Mr. Speaker, I move to suspend the rules and pass the bill (H.R. 4278) to support the independence, sovereignty, and territorial integrity of Ukraine, and for other purposes, as amended. Mr. Speaker, I ask unanimous consent that all…
Mr. Speaker, I move to suspend the rules and pass the bill (H.R. 4278) to support the independence, sovereignty, and territorial integrity of Ukraine, and for other purposes, as amended.
Mr. Speaker, I ask unanimous consent that all Members have 5 legislative days to revise and extend their remarks and include any extraneous materials in the Record.
Mr. Speaker, I yield myself such time as I may consume.
Mr. Speaker, President Vladimir Putin's decision to forcibly annex Crimea was based on his calculation that the price would be bearable.
Now, in fact, Russia is susceptible to pressure. Seventy percent of all the exports from Russia are from oil and gas; 52 percent of the budget that goes to the power behind Mr. Putin's military and his government comes from that monopoly pricing on natural gas. That supplies the budget for Russia. That is what gives him the power to manipulate the situation, the monopoly over gas that he has in Eastern Europe, to manipulate this situation with respect to Ukraine.
If we want to check aggression from Russia, we must push back, and we must work together quickly, not only to confront this monopoly circumstance that exists there, but also to quickly impose tough sanctions on President Putin and on those who have been his accomplices in carrying out this aggression.
Diplomatically, our European allies have helped to eject Russia from the G8 and have suspended all other engagement with Russia until this crisis is peacefully resolved. Economically, they have also imposed sanctions, including asset freezes and visa bans, against many Russian leaders. Our targets must include government officials as well as those who hold no formal position but who, nevertheless, exercise great influence over President Putin's policy and have supported aggression. That includes the so-called oligarchs and others who have amassed enormous wealth through corruption and through other illegitimate means.
We must make clear that if they do not end this crisis--which they have deliberately created, by the way--or if they choose to go even further, then we and our allies will ratchet up the sanctions pressure.
We must also move quickly to strengthen Ukraine by reinforcing its sovereignty, its independence and territorial integrity, and assist the new government in meeting the enormous challenges it faces.
This bill provides assistance to strengthen civil society in Ukraine, to combat corruption, to help recover assets stolen by former Ukrainian officials, to reform the police and the justice sector, to promote the independent
media, to strengthen Ukraine's defense, and to help prepare for the run-up to the Presidential election, which is scheduled now on May 25.
And I will add that, in several weeks, I will be leading a bipartisan delegation from this House, with the gentleman from New York (Mr. Engel), to Ukraine. And I will add that his forefathers, in fact, come from Ukraine. We will be there to meet with the Parliament, the leadership, and the electoral commission in advance of that election.
This bill also directs the assistance already approved by the House to help get the Ukrainian economy back on its feet, including by promoting fundamental economic reforms in the country. Those tough reforms will be essential.
Mr. Speaker, Moscow is using propaganda to sow confusion and fear and unrest inside Ukraine right now, which it then exploits to justify its actions. To counter that effort, this legislation enhances funding for Radio Free Europe/Radio Liberty and the Voice of America to expand broadcasting in the Russian language, in Ukrainian, in Tatar in order to provide the accurate news and information on the ground across Ukraine. No amount of aid will help Ukraine if Russian propaganda rules the day.
Another priority must be to end Russia's ability to use its energy reserves to blackmail Ukraine and other countries, including many of our NATO allies. Russia supplies 100 percent of Lithuania's natural gas. Well, it might not be that surprising, then, that Lithuania pays the highest price for gas of any country in Eastern Europe. And it supplies two-thirds of Poland's gas.
Energy sales earn Russia not only dollars, but they earn Russia influence because Russia, in the dead of winter, has turned off the valves. Russia's state-controlled gas company, Gazprom, threatened to cut off supplies to Ukraine earlier this month, as it did during the winters of 2006 and 2009. Gazprom has stated that it is preparing to double the price Ukraine pays for its natural gas, which could cripple the country's already weak economy.
Now, we have a powerful tool to counter this pressure, one that is just waiting to be used, and that is our own energy reserves. We must remove restrictions on the export of U.S. crude oil and natural gas into Eastern Europe. We have, in fact, a letter to the Speaker of the House from the heads of state of Poland, of the Czech Republic, of Slovakia, of Hungary, asking us--asking us--to direct resources, to sell resources.
Listen, at the end of the day, if we do this, we end the flaring of gas here in the United States because of the glut. We are able to help our balance of payments. It will help to reduce our deficits. It increases Russia's deficits, frankly. It produces jobs here in the United States. But it comes at a time when Vladimir Putin has a grip on the necks of the decisionmakers in Eastern Europe with respect to his power on monopoly over gas.
Lifting, frankly, these self-imposed sanctions on ourselves in terms of not exporting our excess gas would not only boost the U.S. economy and create American jobs, as I indicated, but would reduce the energy revenues that comprise 52 percent of the budget for the military and the government in Russia. We must break Putin's energy grip over Ukraine and Eastern Europe. This is a strategic issue.
I am pleased, by the way, to have worked closely with Ranking Member Eliot Engel of New York and with all of the members of the committee to produce this strong, effective, and much-needed bipartisan bill, and I look forward to its passage today and to working with our Senate colleagues to have the President sign the bill into law as soon as possible.
Mr. Speaker, I reserve the balance of my time.
House of Representatives,
Committee on the Judiciary,
Washington, DC., March 26, 2014.
Hon. Ed Royce,
Chairman, Committee on Foreign Affairs,
Washington, DC.
Dear Chairman Royce: I am writing with respect to H.R.
4278, the ``Ukraine Support Act,'' which the Committee on
Foreign Affairs ordered reported favorably on March 25, 2014.
As a result of your having consulted with us on provisions in
H.R. 4278 that fall within the Rule X jurisdiction of the
Committee on the Judiciary, I agree to discharge our
Committee from further consideration of this bill so that it
may proceed expeditiously to the House floor for
consideration.
The Judiciary Committee takes this action with our mutual
understanding that by foregoing consideration of H.R. 4278 at
this time, we do not waive any jurisdiction over subject
matter contained in this or similar legislation, and that our
Committee will be appropriately consulted and involved as
this bill or similar legislation moves forward so that we may
address any remaining issues in our jurisdiction. Our
Committee also reserves the right to seek appointment of an
appropriate number of conferees to any House-Senate
conference involving this or similar legislation, and asks
that you support any such request.
I would appreciate a response to this letter confirming
this understanding with respect to H.R. 4278, and would ask
that a copy of our exchange of letters on this matter be
included in the Congressional Record during Floor
consideration of H.R. 4278.
Sincerely,
Bob Goodlatte,
Chairman.
Mr. Speaker, I yield 1 minute to the gentleman from Virginia (Mr. Cantor), our respected majority leader.
Mr. Speaker, I yield 3 minutes to the gentleman from New Jersey (Mr. Smith), chairman of the Foreign Affairs Subcommittee on Africa, Global Health, Global Human Rights, and International Organizations.
Mr. Speaker, I yield 3 minutes to the gentleman from California (Mr. Rohrabacher), chairman of the Foreign Affairs Subcommittee on Europe, Eurasia, and Emerging Threats.
I yield myself such time as I may consume.
Mr. Speaker, part of our problem here is with President Putin's definition of what is the Russian Nation in his speech to the Duma. When he says the Russian Nation is divided by borders, he is sending a message that, with respect not just to Crimea but other areas throughout Europe, Russia may be staking a claim.
Here is the difficulty. In Crimea, yes, the population today is majority ethnic Russian, but there was a time when, before Joe Stalin moved a wide segment of the Tatars population into Siberia and before the forced collectivization, there was a time when the majority population was very different than it is today. Fifty-six percent of that ethnic group perished. But this is a problem that we also have in Eastern Europe and in eastern and southern Ukraine, because you had some 8 million Ukrainians also perish during Stalin's rule, and ethnic Russians came into that area as a consequence.
The thing we need to remember is that it is, in fact, the Russian- speaking population in the east, as well as the Ukrainians speaking in the west, that voted for independence for Ukraine, that voted strongly to have a separate state. And if this issue is allowed to stand without the world responding, the question is: Is that argument then made in Latvia and Estonia? Is that argument then made in Latvia and Estonia? Is that argument made in all of the former Russian states?
I do not think in any way this is comparable to Kosovo. In Kosovo, NATO responded to a brutal campaign of ethnic cleansing by former Yugoslavian forces. In Crimea, Russia attempted to justify its actions by fabricating the myth of widespread violence against the ethnic Russian population, even going as far as to equate it to the bloodshed occurring in Syria. Clearly, this is not true. We know it is not true.
In terms of the election itself, opponents were silenced. International monitors were barred. Crimean Tatars themselves boycotted the very election. Voters were not given the option of preserving Crimea's current status within Ukraine. Independence and de facto independence were the only options, and the bogus vote there was also unnecessary because the Ukrainian Government had made it clear that it was willing to discuss increased autonomy for Crimea.
Now, here is the problem going forward. We know the view taken internationally on this subject. The U.N. Security Council condemned Russia's unprovoked aggression against Ukraine, and Russia stood alone--stood absolutely alone in this case--because even Ukrainians themselves have gone to the sites of the Russian media-reported attacks against ethnic Russian minorities to show that that is not occurring. That is, in fact, propaganda. We can't let this stand.
One of the other things we are doing in this bill is improving our broadcasting into Ukraine and the region to dispel these myths and spread the truth about the situation there.
So I reserve the balance of my time.
Mr. Speaker, I yield 2 minutes to the gentleman from Texas (Mr. Poe), chairman of the Foreign Affairs Subcommittee on Terrorism, Nonproliferation, and Trade.
Mr. Speaker, I yield 1 minute to the gentleman from Indiana (Mr. Messer), a member of the Committee on Foreign Affairs.
Mr. Speaker, I yield myself such time as I may consume.
This is not a new cold war. President Reagan ended the cold war. The way he did that, frankly, was by leading, but also with a strategy which drove down the price of oil and gas, which was the stranglehold, which not only Russia had over Eastern Europe, but also funded the ability of the former Soviet Union militarily to carry out an expansion program.
Today, you have the circumstance where President Putin relies almost solely--70 percent of the exports, 52 percent of the budget, as I indicated--from a monopoly position on oil and gas.
That is why I think it is very important that we understand what the polls and what the Hungarians understood when they exported 2 billion cubic yards of gas last year to Ukraine in order to try to keep the ability of Russia from manipulating the situation into leading to the very chaos that was brought about.
We need to understand, when the U.S.-EU annual summit just occurred and the EU asked us to be part of a program to ship gas into that market in order to offset this monopoly control and pricing by Russia, that we should be part of this. This is part of this bill.
Also part of the bill is the important consequence of communicating to the people in that region and offsetting the propaganda that Russia right now is sending into the country.
We address that issue, as well, in this legislation, as well as good governance issues, and the steps that are needed in order to reform the economy inside Ukraine in order to set up the rule of law, independent courts.
The polls are on the ground working on this issue right now. The United States needs to support that effort. This sends one last message that, if you are in the business of helping to invade a country, there will be consequences.
I urge an ``aye'' vote, and I yield back the balance of my time.
Mr. Speaker, on that I demand the yeas and nays.