. Since its discovery on Hawai'i Island in 2014, ROD has spread to Kauai, Maui and Oahu, and has killed hundreds of thousands of trees.

Hawaii's unique cucumstances also have given rise to one of our Nation's most diverse and productive agricultural communities. With a year-round growing cycle, our crops have ranged throughout our history from the highest quality sugar and pineapple and cattle to tropical specialty crops like fruit and cut flowers in the highest demand worldwide.

Yet it is exactly because these crops like our natural resources have adapted to Hawaii's uniqueness that they are the most susceptible to devastation from external species

against which they have no natural defenses. Invasive species have drastically impacted agriculture in Hawaii, threatening some of the island's most valuable crops in the state's third-largest industry.

Another prime and very current example of the challenges we face is the coconut rhinoceros beetle. It has become a menacing invader in Hawaii, wreaking havoc on the islands' palm trees and posing a serious threat to both the enviionment and the economy. This formidable beetle, with its massive size and powerful mandibles, burrows into the trunks of coconut palms and other tropical crops, such as kalo and bananas, causing extensive damage. According to the Hawaii Invasive Species Council, once the beetles bore into these plants, they can kill them, jeopardizing the entire ecosystem, agriculture and food security.

The destruction of coconut palms by the beetle is especially harmful. These trees are vital to Hawaii's agricultural production, supplying coconuts for food, cosmetics and traditional practices. Additionally, they serve as iconic symbols of the islands' tropical landscape. With no natural predators to keep its numbers in check, the beetle's rapid spread continues to outpace control efforts, making it a growing crisis for Hawaii's environment, economy and cultural heitage.

Yet despite these incontrovertible and growing impacts of external species on Hawaii's natural resources and economy, existing federal law leaves Hawaii largely defenseless against increasingly destructive invasives.

Imports by air and sea, the only means of in-bound transportation to our island state, lack any effective regulation to screen out invasives. This is despite a fairly rigorous screening of exports from Hawaii to the Continental United States to screen out invasives from Hawaii viewed as harmful to mainland agriculture (invasives that, ironically, were invasives into Hawaii to start with).

Our bill, the Hawaii Invasive Species Protection Act, will require the U.S. Department of Agriculture Animal and Plant Inspection Service (APHIS), in cooperation with other federal departments and the State of Hawaii, to conduct visual, x-ray and canine inspections, as appropriate, on person, baggage, cargo and any other article destined for direct movement to the State of Hawaii. The inspections will search for high-risk invasive species and agricultural materials. The inspections will be conducted at airports, ports and postal sorting facilities prior to direct travel to the State of Hawaii.

Our bill further requires APHIS to work with the State of Hawaii to develop and publish a list of the high-risk invasive species and agricultural materials for the State of Hawaii. It pays for these inspections by increasing Agriculture Quarantine Inspection fees to cover the full cost of inspection.

If we truly care about the threat that continued and escalating invasive species pose to one of the most invaluable and unique ecosystems on earth, in addition to our unique economy and way of life, then the stark reality is that this bill is what it will take. Again, it is not revolutionary when compared to other island countries, most notably New Zealand, that have not only recognized this threat but actually have done something about it.

And it is certainly not revolutionary when compared to longstanding domestic restrictions on exports from Hawaii, leading to the basic point that if these invasive species prevention requirements are good enough for the rest of the country and much of the world then they're good enough for Hawaii.

Mr. Speaker, I am grateful to this House for their understanding and careful consideration of Hawaii's challenge and opportunity and ask for our bill's expeditious passage.

Mr. Speaker, I rise today to reintroduce the Affordable Shipping for All Act, a bill to end discriminatory and exclusionary shipping practices faced by residents and businesses in the non- contiguous areas of our country, particularly Hawaii, Alaska, Puerto Rico, Guam, the U.S. Virgin Islands, American Samoa, and the Northern Mariana Islands.

This blatant discrimination and exclusion is illustrated by Hawaii, my home state. We are over 2,500 miles from the West Coast and depend on shipping to bring in more than 90 percent of the products we need. Like our other non-contiguous family, we do not have the same manufacture, transport and delivery options as does the contiguous continental U.S.

Rather than treating us equally, residents and businesses of the non- contiguous U.S. face four persistent and unfair shipping practices that drive up costs and make life harder for millions of Americans.

First, as confirmed by the Federal Trade Commission, many online retailers outright refuse to ship basic products to our parts of the United States, effectively treating our areas as if we are foreign countries. This exclusion prevents millions of Americans from even accessing essential goods.

Second, even when retailers do offer shipping to the non-contiguous areas, they frequently deny customers free shipping options, even though such options are readily available for customers in the contiguous U.S. This is true even when the actual cost of shipping from the continental U.S. to a non-contiguous area is higher than to another location in the continental U.S. This leaves residents in these areas at a distinct disadvantage when trying to purchase products online.

Third, when private shipping services are made available, the prices are often inflated and bear no reasonable relation to the actual distance. For example, the cost to ship a 2-pound package from Los Angeles to Hawaii can exceed $45, while the same package from Los Angeles to New York City, the same distance, costs only $14. This price disparity is both unreasonable and unjust.

Fourth, the United States Postal Service (USPS) also treats the non- contiguous areas unfairly. It recently created a new Zone 10 for shipments to Hawaii, Alaska and other non-contiguous areas, which will increase shipping rates for Priority Mail Express, Priority Mail and USPS Ground Advantage packages to and from those locations by 5 percent. The introduction of Zone 10 fundamentally discriminates against the non-contiguous parts of our country, which runs directly counter to the foundational USPS charge to provide equal access to the U.S. mail.

The Fair Shipping Access for All Act will ensure that no shipping company, including the USPS, can impose discriminatory rates or exclude non-contiguous areas from receiving shipments. It will also require that shipping rates for non-contiguous areas reflect the actual cost of service, rather than arbitrary price increases.

I urge my colleagues to support this bill. It's about fairness, equity and ensuring that all Americans, regardless of where they live, have equal access to affordable shipping options.

Mahalo.

Mr. Speaker, I rise today to honor Dr. Thomas G. Lum, a Specialist in Asian Affairs at the Congressional Research Service (CRS), for his distinguished career in service to Congress.

Tom retires on December 31st after more than a quarter century with CRS, throughout which he has provided exceptional contributions to Congress as an expert on various critical issues. His areas of expertise have included human rights and social control in the People's Republic of China (PRC), U.S. foreign assistance to the Indo-Pacific region, and U.S. policy in the Pacific Islands, the Philippines, Cambodia and Laos.

As just one example of Tom's work, he brought a deep understanding of the United States' historical relationship with the Freely Associated States (FAS) to bear in assisting Congress' understanding and evaluation of the role of the Marshall Islands, Micronesia and Palau in protecting U.S. national security. He made especially vital contributions to the renewal of the Compacts of Free Association (COFA) in 2003, 2004 and 2023. One of the rare U.S. experts with experience analyzing multiple generations of the COFA, Tom provided Members of Congress with detailed analysis of the Compacts and the policy debates around them, helping Congress shape and conduct oversight of their implementation. I can personally attest to Tom's unseen but major hand in developing and passing the COFA renewal of 2023.

Congress also has relied on Tom for exceptional support on issues related to civil and human rights in the PRC and the Chinese Communist Party's extensive efforts at social control. Having received his Ph.D. in Political Science from the University of California at Santa Barbara and written an important book--Problems of Democratization in China--on this issue, Tom came to Congress in 1999 with expertise he further honed on the job. His analysis of the PRC's evolving society amplified Congress' understanding of the country and contributed to a far more informed and sophisticated policy discussion on related issues. Again, I found his briefings, which were really more deep discussions, not only highly insightful but prescient.

Tom's passion for his work and his dedication to providing authoritative, non-partisan analysis to support Congress' legislative and oversight functions have been invaluable. His deep understanding of U.S. foreign assistance in the Indo-Pacific region was also of great help to Congress.

Congress has benefitted enormously from Tom's large body of work and his steadfast commitment, in fact passion, to providing Members and Congressional staff outstanding consultative support. Over the course of his career, Tom's analysis informed numerous pieces of legislation, including on such issues as the PRC's use of forced labor, the oppression of China's Uyghur minority, the U.S. alliance with the Philippines and support for FAS immigrants in the United States.

His calm, easy-going demeanor and his understated yet ever-present sense of humor made him a great pleasure for his colleagues and the Congressional community to work with. In addition, his commitment to collaboration and to mentoring colleagues has made an indelible contribution to the CRS that will far outlast his service.

For our Congress and our country, I extend my gratitude and warm mahalo to Tom Lum for his outstanding contributions. We in Congress offer him best wishes in his retirement.

Mr. Speaker, I wish to recognize and say a special thank you to a truly exceptional U.S. Army officer, Lieutenant Colonel Joseph D. Henderson.

Lieutenant Colonel Henderson has served admirably as a Congressional Budget Liaison for the Assistant Secretary of the Army, Financial Management and Comptroller, for the past four years. Over that time, I have come to appreciate Joe's work as he served as a fellow supporting my office and other Members of our Appropriations Committee. He helped my staff better understand the Department of Defense through his years of experience as an Army officer, and led countless oversight and factfinding visits for staff across the globe providing them invaluable firsthand knowledge, doing so with a level of skill and professionalism that has left a lasting impression on me and my staff.

Lieutenant Colonel Henderson graduated from the University of Texas at El Paso in 2004, earning a Bachelor of Arts in History. He commissioned as a Transportation Officer, completing Officer Candidate School at Fort Benning, Georgia.

Lieutenant Colonel Henderson's first assignment was as a platoon leader with the Alpha Company, 302d Brigade Support Battalion at Camp Casey, South Korea. Lieutenant Colonel Henderson attended U.S. Army Airborne School enroute to his assignment as 99th Movement Control Team Mobility Officer in Italy. He deployed in this role to Iraq in support of Operation Iraqi Freedom in 2007. Lieutenant Colonel Henderson took command of the 99th MCT from 2008 to 2010 deploying again to Iraq in support of Operation Iraqi Freedom.

After serving as the executive officer for the 92nd Military Police Company, Major Dickson was selected to attend the Marine Corps Expeditionary Warfare School in Quantico, Virginia. During his time in Quantico, Major Dickson published an article for the U.S. Naval Institute and earned honors as a distinguished graduate.

Lieutenant Colonel Henderson served as the Assistant Brigade S4 for the 16th Combat Aviation Brigade at Joint Base Lewis-McChord, Washington. He took command of Echo Company, 2-158th Assault Helicopter Battalion from 2011-2013.

Lieutenant Colonel Henderson served as an Assistant Professor of Military Science at Pacific Lutheran University in Tacoma from 2013- 2015. He was assigned to Fort Bragg where he held positions at the 82nd Airborne Division as the Division Transportation Officer and Deputy G4, the Support Operations Officer for the 189th Combat Sustainment Support, and as the Brigade Operations Officer for the 82nd Airborne Division Sustainment Brigade.

As a Congressional Budget Liaison, Lieutenant Colonel Henderson has been the Army's conduit to several Congressional offices and committees. In the course of this service, he has built a reputation of trust, respect, and competency. His efforts have been widely respected and have shown great credit to the Army.

Lieutenant Colonel Henderson's wife, Annie, and children, Harper and Hudson, have supported him throughout his career. Their sacrifice and love make everything he does possible.

Joe's extraordinary career is a testament to his hard work and unyielding desire to make himself, his organizations, and his fellow Soldiers the best they can be. Our Nation has been enriched by his leadership, thoughtful judgement, and exemplary work.

On behalf of the U.S. House and a grateful Nation, I join my colleagues today in recognizing and commending Joe on his service to our Nation. We wish Joe, Annie, Harper, and Hudson all the best.