Mr. Speaker, I rise today to draw your attention to an event in Latin America that underscores the region's instability and warrants international attention. Over the last few months highly- regarded Nicaraguan President Enrique Bolanos…
Mr. Speaker, I rise today to draw your attention to an event in Latin America that underscores the region's instability and warrants international attention. Over the last few months highly- regarded Nicaraguan President Enrique Bolanos has been fighting for his political survival as charges of corruption against him have led to calls for his impeachment.
During Bolanos' three years in office he has proven himself a capable and popular leader, unafraid to fight against corruption within his government. The president and his supporters allege that Constitutionalist Liberal Party (PLC) leader Arnoldo Aleman, currently imprisoned for corruption, and Sandinista National Liberation Front leader Daniel Ortega reached a political agreement to oust Bolanos from power, secure their parties' control of key political institutions and gain eventual amnesty for Aleman, a former Nicaraguan president.
While Ortega has recently changed his mind and announced that his party will not pursue impeachment, the Sandinistas and the PLC are continuing efforts severely limit Bolanos' presidential powers. Efforts to remove or reduce his presidential prerogatives can only undermine the democratically-elected president and have little to no constitutional basis. They also go against the will of the people, the majority of whom have pledged their full support to their embattled head of state, putting democracy in Nicaragua in jeopardy. Since the Nicaraguan president has little political support in the National Assembly and the opposition controls key democratic institutions, the international community must actively involve itself to ensure the nation's democracy.
The following research memorandum about Nicaragua's crisis was authored by Research Associate David R. Kolker with additional research provided by Research Fellow Alex Sanchez, both of the Washington-based Council on Hemispheric Affairs (COHA). Founded in 1975, COHA is an independent,
non-profit, non-partisan, taxexempt research and information organization. It has been described on the Senate floor as being ``one of the Nation's most respected bodies of scholars and policy makers.''
On October 7, Nicaragua's Comptroller's office called on
the National Assembly to remove President Enrique Bolanos
from office for failing to disclose the origin of $7 million
used in his 2001 presidential campaign. The following day,
the country's two major parties, the conservative
Constitutionalist Liberal Party (PLC) and the left-of-center
Sandinista National Liberation Front, announced that unless
Bolanos submitted his resignation, they would move to impeach
the 76-year old president. The resulting crisis, which
underscores the fragile political stability of Nicaragua as
well as a number of other Central American nations,
demonstrates how easily personal vendettas can manipulate the
political process, ignore the will of the people and endanger
democracy by undermining a competent and democratically-
elected head of state.
Bolanos as President
Enrique Bolanos, a moderate conservative who has often been
described as an honest chief executive, but lacking charisma,
was sworn into office in January 2002. As a former PLC Vice
President under President Arnoldo Aleman (1996-2001), Bolanos
went mostly unnoticed in his nation until his role as
coordinator of the economic aid effort following 1998's
devastating Hurricane Mitch displayed his leadership and
earned him the wide base of support needed to run for
president in 2001. He subsequently won the general election,
carrying 56 percent of the vote compared to Sandinista party
leader Daniel Ortega's 42 percent. Soon after his victory,
however, his crusade to purge corrupt officials from even the
highest echelons of government earned him many enemies. This
campaign led to his virtual ouster from the PLC by Aleman's
friends after the party leader and former president was
charged and then last December found guilty of corruption and
sentenced to twenty years in jail. Bolanos' severe criticism
of the Sandinista government's ties during the 1980s to Fidel
Castro, Libya's Muammar Gaddafi and Miguel ``Tirofijo''
Marulanda, commander of Colombia's leftist insurgent force
FARC, also infuriated and deeply alienated Ortega.
As president, Bolanos has emphasized economic modernization
for his underdeveloped nation and has achieved some
successes. Besides fighting corruption and pursuing a
transparent government, he has raised teachers' salaries,
assisted farmers, begun destroying the military's
stockpile of shoulder-fired missiles and upheld the 1990
peace accords signed after more than a decade of civil war
between the Sandinistas and the U.S.-backed contras.
Despite his accomplishments in office, opposition groups
have continuously targeted him, making him the scapegoat
for the nation's multiple problems and accusing him of
being Washington's puppet because of his controversial
support for the Central American Free Trade Agreement.
The Enemy Within
Bolanos has accused his main political rivals, Aleman and
Ortega, of orchestrating the efforts to remove him from
office. According to an October 19 article in the Miami
Herald, the Nicaraguan president ``has repeatedly alleged
since his campaign financing scandal erupted in late 2002
that Ortega and Aleman were trying to forge an agreement that
would impeach the president and leave Aleman under house
arrest.'' Indeed, a Nicaraguan government official confirmed
to COHA the accuracy of the supposed Aleman-Ortega pact: in
exchange for enacting constitutional reforms granting Aleman
immunity, the Sandinistas would gain control of the
judiciary, allowing the ``two caudillos (strongmen) . . . to
fill the key positions of the Comptroller's Office, the
Supreme Court of Justice, the Supreme Electoral Council and
the Prosecutor's Office with their allies.'' While the PLC
(41 seats) and Sandinistas (38 seats) currently control more
than the two thirds of the 92-seat National Assembly needed
to impeach the president, it seems unlikely that a vote will
ever take place. The Nicaraguan official also explained to
COHA the highly questionable nature of such proceedings,
making it clear that impeachment is unrealistic: ``No piece
of legislation existing in Nicaragua gives power to the
Comptroller's Office to order the removal of the President''
and as a result, the resolution to impeach Bolanos ``is
unconstitutional, clearly exceeds the Comptroller's office
powers and jurisdiction, and represents a clear violation to
the due process (Art. 10 num. 17; Art. 172, Law of the
Comptroller's Office, Decree 625-1980 as amended).''
Additionally, ``neither the Constitution nor any piece of
legislation authorizes the National Assembly to take action
on [the resolution] (Nicaraguan Constitution Art. 138,
Faculties of the National Assembly).''
While impeaching Bolanos would clearly be unconstitutional,
it was not until Ortega's November 6 announcement that his
party, which always follows his lead, would not pursue
impeachment that the president's job appeared to be safe.
However, Ortega's decision may be little more than the result
of the Sandinistas having found a way to leave Bolanos in
office, albeit with severely limited powers. In early
November, a bill was proposed in the National Assembly that
would revoke the president's power to appoint cabinet
ministers, vice-ministers, diplomats and directors of state
agencies. If both the PLC and Sandinistas support the bill,
which seems likely, it would have more than the sixty percent
of the vote needed for it to pass and cripple the president.
Regardless of whether Bolanos is removed or marginalized,
the will of Nicaraguans, the majority of whom believe the
charges against their beleaguered president are unfounded, is
being completely ignored. According to a poll published on
October 19 in the Nicaraguan daily La Prensa, 69 percent of
Nicaraguans back Bolanos and think the corruption charges
against him are a ``political trap,'' while 66 percent
believe he holds international credibility. Only 22 percent
think that the charges are grounded in truth. Clearly, the
average citizen is supportive of Bolanos and wants him to
remain in power. Yet as long as the PLC and Sandinistas
pursue their own agendas and not those of their constituents,
democracy in Nicaragua will be jeopardized.
Can the OAS Save Bolanos?
Before Ortega pledged not to purse impeachment, it seemed
that the president's only hope for survival in office would
be through the direct intervention of the Organization of
American States (OAS). Aside from eight party deputies in the
legislature, Bolanos has virtually no political support in
the National Assembly. However, he has received noteworthy
backing from abroad. In an October 16 press release, U.S.
State Department spokesman Richard Boucher expressed the Bush
administration's strong support for the besieged Nicaraguan
president, stating, ``We deplore recent politically motivated
attempts, based on dubious legal precedent, to undermine the
constitutional order in Nicaragua.'' He also praised Bolanos'
``efforts to eradicate corruption and promote democracy''
and called on the OAS to come to his aid.
In a mid-October meeting in Managua of Central American
leaders, the presidents of El Salvador, Honduras and
Guatemala, as well as the Panamanian vice president and the
foreign ministers of Costa Rica and Belize, requested
intervention by the OAS to prevent Bolanos' removal.
Representing this significant bloc of neighboring nations,
Salvadoran President Antonio Saca said, ``We agreed to
instruct the permanent representatives of the countries in
the Central America System of Integration before the OAS to
immediately convene the (OAS) Permanent Council to debate the
threatening political and institutional situation.''
Moreover, as scandals inundate the region, some critics
believe these leaders' support of the Nicaraguan president is
a way to guarantee that they will not lose power if a crisis
like the one Bolanos is now facing occurs in their respective
countries. Costa Rican President Abel Pacheco, former
Guatemalan President Alfonso Portillo and former Honduran
President Rafael Callejas all have been recently investigated
for corruption. Additionally, former Guatemalan Vice
President Francisco Reyes is currently imprisoned and ex-
Costa Rican President and former OAS Secretary General Miguel
Angel Rodriguez is under house arrest, both on corruption
charges. Regional leaders are also surely keeping an eye on
the developing crisis in Ecuador, where President Lucio
Gutierrez's cabinet is rapidly resigning as he faces
dismissal for the alleged misappropriation of campaign funds.
From October 18-20, acting OAS Secretary General Luigi
Einaudi and Permanent Council Chairman (and former Panamanian
president) Aristides Royo led an OAS delegation to meet with
Bolanos and his political opponents. According to an October
22 OAS press release, the delegation was ``not mounted to
support the president or his government, the visit was
instead intended to support `democratic institutions.' ''
While the OAS has not yet released a full report on the
delegation's findings, the London based LatinNews website
reported that on October 24, Bolanos said the OAS ``agreed
with him that the move to impeach him was illegal.'' In any
case, OAS efforts to assist the president may be hindered by
internal problems. The October 15 resignation, after less
than three weeks in office, of Secretary General Rodriguez as
a result of a corruption scandal in his native Costa Rica
cost the OAS much credibility. Prior to the OAS delegation's
arrival, PLC Deputy Enrique Quinonez captured many
people's sentiments when he proclaimed to La Prensa, ``Now
Bolanos' employees say that they will turn to the OAS, by
God! . . . the new Secretary General of the OAS resigned
for corruption.''
The OAS delegation was formed under the auspices of the
OAS's Democratic Charter. Signed in Lima in September 2001,
that document states that ``when the government of a member
state considers that its democratic political institutional
process or its legitimate exercise of power is at risk, it
may request assistance from the Secretary General or the
Permanent Council for the strengthening and preservation of
its democratic system.'' If Bolanos is ousted, according to
Article 21 of the Charter, the most the OAS can do is suspend
Nicaragua's membership. However, such a move would likely
result in international condemnation of those responsible for
ousting the president and possibly hinder the disbursement of
desperately needed international aid to the country. While
the World Bank and International Monetary Fund forgave
Nicaragua's $5.1 billion debt last January, aid remains of
crucial importance in a country where it is estimated that in
2001, 50 percent of the population lived in poverty. On
October 21, Nicaragua suffered a
major setback as a result of the Bolanos crisis when Taiwan,
which provided the country with nearly $200 million in aid
between 1997 and 2003, announced it would cease sending aid
until the national crisis is resolved.
light at the end of the tunnel
The PLC and Sandinista plan to oust the president, or at
least strip him of much of his power, has largely ignored the
sentiments of the average Nicaraguan. As Rodolfo Delgado
Romero of the Managuabased Nicaraguan Studies Institute told
COHA, ``Nicaragua must overcome the vicious cycle of crises
and have the capacity to learn from errors that date back to
the 19th century'' so it is no longer a country ``where the
majority of the population is excluded from the decision-
making process . . . a nation controlled by relatively
exclusive elites for most of its history.'' Nicaragua is in
desperate need for politicians who work on behalf of and
truthfully represent its citizens.
The power struggle currently being witnessed in Nicaragua
also demonstrates that the region is still plagued by
corruption and political pandering. Such behavior invariably
leads to unstable rule, which carries the potential for
serious conflict and underscores the need for a corruption-
free OAS that can act decisively as an arbiter to uphold
democracy in the hemisphere. It is disconcerting to note that
despite his three years of painfully-achieved economic
progress in a nation wrestling with stifling
underdevelopment, Bolanos is on the verge of falling victim
to manipulations by self-serving political opponents. While
it appears likely that President Bolanos will narrowly
survive to finish his term, the events of the last two month
have cast an almost impenetrable shadow over Nicaragua's
troubled democracy.