Mr. Speaker, I have recently been given a copy of an interesting new book called Authentic Voices of South Asia, edited by retired Brigadier General Usman Khalid and published by the London Institute of South Asia. The book is an excellent…
Mr. Speaker, I have recently been given a copy of an interesting new book called Authentic Voices of South Asia, edited by retired Brigadier General Usman Khalid and published by the London Institute of South Asia. The book is an excellent discussion of India's hegemonic ambitions in South Asia and the drive for self-determination for all the peoples of the subcontinent. I recommend it to my colleagues as an excellent source of information about that difficult and troubled region.
The book includes essays on the situation in Punjab, Khalistan, in Kashmir, and in other troubled parts of the subcontinent. It extensively discusses India's ambition to be the overwhelming, hegemonic power in South Asia and control all the countries there and its disrespect for the sovereignty of its neighbors. It is dedicated to ``250,000 Sikhs, 90,000 Muslim Kashmiri Martyrs and many more who have been killed in all parts of India, notably Assam, Maharashtra, and Gujarat by Hindu mobs or the Indian police and armed forces.'' This doesn't mention the fact that the Hindu mobs carry out their atrocities with the connivance of the Indian police and armed forces. For example, a policeman in Gujarat told an Indian newspaper that the massacre of 2,000 to 5,000 Muslims there was pre-planned by the Indian government and the police were told to stand aside, a remarkable parallel to the 1984 Delhi massacre of Sikhs, in which Sikh policemen were locked in their barracks.
In all, Mr. Speaker, over 250,000 Sikhs have been murdered by the Indian government, according to the Punjab State Magistracy, in addition to more than 300,000 Christians in Nagaland, over 90,000 Kashmiri Muslims, tens of thousands of Christians and Muslims throughout India, and tens of thousands of Assamese, Bodos, Dalits, Manipuris, Tamils, and others, as well as the minorities cited in the introduction to Authentic Voices of South Asia. In addition, according to the Movement Against State Repression, India holds over 52,000 Sikh political prisoners, some of whom have been in illegal detention without charge or trial since 1984. Amnesty International reports that tens of thousands of other minorities are also held as political prisoners. This is why this book is so urgently needed and so important.
The book includes essays by Dalit leader V.T. Rajshekar, Dr. Gurm Singh Aulakh, President of the Council of Khalistan, Dr. Awatar Singh Sekhon, Editor of the International Journal of Sikh Affairs, and many other leaders and scholars. Mr. Rajshekar writes that ``the glitter of Brahminism lies in its imperial ambitions and its fascist agenda.'' Dr. Sekhon writes that only accepting the principle of national self- determination provides a basis for peace and stability in South Asia.
India agreed in 1948 to a plebiscite in Kashmir to determine its status. That plebiscite has never been held, even as India proudly proclaims itself ``the world's largest democracy.'' Well, why not simply let the people of Kashmir, of Punjab, Khalistan, of Nagalim, and of all the other minority states and communities determine their status by means of a free and fair vote. Isn't that how democracies do business? It is time for the U.S. Congress to go on record demanding a tree and fair vote, demanding that India keep its promises and act like the democracy it claims to be. It is also time to stop American aid and trade with India until its ``imperial ambitions and its fascist agenda'' are abandoned and all people within its borders enjoy full civil liberties and human rights. Only then can India's claim of democratic principles be taken seriously.
Mr. Speaker, I would like to insert the Preface from Authentic Voices of South Asia into the Record at this time for the information of my colleagues and the American people.
Authentic Voices of South Asia
Preface
South Asia is the only major region in the world with
unsettled frontiers. This is not because the states that
emerged from the end of British colonial rule in the
subcontinent have no `principle' or `agreement' to draw on
for settling their disputes, it is because the largest
country--India--has simply resiled on the agreements it made.
The `core' dispute in the area is over the future of the
State of Jammu and Kashmir. India took the matter of its
`ownership' of the State to the UN Security Council which
ordered a cease fire but rejected its claim; it upheld the UN
Charter and secured an agreement of both India and Pakistan
that the people would decide which country their state would
join--India or Pakistan--in a UN supervised Plebiscite. India
used the cease-fire to consolidate its military position and
then went back on its agreement in 1953 to hold the
Plebiscite on the specious grounds that Pakistan had signed a
bilateral defence agreement with the US and introduced a
`foreign' element that India found unacceptable.
The root cause of all the problems in South Asia is India's
self view as an `imperial' power with a role to keep order in
the region. India acts like the US did when it exercised
control over South and Central America under the Monroe
Doctrine or the Soviet Union exercised control over East
Europe under the Brezhnev Doctrine. India does not recognise
the sovereign equality of states of South Asia; it acts as if
it operated a `doctrine of limited sovereignty' of sorts in
the region. India is resented and abhorred by all its
neighbours for that reason. India became a `strategic
partner' of the Soviet Union during the Cold War and is now a
`strategic partner' of the US and Israel. It chose its
`partners' with only one consideration--who will recognise
India as the `primary power' in the region (a policeman in
American parlance) and thus help keep a lid on the pressure
cooker that India had turned South Asia into.
Pakistan is not the only victim of India's `imperial'
aspiration; the religious minorities and the `low born'
inside India suffer even more. India betrayed the Sikh who it
promised to give their own `sovereign state'. It betrayed the
Untouchables by Poona Pact promising meaningless `legal
safeguards' in exchange for the effective `political
safeguard' of `separate electorate' offered to them by the
British Government. All the various tribal peoples all over
India, who had been self governing under British rule, have
been denied their separate identity and rights. The betrayal
of India is matched by the ineptitude of Pakistan's leaders
who neither understood the Indian mindset nor their own role
as the champion of `post imperialism' to uphold the right of
`national self-determination' in South Asia and as a `nation
state' with Islam as the principle of national solidarity.
Putting this book together was a huge task that could be
done better if some of the constraints had been absent.
Because it is so difficult to speak the truth and survive in
South Asia, many of the Authentic Voices live in exile and
those who live in India have to be careful. Being a soldier
rather than scholar, my editing is not characterised by
`academic restraint' but by `forthright clarity'. But I have
not tried to harmonise style or substance; the differences of
views between the various contributors exist, as they must.
After all, these are the Authentic Voices of different I
peoples. I am grateful to all the contributors, particularly
to Syed Ali Geelani and Mr V.T. Rajshekar, who are under
close watch in India, to have taken risks to address the
people of South Asia and given them hope and direction.--
Brigadier (R) Usman Khalid.