Floor Statements

Mr. Speaker, protecting the environment and our natural resources are vital, and when a school is committed to furthering those goals it deserves a great deal of praise and admiration. That is why I am proud to acknowledge the Anne Hutchinson Elementary School in Eastchester, New York which has been designated as one of the 2014 U.S. Department of Education Green Ribbon School Honorees.

The prestigious Green Ribbon School program recognizes schools where staff, students, officials and communities have worked together to produce energy efficient, sustainable and healthy school environments and to ensure the environmental literacy of graduates.

The Anne Hutchinson Elementary School was the only New York State School nominated for the Green Ribbons School program during the 2013- 2014 school year. The school's commitments to reducing its overall environmental impact, cut utility costs, and promote awareness by incorporating a wide variety of environmentally conscious practices into learning made it one of only 48 schools across the country to be honored as a Green Ribbon School.

As a senior member of the House Energy and Commerce Committee I am keenly aware of the need to pursue smarter, greener energy practices in order to achieve true energy independence and face the challenges of climate change. Schools like the Anne Hutchinson Elementary School are laying the foundation for a more sustainable future and I am so proud to be able to represent such an environmentally conscious school as a Member of Congress.

Congratulations to the students, faculty and administrators of the Anne Hutchinson Elementary School on receiving this incredible honor and recognition.

Mr. Speaker, I yield myself such time as I may consume, and I rise in strong support of this resolution.

Mr. Speaker, the terrorist attacks by radical Islamists in Paris were a tragedy for all who love peace and freedom. What happened at the offices of Charlie Hebdo and the kosher market reminds us this violent extremism remains a critical threat. I am happy to stand with the chairman here in showing strong bipartisanship once again because we grieve with France, our oldest ally. Our hearts break for all those who have lost loved ones in these attacks and for all who watched this carnage spill into their peaceful city streets.

As a New Yorker, I remember the outpouring of support from France following September 11, 2011. But even as we mourn the dead, we draw inspiration from the displays of courage and solidarity on the streets of the City of Light, across Europe, and around the world.

With the attackers still at large, Parisians took to the streets in massive and peaceful vigils. They sent a clear message to the world: freedom and justice will not be cowed by violence and terror.

In these attacks, Mr. Speaker, the ancient evil of anti-Semitism once again showed its ugly face. Anti-Semitism is both a threat with which governments need to deal and a societal challenge requiring honest dialogue, critical self-examination, and constant vigilance. France's deployment of special troops and extra police to Jewish sites was the right thing to do. But much more will be needed in the days ahead to ensure that Europe's largest Jewish community is safe from attack and free from fear.

Just as America stands with the people of France against terrorism, Americans also stand shoulder to shoulder with European Jewry.

That is the message we are sending today with this resolution. Whether in Paris or New York, Moscow or Jerusalem, whether homegrown or imported, whether targeting Jews, Muslims, Christians, or anyone else, violent extremism has no place in a civilized world. We will continue to work with our friends and allies to put a stop to this threat. It is important that Congress go on record as strongly opposed to this violence. We will do whatever it takes to secure the future of freedom and democracy.

Mr. Speaker, I am Jewish--Je suis Juif. I am Charlie--Je suis Charlie.

Mr. Speaker, I urge my colleagues to support this resolution.

I reserve the balance of my time.

Mr. Speaker, I yield 3 minutes to the gentlewoman from Texas (Ms. Jackson Lee).

(Ms. JACKSON LEE asked and was given permission to revise and extend her remarks.)

I yield an additional 1 minute to the gentlewoman from Texas (Ms. Jackson Lee).

Mr. Speaker, I yield myself such time as I may consume.

Je suis Juif, I am Jewish. Mr. Speaker, Je suis Charlie, I am Charlie Hebdo. This is what we are all saying collectively as a Congress as we debate this bill today. This is what the people of France were saying and have been saying ever since the tragedy happened. People with placards and banners were carrying them high above France to show solidarity in the fight against terrorism.

Mr. Speaker, we have had an important conversation here in the House. I am heartened by the expressions of unity and resolve, and I hope they provide a measure of comfort to those families that are suffering who had loved ones who were killed and those who were wounded by this recent attack.

Symbolism looms hard in foreign affairs, and with this resolution, we deliver a powerful message. We deliver it on the day the President is going to speak with us in the State of the Union, and I think nothing could be stronger than for this House unanimously to fight terrorism, to reject terrorism, and, again, to say, ``Je suis Juif, Je suis Charlie.''

I yield back the balance of my time.

Mr. Speaker, I was necessarily absent on January 6th, as I was attending the funeral of former New York Governor Mario Cuomo. Had I been present I would have voted in the following manner:

Roll Call #1 Present.

Roll Call #2 For Congresswoman Nancy Pelosi for Speaker.

Roll Call #3 No on Tabling the Motion to Refer.

Roll Call #4 No on Ordering the Previous Question.

Roll Call #5 Yes on the Motion to Commit with Instructions.

Roll Call #6 No on Adopting Rules for the 114th Congress.

Roll Call #7 Yes on H.R. 22, the Hire More Heroes Act of 2015.

Mr. Speaker, I want to express my deep disappointment in the votes that were just taken by the House.

We should be fully funding Homeland Security in this country. In light of what went on in Paris, in light of September 11, in light of the fact that there are terrorist cells, we need the Department of Homeland Security to be fully funded.

If there are differences of opinion with the President on the immigration bill, then that should be fought in an immigration bill, but we shouldn't mix apples with oranges.

My mother used to say, ``You shouldn't cut off your nose to spite your face.'' That is exactly what this House did just before: we cut off our nose to spite our face.

To prove a point of dissatisfaction with the President, we cut funds for Homeland Security. That is an irresponsible act, and I really wish it would be reversed. We need to fully fund Homeland Security. The fight on immigration is the fight on immigration. Let's not mix apples with oranges, to quote another metaphor.

I am terribly disappointed, and I say to my colleagues that the Department of Homeland Security needs to be fully funded. We should be adding funds to keep our people safe, not pulling them away.

Mr. Speaker, last December, a terrible civil conflict erupted in the nation of South Sudan. Two million people have been displaced, 1.5 million don't have enough to eat, and an estimated 50,000 have been killed. The scale of the human suffering and ethnic violence in the world's newest country is shocking.

It is deeply troubling that so little progress has been made towards a peace agreement between the parties to this conflict.

Today, I call on both parties to lay down their arms. It is unconscionable that the people of South Sudan should have to endure such suffering due to the irresponsible actions of their own leaders. The parties must set aside their differences and negotiate a non- violent resolution for the good of their young nation.

The U.S. government must also step up its efforts, using its political and diplomatic influence to bring a lasting end to this crisis. As we mark a year since the onset of political violence in this country, we must reaffirm our dedication to working for peace in South Sudan.

Mr. Speaker, 2015 will be an important year for the future of African democracy. Many countries on the continent will either hold or prepare for Presidential elections. If recent history is any guide, some long-serving African leaders will be tempted to alter constitutions or take other quasi-legal steps to extend their rule. I strongly encourage these leaders, including President Sassou-Nguesso of Congo-Brazzaville, to resist this temptation and to respect the will of their people.

Congo-Brazzaville has enormous natural resource wealth, including oil, minerals and timber. In 2014, the nation's GDP will be an estimated $12.9 billion. It has also received nearly $2 billion in debt relief since 2010. However, it is ranked 142 out of 186 on the U.N. Human Development Index--in other words, human development is low. Political opposition is repressed, so discussion about governance and how to improve and deliver broader economic growth is limited.

In 2016, when it is time for the people of Congo-Brazzaville to go to the polls and elect a President, they deserve the chance to choose a new leader who will endeavor to deliver equitable growth to their country. According to the constitution, that should be their right-- President Nguesso's two 7-year terms will have expired. However, there are indications that he is considering amending that constitution so he is eligible to run again, further extending his 30-year long rule.

The events in Burkina Faso earlier this fall should give pause to any leader considering constitutional changes that would allow them to extend their rule. President Nguesso should allow the voters of Congo- Brazzaville to select a new leader and engage in real democracy--a process that involves a peaceful change in government.

Let 2015 be a year filled with peace and prosperity for the Congolese people. Let a legitimate, democratic transfer of power be the legacy of President Sassou-Nguesso. Let his actions serve as a model and inspiration for other leaders in the region. And let democracy and the rule of law prosper in sub-Saharan Africa.

Madam Speaker, reserving the right to object, although I don't intend to object, this is a very important measure. We need to send this measure to the President's desk, and we need to do so tonight. I am delighted that we are doing so.

It is clear that Russia is not only fomenting separatism in Ukraine, it is actively supporting the uprising and sending troops to back it up. This is an invasion, plain and simple.

I am concerned that the Kremlin's designs don't stop with Ukraine. Putin is already putting substantial pressure on our NATO allies and our European friends. We must not bow to his aggression.

If we don't act now, where will we be in 6 months? Where will we be in 2 years? Where will we be in a decade?

Since the Cold War, a vision has emerged of a Europe whole, free, and at peace. That reality is within reach. Putin's aggression puts that future in dire jeopardy. We cannot let that hope die.

We need to let President Putin know loudly and clearly we will not stand for his blatant disregard of international law, we will not abandon our friends, and, as the United States, we remain the world's champion of freedom, democracy, and the dignity of all people.

Madam Speaker, I would like to commend the chairman and ranking member of the Senate Foreign Relations Committee for sending the House this bill so that we can stand as one in the face of Russia's aggression. In the House Foreign Affairs Committee, Chairman Royce and I, as ranking member, have worked together to say that we will not stand for Putin's aggression.

I think this is a very, very important thing to do, very important bill to pass.

With that, I withdraw my reservation of objection.

Mr. Speaker, I would like to commend Mr. Blumenauer and Mr. Poe for their hard work on H.R. 2901, the Senator Paul Simon Water for the World Act. I am proud to be a cosponsor of this legislation, and was pleased to work closely with the bill's sponsors and Chairman Royce to bring the bill through our Foreign Affairs Committee and onto the floor today.

This legislation enjoys broad support from a coalition of nearly 80 civil society groups that are dedicated to developing access to clean water around the world, and it has more than 100 bipartisan cosponsors in the House.

Congress has long been committed to making the United States a global leader in improving access to water, sanitation, and hygiene. America and its international partners have provided clean water to millions of the world's poorest people. This investment has saved countless lives, but there is much more work to be done.

More than 750 million people still lack access to clean water. Twenty percent of the global population remains dependent on water that is either polluted or drastically overdrawn. Two and a half billion do not have proper sanitation facilities. Nearly 1 in every 5 deaths among children under age 5 are caused by water-related diseases, and 3.4 million people die from inadequate water, sanitation, and hygiene every year. These problems are not merely social injustices but pose a significant obstacle to security and economic prosperity across wide regions of the world.

This bill will make our existing water, sanitation and hygiene (WASH) programs more effective by establishing priorities and focusing on areas with the greatest need and the most potential. It will enhance oversight and coordination by requiring the designation of a Global Water Coordinator at USAID and a Global Water Advisor at the Department of State, and it will update strategic planning by calling for an improved Global Water Strategy. These changes will enhance the investments we are already making through USAID and the Department of State.

Through these steps, H.R. 2901 will help ensure that our water development programs continue to save lives and improve health for millions of people in need around the world. I encourage my colleagues to support this important bill and hope the other body will give this legislation the expedited consideration it deserves.

Mr. Speaker, I thank the gentleman from Washington for yielding time to me, and I rise in support of the National Defense Authorization Act for Fiscal Year 2015. As the ranking member on the Foreign Affairs Committee, I would like to thank Chairman McKeon and Ranking Member Smith for working with Chairman Royce and me in a productive manner on many of the international provisions contained in title 12 of this legislation.

The State Department and other civilian foreign affairs agencies work side by side with the U.S. military in protecting the national security of the United States, and it is very important that our two committees do the same.

Mr. Speaker, this NDAA underscores the complex challenges and dangers we confront around the world, in the Middle East, South Asia, Europe, Africa, and East Asia. There are many important provisions in this bill, but I would like to take a moment to highlight section 1209, which would reauthorize the Pentagon's train-and-equip program for the moderate, vetted Syrian opposition.

For far too long, the moderate opposition in Syria has been waiting for our support. They are now fighting a three-front war against the Assad regime, ISIL, and the al Qaeda-backed Nusra front. To defeat ISIL and create the conditions necessary for a political transition in Syria, we need the moderate opposition to serve as ``boots on the ground'' in Syria.

The Free Syrian Army is far from perfect, but they are the best we have got, and we need to get the train-and-equip program ramped up as soon as possible.

Mr. Speaker, I would also like to express my support for section 1264 of the legislation, which removes the two main political parties in Iraqi Kurdistan from the terrorist list. The Kurds are some of our closest allies in the fight against ISIS, and they should be treated as such.

Finally, I would like to thank the chairman and ranking member for including section 1273, which is based on an amendment I offered. Recent and ongoing conflicts in Syria, Iraq, Afghanistan, Mali, and other countries have damaged and destroyed countless archeological sites and historic artifacts that constitute the cultural heritage of mankind.

My amendment would simply require the Defense Department to report on their efforts to help protect cultural property in areas of armed conflict.

Mr. Speaker, I urge my colleagues to support the legislation. I thank Mr. Smith, and I thank Mr. McKeon, and let me just wish Mr. McKeon Godspeed. He has been a great Member and a good friend. I wish him the best in the future.

Mr. Speaker, I yield myself as much time as I may consume, and I rise in strong support of H. Res. 758.

Mr. Speaker, after the cold war, we all hoped that Russia would emerge as a modern power, governed by democratic norms, the rule of law, and respect for human rights. Regrettably, things didn't turn out that way. It is time to recognize the fact that Russia, under the leadership of Vladimir Putin, is a threat to European security and to U.S. interests in the region.

We must be clear that our concerns are not directed toward the Russian people. In fact, as Putin tightens his grip, his own citizens are among those suffering the most. Basic freedoms are under attack. The media has become a mouthpiece for Putin and his cronies, and as Russia continues its aggression in Ukraine, international sanctions are hitting home, dragging down Russia's economy.

Nevertheless, we have high hopes for those inside Russia who seek an alternative, who want a brighter future for their country and for their children, so this resolution encourages the establishment of close and cooperative ties between the people of the United States and the people of Russia.

It pains me that Putin has effectively destroyed democracy in Russia. We must let the Russian people know that we stand by them against this tyrant. We need to keep supporting those in Russia who are struggling against tough odds to keep the media and civil space open, to share ideas that originate beyond the Kremlin's walls, to shine a light on the corruption in Moscow and the misinformation on the airwaves.

I think this resolution sends an important message, and I would like to thank the gentleman from Illinois (Mr. Kinzinger) for taking the lead on this important issue, but I also think we should be doing more, and I am pleased to be working with Chairman Royce on new legislation to support Ukraine and further penalize Russia for its continued trampling of Ukrainian sovereignty.

I am also pleased that this resolution lays out Congress' strong opposition to France's sale of two Mistral warships to Russia, a key priority of mine over the last several months. We should all thank France for indefinitely suspending transfer of the ship to Russia, but I think we can go even further, with NATO buying or leasing the ships.

I believe that this would be a win-win-win: a win for NATO, which would acquire these powerful ships; a win for France, whose legitimate financial interests would be addressed; and a win for the countries in Eastern Europe, which would be further threatened if Russia, indeed, had these vessels.

Among those countries under Moscow's pressure are Ukraine, Moldova, and Georgia, where Russia continues to stoke separatism. There was a vote recently in Moldova which rejected Putin and his nonsense, and I was happy to see it.

In the Baltic States and elsewhere, Russian propaganda fills the airwaves, spreading deceptions about the West. Across Eastern Europe, millions wait with apprehension to see what Putin will do next. They have good reason. We know that he is willing to flout international law and trample his neighbors' sovereignty, so better to stand up to a bully now than to try to reverse his future gains.

When Putin talks about going into Crimea to protect ethnic Russians, it sounds to me a very lot like Hitler in 1938 who said he was going in to Czechoslovakia to the Sudetenland to protect ethnic Germans.

During the cold war, the United States stared down the Soviet Union at the height of its power and refused to blink. We sided with those behind the Iron Curtain who stood up for their universal rights.

Today, those rights are once again under threat; so, my colleagues, let's pass this resolution, and let's keep working to meet the challenge of Russia's growing aggression.

Mr. Speaker, I urge my colleagues to support this resolution, and I reserve the balance of my time.

Mr. Speaker, I yield 3 minutes to the gentlewoman from Texas (Ms. Jackson Lee).

Mr. Speaker, it is now my pleasure to yield 2 minutes to the gentlewoman from Ohio, Marcy Kaptur, who has been a leader in Ukraine freedom and other issues involving Eastern Europe.

Mr. Speaker, I yield myself such time as I may consume.

In closing, let me again stress the importance of this resolution. It is strong and it is comprehensive. It says what needs to be said, namely, that the United States stands firmly with Ukraine as it faces Russia's aggregation, period, plain and simple, and it condemns that aggregation in unambiguous terms.

But this resolution also keeps the door open to improved U.S.-Russian relations should Mr. Putin cease his aggression against Ukraine and observe the rules and norms that undergird the international order.

I urge my colleagues to support this resolution. It is very important. It is very timely. It is important that we act now.

I yield back the balance of my time.

Mr. Speaker, I yield myself such time as I may consume.

Mr. Speaker, I rise in strong support of H. Res. 714. Let me start by thanking my colleague from American Samoa (Mr. Faleomavaega) for authorizing this resolution. I also thank him for his many years of distinguished service here in Congress. This is especially moving for me because Eni and I were both elected to Congress on the same day and started to serve that first day. We were elected in November of 1988, and we both served starting January 3, 1989. As the jargon is here in Washington, we are classmates. We sat next to each other on the Foreign Affairs Committee for all those years and had a good chance to travel together and have our families get to know each other, especially our wives. It really has been a pleasure to be a friend and a colleague of Mr. Faleomavaega. We are going to miss him, but I know he will grace our presence and come back and visit.

So this is really a tribute. This is an important resolution. It is important for its substance, but it is also important because I look at it as a tribute to Eni Faleomavaega, my colleague, my friend, a really great human being, great American, and great person representing American Samoa for so many years. Thank you, Eni.

As both the chairman and the ranking member of the Subcommittee on Asia and the Pacific throughout the years, Mr. Faleomavaega was focused on U.S. policy involving the Asia-Pacific region. He was focused on this policy long before anyone decided we need a ``pivot'' or ``rebalance'' to the region. Eni always knew--and knows--that Asia is important, and that the United States, as a Pacific power, has a vital role to play.

The measure we are considering today reaffirms our strong support for a peaceful resolution to disputes in the South China Sea and East China Sea. It calls on all parties to reduce tensions, manage disputes peacefully, and adhere to international law. It encourages our own government to keep working with allies and partners, helping expand their ability to keep an eye on their own maritime domains.

The United States, as I mentioned before, is a Pacific power. We have a vital interest in freedom of navigation and overflight in these disputed areas, which are vital to economic security and lawful commerce in the region. These are universal rights, not rights granted by some states to others and not rights that China thinks it can dominate and be aggressive in terms of claiming the seas as its own, even though many of those seas are literally thousands of miles away from mainland China.

Tensions in the East and South China Sea have been steadily increasing for the last several years. Provocations have become bolder and more frequent, and little progress has been made on a code of conduct in the South China Sea to establish rules of the road among claimants.

When I went there more than a year ago with Chairman Royce, we were told by the government of the Philippines and Japan that they were very, very concerned with what China has been doing and claiming. The United States does not take sides in these disputes. We believe that they should be resolved diplomatically and without force or coercion. Territorial claims--and arbitration of those claims--should be based on international law.

There have been some hopeful signs. Japan and Taiwan have worked out an agreement relating to fishing rights. China and Vietnam have began discussions on how to reduce tensions between their respective navies. In advance of the Asia-Pacific Economic Cooperation summit, called APEC, and bilateral meetings, Japan and China decided to ``agree to disagree'' on the issue of the Senkaku Islands. They are now looking for other ways to expand their diplomatic, political, and security ties, despite their differences.

In addition, the President announced during his recent visit to Beijing that the United States and China agreed to a range of maritime confidence-building measures. We will continue working to expand this cooperation into airspace next year.

These developments are positive and should continue in earnest, but they are not enough. H. Res. 714 urges all parties to stay focused on this progress and to continue working for a peaceful resolution of maritime disputes in areas that are vitally important to the continued economic development, peace, and security of the Asia-Pacific region.

Mr. Speaker, I urge all of my colleagues to support this resolution, and I reserve the balance of my time.

Mr. Speaker, it is now my pleasure and honor to yield 5 minutes to the Representative from American Samoa, Mr. Eni Faleomavaega.

Mr. Speaker, I yield 3 minutes to the gentlewoman from Guam, Representative Madeleine Bordallo.

Mr. Speaker, I am going to close now. In closing, I would like to underscore the importance and timeliness of this resolution. It is imperative that disagreements in the East or South China Seas be resolved peacefully, without force or coercion, and in accordance with international law.

Anything less than this jeopardizes the interests of the United States, of our allies and partners, and the continued economic development, peace, and security of the Asia-Pacific region.

I urge all my colleagues to support this important resolution, H. Res. 714.

I yield to the gentleman from American Samoa.

I thank the gentleman, and I want to just say, I think we all have relatives that live in Ileana Ros-Lehtinen's district. And if we don't, we want to go to her district in the wintertime.

Mr. Speaker, I yield back the balance of my time.

Mr. Speaker, I rise in strong support of S. 2673, the U.S.-Israel Strategic Partnership Act, and I yield myself as much time as I may consume.

Mr. Speaker, let me first thank Ms. Ros-Lehtinen, the chair of the Middle East and North Africa Subcommittee, and Mr. Deutch, the ranking member of that subcommittee, for authoring the House version of this legislation, which passed by a vote of 410-1 on March 5 of this year.

I will have to figure out who that one is.

They have worked tirelessly, Ms. Ros-Lehtinen and Mr. Deutch, with their Senate counterparts, Senators Boxer and Blunt, to send this bill to the President.

This legislation would reaffirm our support for the U.S.-Israel relationship at a time of unprecedented threats.

In the north, Israel sees Syria engulfed in a civil war that has killed upwards of 200,000 people. The extremists who have filled the vacuum of leadership, like the al-Qaeda-affiliated al-Nusra front, are sitting right on Israel's border. They even kidnapped U.N. peacekeepers tasked with keeping that border calm.

From Jordan, typically a quiet ally, we have seen some ugly rhetoric over the past few weeks. After terrorists seized a synagogue and slaughtered rabbis in their place of worship, the Jordanian Parliament praised the so-called martyrs who perpetrated this heinous attack.

This summer's war against Hamas and Gaza left the Israeli public acutely aware of their own vulnerabilities. For years, Israelis on border towns have said that they have heard digging underneath their feet, scratches and vibrations that kept them up at night.

It turns out they were right. Hamas was digging tunnels in order to kidnap Israeli civilians and soldiers, or perpetrate large-scale terrorist attacks in some of Israel's largest cities.

I stood with Chairman Royce in one of those tunnels just a couple of months ago. We were also with Mr. Rohrabacher, and we looked at those tunnels. It was just amazing. They were solidly-constructed and well- engineered.

I couldn't help but wonder what Gaza would look like today if Hamas had put those resources into building schools or hospitals or a modern infrastructure for the Palestinian people. But they didn't. They, instead, made them terror tunnels. What a waste.

Hamas is now a legitimate political actor. It uses violence to gain power. It sees no value in human life, neither its Israeli victims nor its Palestinian human shields. And we did pass a resolution earlier this year condemning Hamas' use of innocent civilians as human shields.

And, of course, Israel faces the existential threat of Iran and its illicit nuclear weapons program. Even as talks continue between the P5+1 and Iran, Tehran continues to support international terrorism that targets Jews in Israel and other parts of the world.

Israel is a bright light, Mr. Speaker, in a very, very dark region, the only democracy in the Middle East, and a valued ally of the United States. That is why we are considering this bill to strengthen our relationship with the state and the people of Israel, and to send a clear and unmistakable message to Israel's foes, and that message is: America stands with Israel.

Specifically, this bill would build on our robust defense cooperation. It would ramp up U.S.-Israel collaboration on cybersecurity, expand U.S.-Israel energy cooperation, and reaffirm our commitment to Israel's QME, or qualitative military edge.

This legislation names Israel as a major strategic partner, demonstrating that our relationship is not transactional, it is not assistance-based. Our relationship is based on shared cultural, societal, and historical ties, and is clearly ingrained in the values we hold dear. It is mutually beneficial and serves the strategic interests of both countries.

Again, in my trip to Israel with Chairman Royce and Mr. Rohrabacher and Mr. Gregory Meeks, we understood why America stands with Israel.

So, for these reasons, I urge my colleagues to support this legislation. It is very important. It is very important that we do this.

Mr. Speaker, I reserve the balance of my time.

Mr. Speaker, it is now my pleasure to yield 3 minutes to the gentlewoman from New York, Mrs. Nita Lowey, who is the ranking member of the Appropriations subcommittee which deals with all of these important issues.

Mr. Speaker, I now yield 3 minutes to the gentleman from Florida, Mr. Ted Deutch, one of the authors of this bill.

Mr. Speaker, in closing, let me say that I am very proud to help send this bill to the President's desk. This is really significant and important.

The United States stands with Israel during these challenging times, and deepening our ties with Israel will only help strengthen our mutually beneficial relationship. Let me say that again, ``mutually beneficial relationship.''

It benefits both countries to have the kind of relationship that we have with Israel. It benefits both countries because we have shared values and care about democracy. It benefits both countries because we share intelligence and do so many things together as closest allies.

This is a very important piece of legislation, and I urge everyone to support it.

I yield back the balance of my time.

Mr. Speaker, I yield myself such time as I may consume.

I rise in strong support of H.R. 5681. This legislation approves an amendment, as the chairman said, to the United States-United Kingdom Mutual Defense Agreement.

I want to begin by thanking Chairman Ed Royce for his bipartisan leadership on this legislation, which I am proud to cosponsor.

Since 1958, the U.S.-U.K. Mutual Defense Agreement has underpinned cooperation between our two countries on defense-related nuclear technology. The U.K. is the only country with which we share this sensitive nuclear technology. It reflects the special relationship that binds our countries together.

Every 10 years, this agreement has been extended to stay up to date with new technologies and build new areas of cooperation. Now, normally, these extensions go into effect automatically 60 legislative days after the updated agreement is submitted to Congress. However, this agreement will lapse on December 31, before we reach that 60-day mark. If that were to happen, the revised agreement would have to be resubmitted in the next Congress, the 60-day clock would reset, and, most importantly, there would be no legal authority to continue defense-related nuclear work with the U.K. for some period of time.

What would that mean?

First, the regular scheduled transfer of nuclear material between the U.S. and the U.K. would grind to a halt.

Secondly, ongoing work on submarine propulsion would be interrupted, which would affect the deployment of our ally's nuclear deterrent.

Thirdly, exchange of sensitive information that benefits both of our nations would be delayed, including information related to threats from other countries.

Mr. Speaker, we cannot allow this agreement to lapse. Passing this bill will protect these critically important defense programs with one of our closest allies.

I urge my colleagues to support this important bill. I just want to reiterate the importance of passing this bipartisan, noncontroversial legislation to ensure that there is no lapse in the U.S.-U.K. Mutual Defense Agreement.

I thank the chairman, as always, for his cooperation.

Mr. Speaker, I yield back the balance of my time.

Mr. Speaker, I yield myself as much time as I may consume, and I rise in strong support of H.R. 3398, the Girls Count Act of 2014.

Mr. Speaker, first of all, I would like to thank Representative Chabot and Representative McCollum for authoring this important legislation. It is very good legislation, it is very important legislation, and I am proud to be a part of it.

Around the world, nearly 230 million children under the age of 5 have never had their birth registered or been issued a birth certificate. Most of these unregistered children are girls, and all of them face serious vulnerabilities.

The lack of birth registration makes it much harder to get official documentation and, as a result, these children often become targets for child labor, abuse, human and sex trafficking, child marriage, recruitment into militant groups, and other forms of exploitation.

Unregistered children are often prevented from access to health care, including necessary child immunizations, and from enrolling in school. Down the line, many of these children will be unable to inherit land or money, start a business, or even open a bank account.

This sort of marginalization often hits women the hardest. Unregistered women are more likely to be confined to their homes and invisible to the outside world. Lack of registration limits their choices and opportunities and impedes the long-term development of their communities.

H.R. 3398 will enhance efforts to get more children registered. It reaffirms our strong support for programs aimed at addressing the undercounting of girls in the developing world. It encourages countries to support programs that expand the rights of women, especially property ownership and Social Security rights.

The legislation authorizes the Secretary of State and the Administrator of USAID to support important civil registration and vital statistics programs focusing on birth registration, and allows them to work with local government ministries to ensure equal access to these programs. This complements the work of organizations around the world that are engaged in the important work of protecting vulnerable children and puts pressure on other governments to act.

While improving birth registration systems helps the most vulnerable populations, it has positive ripple effects across a whole society. Governments with better records can provide better services, tailor more effective policies, and bring more people into full participation in their economies. This basic practice can help make entire countries stronger.

Mr. Speaker, I urge my colleagues to support this important legislation. I, once again, thank Chairman Royce for his cooperation and bipartisanship.

I reserve the balance of my time.

Mr. Speaker, I yield myself such time as I may consume.

I want to again thank the chairman and thank Mr. Chabot.

Getting children registered at birth helps to get them off to a good start. This bill encourages governments to enact laws and policies that give all children, including girls, a chance to be full participants in society. So I strongly support this bill and urge my colleagues to do so as well.

Mr. Speaker, I reserve the balance of my time.

Mr. Speaker, I will close now, and I will urge my colleagues to vote for this important bill.

I thank the chairman, Mr. Chabot, Mr. Smith, and Ms. McCollum.

This is a bipartisan, important piece of legislation, and I urge my colleagues on both sides of the aisle to support it.

I yield back the balance of my time.

Mr. Speaker, I yield myself such time as I may consume.

I rise in strong support of H. Res. 754, a resolution condemning the Government of Iran for its gross human rights violations.

When President Hassan Rouhani was elected in June 2013, he came to office with a reputation as a so-called ``moderate.'' Some hoped that the human rights situation inside Iran would improve. A year later, we know that was a false hope. In fact, on so many fronts, things have gotten worse.

It is interesting when people say Rouhani is a moderate. No moderates were allowed to run for President in the Iranian election. There were six hard-liners at the end who were allowed to run. Rouhani may be the most moderate of those six hard-liners, but he is still a hard-liner, and I think we are seeing it time and time and time again. In fact, we don't even really know that he has the power to make decisions. Supreme Leader Khamenei is the one who really makes all of those decisions. So, while we can hope for certain things, I think we have to deal with things, unfortunately, as they are and not as we wish they were.

For example, Iranian authorities have dramatically escalated the number of executions of Iranian citizens. This is from the so-called ``moderate'' Rouhani regime. According to the U.N., there were 852 executions between July 2013 and June 2014.

Last month, Iran executed Reyhaneh Jabbari. She was convicted of killing a man whom she apparently stabbed in self-defense while she was being sexually assaulted. That evidence wasn't allowed to be a part of her trial. While she was in prison, awaiting execution, she was tortured.

We all remember the massive protests, as the chairman mentioned, after the fraudulent 2009 Iranian elections. We all remember the images of tens of thousands of Iranians--brave Iranian citizens--taking to the streets, and we all remember how the Iranian government responded-- sending the Basij militia to brutally beat peaceful protesters. The leaders of that Green Revolution remain under house arrest to this very day.

Religious minorities also face constant danger in Iran. This is especially true for members of the Baha'i faith. The Baha'i people are frequently detained and interrogated by Iranian security forces. Since 1979, hundreds of Baha'i leaders have been executed.

The United States has helped to shine a light on Iran's human rights violations. We have pushed the U.N. Human Rights Council to continue the work of the Special Rapporteur on Iran. Now, I have been one of the strongest critics of the Human Rights Council and its outrageous bias against Israel, but this Rapporteur has done important work to reveal the scale of human rights abuses in Iran.

Since 2010, the administration has sanctioned 19 Iranian officials and 18 Iranian entities. We have gone after them for their involvement or complicity in serious human rights abuses or in restricting the basic freedoms of the Iranian people. I am proud of the role that Congress has provided in putting forth these sanctions.

The most recent designation was for Morteza Tamaddon. He was the governor-general of Tehran Province. On May 23 of this year, we singled him out for his involvement in censorship and other activities that limit the freedom of expression and the freedom of assembly of Iran's citizens. This designation occurred even while the P5+1 is negotiating with Iran on its illicit nuclear program. Even as those negotiations continue, we cannot and must not turn a blind eye to the horrific abuses taking place in Iran every single day.

The resolution we are now considering urges the administration to use every tool at its disposal to target, expose, and punish those who violate the human rights of the Iranian people because, at the end of the day, Mr. Speaker, despite the sharp differences between our governments, we have no ill will toward the people of Iran, to the citizens of Iran.

They are, unfortunately, oppressed by a government that calls itself their government, but it is really a brutal oppressor of the Iranian people.

On the contrary, I believe the people of our two nations should be natural friends. Iran would be the natural U.S. ally in the region, but because of the Iranian regime, this of course cannot happen and will not happen as long as they are in power.

I hope that this resolution will demonstrate to the people of Iran, who are our friends--not the government, but the people of Iran--that we join them in seeking a future for their country based on respect for democracy, human rights, and the rule of law.

I urge my colleagues to support this resolution.

I thank the chairman, as always, for his cooperation, and I reserve the balance of my time.

I reserve the balance of my time.

I reserve the balance of my time.

Mr. Speaker, I yield 2 minutes to the gentleman from Minnesota (Mr. Ellison).

I yield the gentleman an additional 1 minute.

Mr. Speaker, in closing, I want to send a message of support to the Iranian people that they build a better future for themselves and their children. Today this House exposes the gross violations of human rights by the Iranian regime. The Iranian people deserve better. Mr. Speaker, I urge my colleagues to support this resolution.

I yield back the balance of my time.