Floor Statements

Mr. Speaker, I move to suspend the rules and pass the bill (H.R. 2615) to support the people of Central America and strengthen United States national security by addressing the root causes of migration from El Salvador, Guatemala, and Honduras, as amended.

Mr. Speaker, I ask unanimous consent that all Members have 5 legislative days in which to revise and extend their remarks and include extraneous material on H.R. 2615.

Mr. Speaker, I yield myself such time as I may consume.

Mr. Speaker, I rise in strong support of this measure, and I want to start by thanking Mr. McCaul for his partnership in authoring this legislation. Through our close, bipartisan collaboration, we have before us today legislation that supports the people of Central America and strengthens our national security by addressing the root causes of child and family migration from El Salvador, Guatemala, and Honduras.

I was leading a congressional delegation to El Salvador with Mr. McCaul in March when the Trump administration decided to cut off foreign assistance in the region, a decision that I view as misguided and counterproductive.

In San Salvador, we saw up close the direct, meaningful impact of our USAID investments. Our delegation visited with an incredible group of young people who were being trained in computer programming and offered a path to a better life.

The United States is helping to provide opportunities for a better future for the people of El Salvador, Guatemala, and Honduras so children and families are able to build prosperous lives for themselves, and they aren't forced to make the dangerous journey to our southern border.

But it is not just development assistance we are providing. In San Salvador, we met with FBI agents leading our transnational antigang task force. With State Department funding, the FBI established these task forces in the Northern Triangle over the past decade to counter the growth of MS-13, the 18th Street gang, and other violent criminals.

These units train Salvadorian police officers and work closely with them to dismantle gang leadership structures in the United States and Central America. They make our communities and constituents safer.

So I was pleased to return to Washington and partner with Mr. McCaul to draft this legislation authorizing our assistance to Central America for fiscal year 2020. The bill also includes strong conditions on any assistance that goes to the central governments of the Northern Triangle countries.

In addition, it lays out a series of actions to be taken by the Secretary of State, the USAID Administrator, and other U.S. Government officials to promote inclusive economic growth and development, combat corruption, strengthen domestic institutions, and improve security conditions in El Salvador, Guatemala, and Honduras.

Lastly, it puts in place targeted visa bans and asset freezes for corrupt individuals from the Northern Triangle countries.

Endemic corruption by government and nongovernment actors in Central America is hurting the region's poor and most vulnerable people, and we should do whatever we can to stop it. Today, the House of Representatives must stand together to pass this commonsense piece of legislation that helps the United States and families and children in the Northern Triangle.

So, I again thank Mr. McCaul for his partnership and for working with me to address the root causes of migration to the U.S. from Central America. I urge my colleagues to support this bipartisan legislation, and I reserve the balance of my time.

House of Representatives,

Committee on Foreign Affairs,

Washington, DC, June 5, 2019.

Hon. Jerrold Nadler,

Chairman, Committee on the Judiciary,

House of Representatives, Washington, DC.

Dear Mr. Chairman: I am writing to you concerning H.R.

2615, the United States-Northern Triangle Enhanced Engagement

Act.

I appreciate your willingness to work cooperatively on this

legislation. I recognize that the bill contains provisions

that fall within the jurisdiction of the Committee on the

Judiciary. I acknowledge that the Committee will not seek a

referral of or formally consider H.R. 2615 and agree that the

inaction of your Committee with respect to the bill does not

waive any future jurisdictional claim over the matters

contained in H.R. 2615 which fall within your Committee's

Rule X jurisdiction.

I will ensure that our exchange of letters is included in

the Congressional Record during floor consideration of the

bill. I appreciate your cooperation regarding this

legislation and look forward to continuing to work with you

as this measure moves through the legislative process.

Sincerely,

Eliot L. Engel,

Chairman.

Mr. Speaker, let me thank Mr. McCaul, and it is a pleasure to work with him on matters like this.

I yield 2 minutes to the gentleman from California (Mr. Correa).

Mr. Speaker, I yield myself such time as I may consume.

Providing opportunities for the most vulnerable individuals from El Salvador, Guatemala, and Honduras is common sense, and working to address the root causes of child and family migration is a long-term solution that we should all be able to agree on. It is the right thing to do, but it is also in our own interest.

And while U.S. foreign assistance is crucial, it is not a gift. It must come with strong conditions. Our legislation puts in place such conditions for our assistance to the Northern Triangle and includes tough, smart, targeted sanctions to combat corruption.

By passing this bill today, Congress can send, and will send, a loud and clear message that we stand with the people of the Northern Triangle countries to make their countries safer and more prosperous so they aren't forced to make the dangerous trek here. We can also send a message to China and Russia that the U.S. will not abandon our friends and partners in Central America.

Let me conclude by thanking Mr. McCaul for his partnership on this measure. We truly worked on this together. We were together in Central America when we got the word of the potential cutoff of funding, and we worked closely together in a bipartisan way to make sure that that wouldn't be the case.

So I urge my colleagues to support this legislation. I thank Mr. McCaul again, and I yield back the balance of my time.

Mr. Speaker, I move to suspend the rules and pass the bill (H.R. 2744) to authorize the Administrator of the United States Agency for International Development to prescribe the manner in which programs of the agency are identified overseas, and for other purposes.

Mr. Speaker, I ask unanimous consent that all Members have 5 legislative days in which to revise and extend their remarks and include extraneous material on H.R. 2744.

Mr. Speaker, I yield myself as much time as I may consume.

Mr. Speaker, let me start by thanking my friend from Texas once again, the ranking member of the Foreign Affairs Committee, Mr. McCaul, for his hard work on this measure. I am glad to be a cosponsor.

Mr. Speaker, our development efforts around the world accomplish so much.

Whether it is helping build a road that links a small village to a trade hub, working with governments to make their justice systems more transparent and accountable, assisting communities to get clean drinking water, or expanding access to broadband internet in rural areas, American development work is making differences you can see in people's lives. It is also projecting our country's character of compassion and generosity.

So when I travel around the world and I see the USAID logo--it is that recognizable seal of two hands clasped in friendship--on the front door of a new school or a wastewater treatment facility or a pallet of food on its way to refugees, it makes me proud. It really does.

The people benefiting from that assistance should know where it is coming from, too. We should signal to the world our commitment to development is a core pillar of America's global engagement.

This legislation reaffirms the obligation to brand our foreign assistance while continuing to provide needed flexibility to ensure we are not putting our partners or aid recipients at risk. It requires a long overdue audit to ensure that USAID projects are appropriately branded in the field.

This is something Mr. McCaul and I have been working on closely together.

Mr. Speaker, I include in the Record a letter on this issue that Mr. McCaul and I wrote to the USAID administrator, our former House colleague, Mark Green.

House of Representatives,

Committee on Foreign Affairs,

Washington, DC, July 15, 2019.

Mr. Mark Green,

Administrator, U.S. Agency for International Development,

Washington, DC.

Dear Administrator Green: We write to you today to

reiterate the Congressional intent behind HR 2744, the USAID

Branding Modernization Act, which we have introduced in the

116th Congress.

Providing foreign assistance around the world demonstrates

the generosity of Americans, and furthers our foreign policy

objectives. Branding foreign assistance is always the first

preference, to ensure that those receiving assistance know

that support comes from the American people. As such, the

Congress believes, and has affirmed, that in general, foreign

assistance provided using U.S. taxpayer dollars should be

branded, as appropriate. This demonstrates U.S. commitment to

assisting those in need, be it through food aid after a

drought, job training to empower women entrepreneurs, or

life-saving vaccines to eradicate polio.

That said, Congress acknowledges the need for discretion

and flexibility in branding in some instances to ensure the

safety and security of both implementing partners and

beneficiaries. This bill in no way amends that understanding,

or any authorities, which would impact the ability or need

for USAID to provide branding waivers or exemptions as

appropriate, with input from and ongoing communication with

implementing partners. As referenced in the legislation, 22

USC 2401 asserts that programs ``shall be identified

appropriately overseas''. Federal Register rules and

regulations under 2 CFR Part 700 provide waivers to ensure

that branding does not put partners or beneficiaries at risk,

and USAID internal guidance regarding marking and branding

policies remain at the discretion of the Agency.

Finally, this bill requires an audit, conducted by the

Inspector General for USAID, on the compliance with relevant

branding and marking requirements. This is not intended to

re-litigate branding decisions regarding waivers or

exemptions that are already in place. Rather, this audit is

intended to provide a more comprehensive picture for USAID,

its implementing partners, and Congress, of the challenges to

successful branding and marking, and how to better

communicate, provide guidance, and implement, branding and

marking requirements.

We appreciate USAID's ongoing efforts to save lives, reduce

poverty, strengthen democratic governance, and help people

emerge from humanitarian crises, to advance a free, peaceful,

and prosperous world. We look forward to continuing to work

with USAID on effective foreign assistance.

Sincerely,

Eliot L. Engel,

Chairman.

Michael T. McCaul,

Ranking Member.

Mr. Speaker, I am glad we will be moving ahead with this legislation, and I reserve the balance of my time.

Mr. Speaker, I yield myself such time as I may consume for the purpose of closing.

Mr. Speaker, let me again thank my friend, Ranking Member McCaul, for his leadership on this bill.

One of the things that makes American foreign policy unique is that when we are at our best, our values are at the center of everything we do. I think one of the most important American values is that we are a generous and big-hearted country. We invest in development because development and security go hand-in-hand, but also because it is the right thing to do. It allows more people to live fuller, healthier, more prosperous lives.

We should take credit for that. We should let people know it is the United States extending a hand of friendship and assistance. That is the goal that this bill is pursuing.

Mr. Speaker, I am glad to support this bill, I encourage all Members to do the same, and I yield back the balance of my time.

Mr. Speaker, on that I demand the yeas and nays.

Mr. Speaker, I move to suspend the rules and agree to the resolution (H. Res. 441) a resolution condemning the attack on the AMIA Jewish Community Center in Buenos Aires, Argentina, in July 1994 and expressing the concern of the United States regarding the continuing, 25-year-long delay in the resolution of this case and encouraging accountability for the attack.

Mr. Speaker, I yield myself as much time as I may consume.

Mr. Speaker, I rise in strong support of H. Res. 441, a resolution condemning the attack on the AMIA Jewish Community Center in Buenos Aires, Argentina, in July 1994, 25 years ago this month.

I have been to that community center. It is a vibrant community center.

It was a horrific bombing that happened 25 years ago.

Mr. Speaker, first of all, I would like to thank Mr. Deutch for authoring this resolution and for his years of leadership advocating for justice for the victims of the AMIA bombing.

In July of 1994, the AMIA Jewish Community Center in Buenos Aires was bombed. Eighty-five innocent people were killed and at least 300 people were wounded. Almost 25 years later, this heartbreaking tragedy and vicious act of anti-Semitism still is an open wound. Justice has not been served.

This hits close to my heart. I have visited AMIA twice to meet with the community there and pay my respects to the victims and the Argentine Jewish community.

For 25 years, the Argentine people have been waiting for the perpetrators of this horrific act of violence and hate to be brought to justice.

So, I am glad we are considering this resolution today to keep this issue on the front burner and to continue to show solidarity with the victims.

The measure before us condemns the AMIA attack and expresses the United States' condolences to the families of the 85 victims.

This resolution also makes it clear that those responsible for the murder of innocent civilians must be held accountable. Years of investigation have found that the perpetrators of this attack were Hezbollah operatives with strong links to Iranian Government officials.

Despite the international outcry and a stack of Interpol red notices demanding that these individuals be brought to justice, Iran refuses to hold the perpetrators accountable. Par for the course for the Government of Iran.

It is the duty of all of us here in Congress to stand with the Argentine people as they demand that those responsible face consequences for their crimes.

I hope our friends in the Argentine Government and justice system will do everything they can to finally provide closure for the victims' families.

Mr. Speaker, I urge my colleagues to support this resolution, and I reserve the balance of my time.

Mr. Speaker, I ask unanimous consent that all Members have 5 legislative days in which to revise and extend their remarks and include extraneous material on H. Res. 441.

Mr. Speaker, I yield 5 minutes to the gentleman from Florida (Mr. Deutch), chairman of the Subcommittee on the Middle East, North Africa, and International Terrorism.

Mr. Speaker, I yield myself such time as I may consume, for the purpose of closing.

Mr. Speaker, it is an outrage that, after all these years, there still hasn't been justice for the AMIA bombing victims and their families.

This resolution today is a message to the Argentine Jewish community, and to marginalized, victimized communities around the world, that the United States will not forget them and will continue to push for justice.

I am glad my colleague mentioned the prosecutor, Alberto Nisman, because what happened to him, to be murdered a day before he was to present his work, is absolutely a disgrace. Some in the government even

tried to say that it was a suicide, but we know it was not.

I hope that we get to the bottom of the truth and that Mr. Nisman is honored, which he should be. It is just an absolute disgrace that he was murdered.

Again, I thank Mr. Deutch for authorizing this important resolution.

Mr. Speaker, I urge my colleagues to join me in supporting it, and I yield back the balance of my time

Mr. Speaker, I move to suspend the rules and agree to the resolution (H. Res. 432) condemning the attacks on peaceful protesters and supporting an immediate peaceful transition to a civilian-led democratic government in Sudan, as amended.

Mr. Speaker, I ask unanimous consent that all Members have 5 legislative days in which to revise and extend their remarks and include extraneous material on H. Res. 432.

Mr. Speaker, I yield myself such time as I may consume.

Mr. Speaker, let me first thank Representatives Kildee, Bilirakis, and McGovern, our Speaker pro tempore, for their hard work on this measure. I was glad to join as an original cosponsor, as well.

Sudan is at a critical moment, Mr. Speaker. Three months ago, when the Transitional Military Council, the TMC, seized power, one of my top concerns was when the reins will be turned over to civilian authorities. Despite the possibility of a breakthrough between the TMC and the Forces of Freedom and Change, the FFC, I remain concerned that Sudanese security forces intend to tighten their grip on power once again and even more. The sad fact is, for the overwhelming majority of its history since independence, Sudan has been ruled by military dictatorships.

This group, the TMC, has shown the world who they really are, and it is not a pretty picture. On June 3, they turned on the peaceful prodemocracy movement, committing a brutal massacre at the movement's sit-in site.

Following that atrocity, the TMC shut the internet down in a blatant attempt to slow the momentum of antigovernment protestors and kill the prodemocracy movement in its infancy.

Now that internet access has slowly been restored, the world is getting its first glimpses of deeply disturbing images: Sudan's citizens being murdered, tortured, or raped in Khartoum and across the country last month.

These troubling developments start to make sense when we look at the cast of characters involved. The deputy of the TMC, General Mohamed Hamdan ``Hemeti,'' leads the Rapid Support Forces. We know them as the Janjaweed, and we know that they have on their hands the blood of the Darfur genocide. Now, they are turning their violent tactics against the broader Sudanese population.

These are the same thugs responsible for the repression and economic mismanagement that characterized Omar al-Bashir's three blood-soaked decades in power. He is gone, but they continue to drive the country into the ground.

Thankfully, the Sudanese people are resilient. They continue to fight for their country's future, even in the face of violence and repression. Their civil society and diaspora networks have helped to shine a light on what the people in Sudan are enduring. They have had enough, and the United States and partners around the world need to have their backs.

This resolution underscores Congress' desire to see a civilian-led transition in Sudan, a transition free from violence and bloodshed. It is a good resolution. I am glad the House is considering it.

Mr. Speaker, I reserve the balance of my time.

Mr. Speaker, I yield 5 minutes to the gentleman from Michigan (Mr. Kildee), the author of this bill.

Mr. Speaker, it is now my pleasure to yield 3 minutes to the gentlewoman from California (Ms. Bass), chairwoman of the Africa, Global Health, Global Human Rights, and International Organizations Subcommittee.

Mr. Speaker, I yield 4 minutes to the gentleman from Massachusetts (Mr. McGovern), the chairman of the Rules Committee and one of the most vocal Members on Sudan in Congress. He has done great work for many years.

Mr. Speaker, it is now my pleasure to yield 1\1/2\ minutes to the gentlewoman from Washington (Ms. Jayapal), the co-chair of the Progressive Caucus.

Mr. Speaker, I yield myself such time as I may consume for the purpose of closing.

Mr. Speaker, I again want to thank Mr. Kildee, Mr. Bilirakis, and, of course the Speaker pro tempore, Mr. McGovern.

What happens in Sudan in the coming weeks and months is a high priority for the United States. It is in our national security interest to support a peaceful, civilian-led political transition in Sudan and is consistent with our values to support the democratic aspirations of a people who have suffered under a brutal, violent rule for so long.

I urge all Members to join me in supporting this important legislation, and I yield back the balance of my time.

Mr. Speaker, on that I demand the yeas and nays.

Mr. Speaker, I move to suspend the rules and agree to the resolution (H. Res. 345) recognizing widening threats to freedoms of the press and expression around the world, reaffirming the centrality of a free and independent press to the health of democracy, and reaffirming freedom of the press as a priority of the United States in promoting democracy, human rights, and good governance in commemoration of World Press Freedom Day on May 3, 2019, as amended.

Mr. Speaker, I ask unanimous consent that all Members have 5 legislative days to revise and extend their remarks and include extraneous material on H. Res. 345.

Mr. Speaker, I yield myself such time as I may consume.

Mr. Speaker, I would first like to thank Representative Schiff and Representative Chabot for introducing this resolution which recognizes that the freedoms of the press and expression are being threatened globally.

A free press is an essential pillar in every democracy. It shines light on corruption, speaks truth to power, and holds the government accountable. However, in recent years, there has been a growing assault on a free press.

Mr. Speaker, there are far too many shocking examples of journalists being silenced, imprisoned, tortured, and even murdered around the world, with each abuse only furthering a 13-year decline in the freedom of expression.

The price of protecting these rights has become extremely high. According to the Committee to Protect Journalists, in 2018, 54 journalists were killed and 64 went missing.

At a time when the world looks to the United States to be champions for a free press, some call our journalists the enemy of the people. This administration's attack on the media undermines the First Amendment and creates a culture of intimidation and hostility towards journalists.

By accusing media outlets of producing fake news, journalists find themselves less safe, and our country is less informed. So H. Res. 345 condemns threats to independent media and calls on governments to continue to address journalists' safety. It also reiterates the vital importance of a free press in the U.S. and to well-functioning democracies abroad, as well.

It is our duty now, more than ever, to protect the freedom of the press and the public's right to information. I ask all Members to support this bipartisan resolution, and I reserve the balance of my time.

Mr. Speaker, I yield 5 minutes to the gentleman from California (Mr. Schiff), who is the author of this bill and the chairman of the House Permanent Select Committee on Intelligence.

Mr. Speaker, I yield myself such time as I may consume for the purpose of closing.

Mr. Speaker, H. Res. 345 is an important resolution that honors journalists and calls on the United States and governments abroad to protect the freedom of the press. I commend Mr. Schiff and Mr. Chabot for this.

Press freedom is fundamental in democracies and enhances public accountability, transparency, and participation in governance. I strongly urge my colleagues to join me in supporting this measure, and I yield back the balance of my time.

Mr. Speaker, I move to suspend the rules and pass the bill (H.R. 2037) to encourage accountability for the murder of Washington Post columnist Jamal Khashoggi, as amended.

Mr. Speaker, I ask unanimous consent that all Members have 5 legislative days in which to revise and extend their remarks and include extraneous material on H.R. 2037.

Mr. Speaker, I yield myself such time as I may consume.

Mr. Speaker, I rise today to report the Saudi Arabia Human Rights and Accountability Act of 2019.

I want to take this opportunity to thank the gentleman from New Jersey (Mr. Malinowski) for his leadership, his thoughtfulness, and his vision in authoring this legislation. Mr. Malinowski came to this body with a long track record of fighting for human rights, and he arrived ready to tackle one of the thorniest issues: How do we ensure justice for those responsible for the murder of Jamal Khashoggi? How do we demand accountability when the President refuses?

Jamal Khashoggi was a Washington Post contributing columnist and legal permanent U.S. resident. He was killed by Saudi Government personnel on October 2, 2018, during his visit to the Saudi consulate in Istanbul, Turkey.

Circumstances surrounding his disappearance and death have been extensively reported on by media outlets, briefed to some Members in classified settings, and investigated by the United Nations special rapporteur on extrajudicial killings.

We still haven't seen any real accountability for this heinous crime. The Saudis originally denied any involvement and then made the outlandish claim that this killing was an accident--yes, accidental killing by bone saw. Give me a break.

The Trump administration said it would hold those responsible to account, but they have been dragging their feet. We still haven't seen any real action, so Congress must step in.

This important legislation mandates a report from the Director of National Intelligence about those who were responsible for, complicit in, or played a supporting role in the murder of Jamal Khashoggi. The legislation then imposes a visa ban on those individuals.

This bill, though, has a thoughtful off-ramp. In an effort to reshape our relationship with Saudi Arabia, which is a very important U.S. partner, the legislation says that if Saudi Arabia releases the journalists and activists currently imprisoned in the kingdom, fully cooperates in the investigation of the murder of Jamal Khashoggi, and reforms its systems to value human rights, those visa bans will not be imposed.

If Saudi Arabia is looking for a way to reset the U.S.-Saudi relationship, I invite them to look at this legislation. I hope they do.

The Saudis are an important security partner, but we cannot just look the other way when they ignore international norms and basic human rights and when they murder a journalist in broad daylight in a diplomatic facility.

Mr. Speaker, I urge my colleagues to join me in supporting this important legislation, and I reserve the balance of my time.

House of Representatives,

Committee on Foreign Affairs,

Washington, DC, July 9, 2019.

Hon. Jerrold Nadler,

Chairman, Committee on the Judiciary,

House of Representatives, Washington, DC.

Dear Mr. Chairman: I am writing to you concerning H.R.

2037, the Saudi Arabia Human Rights and Accountability act of

2019.

I appreciate your willingness to work cooperatively on this

legislation. I recognize that the bill contains provisions

that fall within the jurisdiction of the Committee on the

Judiciary. I acknowledge that the Committee will not formally

consider H.R. 2037 and agree that the inaction of your

Committee with respect to the bill does not waive any future

jurisdictional claim over the matters contained in H.R. 2037

which fall within your Committee's Rule X jurisdiction.

I will ensure that our exchange of letters is included in

the Congressional Record during floor consideration of the

bill. I appreciate your cooperation regarding this

legislation and look forward to continuing to work with you

as this measure moves through the legislative process.

Sincerely,

Eliot L. Engel,

Chairman.

Mr. Speaker, I yield 5 minutes to the gentleman from New Jersey (Mr. Malinowski), who is the author of this bill and a valued member of the House Foreign Affairs Committee.

Mr. Speaker, I yield 2 minutes to the gentleman from Oregon (Mr. DeFazio).

Mr. Speaker, I yield 4 minutes to the gentleman from Massachusetts (Mr. McGovern), the chairman of the Rules Committee and co-chairman of the Tom Lantos Human Rights Commission.

Mr. Speaker, I yield myself such time as I may consume for the purpose of closing.

Mr. Speaker, the horrific murder of Jamal Khashoggi demands accountability and justice. After the astounding evidence we have seen, it just cannot be business as usual; and since the administration is dragging its feet, Congress must step forward.

So I urge my colleagues to join me today and support the Saudi Arabia Human Rights and Accountability Act, and I thank the gentleman from New Jersey (Mr. Malinowski) for his leadership on this issue.

Mr. Speaker, I yield back the balance of my time.

Mr. Speaker, on that I demand the yeas and nays.

Mr. Speaker, I move to suspend the rules and agree to the resolution (H. Res. 129) condemning the Government of Saudi Arabia's continued detention and alleged abuse of women's rights activists, as amended.

Mr. Speaker, I ask unanimous consent that all Members have 5 legislative days in which to revise and extend their remarks and include extraneous material on H. Res. 129.

Mr. Speaker, I yield myself such time as I may consume.

Mr. Speaker, I thank Representatives Frankel and Wagner for their leadership in bringing this measure forward.

The treatment of women's rights activists in Saudi Arabia, their unjust imprisonment, is a serious problem.

Since May 2018, the Government of Saudi Arabia has arrested prominent women's rights activists and imposed travel bans on numerous others. Many of them are longtime supporters of ending the ban on a woman driving and abolishing the male guardianship system.

At least 10 women's rights activists have been subjected to psychological and physical abuse, including sexual violence, beatings, electric shocks, and sleep deprivation.

The State Department reported, in 2018: ``Women continued to face significant discrimination under law and custom, and many remain uninformed about their rights,'' and ``women also face discrimination in courts where, in the most cases, the testimony of one man equals that of two women.''

Earlier this year, Saudi Arabia temporarily released four women activists. This is a step in the right direction, but not nearly enough.

Mr. Speaker, American foreign policy is at its best when we put our values at the center of everything we do, and when a partner country like Saudi Arabia tramples on human rights, it is incumbent on us to speak out just as we would do with respect to a nation hostile to the United States.

With this resolution, we are sending a clear message. It condemns the Government of Saudi Arabia's continued detention of these activists. It also urges an end to the male guardianship system and calls on the United States Government to designate the perpetrators of serious human rights violations under the Global Magnitsky Human Rights Accountability Act.

We must continue to call on the Saudi Government to release these women immediately. Mr. Speaker, I strongly support this resolution, and I urge my colleagues to do the same.

I reserve the balance of my time.

Mr. Speaker, I yield myself such time as I may consume for the purpose of closing.

Mr. Speaker, let me again thank my colleagues for their hard work on this measure, and let me thank Mr. Wilson for his hard work.

Mr. Speaker, when we see abuses of human rights around the world, when we see women treated as second-class citizens and denied basic dignity, we need to speak out. We need to speak out whether it is an adversary or friend. That is what is demanded of American leadership. It is what sets us apart from other powers on the global stage.

The treatment of women in Saudi Arabia is abhorrent. The jailing of activists is unacceptable. And it is one more roadblock in our relationship with a country that has been and should continue to be an important partner.

I hope it changes soon, along with a lot of other things, so that we can get back on track.

Mr. Speaker, I support the measure, I urge all Members to do the same, and I yield back the balance of my time.

Mr. Speaker, I move to suspend the rules and pass the bill (H.R. 97) to amend the State Department Basic Authorities Act of 1956 to authorize rewards for thwarting wildlife trafficking linked to transnational organized crime, and for other purposes.

Mr. Speaker, I ask unanimous consent that all Members may have 5 legislative days in which to revise and extend their remarks and include extraneous material on H.R. 97, Rescuing Animals With Rewards Act.

Mr. Speaker, I yield myself such time as I may consume, and rise in support of H.R. 97.

I would like to begin by thanking Mr. Buchanan and Ms. Titus for introducing this important legislation.

In recent years, Congress has taken a number of important steps to combat wildlife trafficking, but the situation remains dire.

Over the last 10 years, one-third of African elephants have been slaughtered for their tusks--one-third. That is just shocking.

Rhino populations have also been decimated, and many other species are at risk.

Protecting wildlife is the right thing to do, but it also serves American national security interests. Wildlife trafficking feeds corruption, undermines the rule of law, threatens economic prosperity, and drives instability. And it is carried out by many of the same international criminal syndicates engaged in the trafficking of drugs, weapons, and people.

The bipartisan, commonsense legislation before us today provides our government with a tool it can use to tackle the illegal trade in wildlife. Specifically, it authorizes rewards, under the State Department's Rewards for Justice Program, for information leading to the arrest or conviction of those engaged in wildlife trafficking.

This can provide a powerful financial incentive for people to turn in those responsible for this appalling activity.

Where I come from--Bronx, New York--we have the Wildlife Conservation Society doing such wonderful work. It is the Bronx Zoo. They are really doing great work in terms of this. And John Calvelli, a personal friend of mine, is at the forefront of trying to save animals and allowing people to understand what is going on in wildlife trafficking. It is very important, and I commend them for their role.

This authorizes rewards, under the State Department's Rewards for Justice Program, for information leading to the arrest or conviction of those engaged in wildlife trafficking. This can provide a powerful financial incentive for people to turn in those responsible for this appalling activity.

Mr. Speaker, I urge all of my colleagues to support this bipartisan legislation, and I reserve the balance of my time.

Mr. Speaker, I yield myself such time as I may consume for the purpose of closing.

Mr. Speaker, in closing, I would like to, once again, urge my colleagues to join me in supporting this good, bipartisan bill to combat wildlife trafficking, and I yield back the balance of my time.

Mr. Speaker, I move to suspend the rules and pass the bill (H.R. 526) to promote free and fair elections, political freedoms, and human rights in Cambodia, and for other purposes, as amended.

Mr. Speaker, I ask unanimous consent that all Members may have 5 legislative days in which to revise and extend their remarks and include extraneous material on H.R. 526.

Mr. Speaker, I yield myself such time as I may consume.

Mr. Speaker, I want to thank the gentleman from Florida (Mr. Yoho), a valued member of the Foreign Affairs Committee, for his hard work on this measure.

This is an example of what our committee does best: good, bipartisan legislation aimed at advancing American interests and leadership and, especially in this case, our values--our support for human rights around the world. So, I thank Mr. Yoho for this.

Hun Sen, Cambodia's strongman Prime Minister, has been in power since 1985. He has clung to power longer than any other current leader in southeast Asia. He has violently suppressed dissent. He intimidates any opposition.

Civil society cannot operate freely. His government restricts free speech and free media, the bedrocks of any democracy.

For 30 years, the Cambodian people have hoped to see their country move toward a freer, more democratic system. Democracies around the world have hoped for the same thing, investing for decades in the hopes of building a pluralistic, multiparty system in Cambodia.

Progress has been halting at best, and results are woefully incomplete. Six elections have been held in Cambodia since 1991. None of them was free or fair.

But we won't give up on the Cambodian people. This legislation gives the President and State Department more tools to sanction Cambodian leaders who undermine democracy and commit gross human rights violations.

This bill would prohibit those individuals from entering the United States and block any assets or property they may possess in our country.

This bill sends a clear message that the United States stands shoulder to shoulder with the people of Cambodia and that Congress will hold Cambodia's leaders accountable for their assault on democracy and violations of human rights.

Mr. Speaker, I am pleased to cosponsor this bill. I am glad we are moving it forward today. I thank Mr. Wilson, and I reserve the balance of my time.

House of Representatives,

Committee on the Judiciary,

Washington, DC, July 12, 2019.

Hon. Eliot L. Engel,

Chairman, Committee on Foreign Affairs,

House of Representatives, Washington, DC.

Dear Mr. Chairman: This is to advise you that the Committee

on the Judiciary has now had an opportunity to review the

provisions in H.R. 526, the ``Cambodia Democracy Act of

2019'' that fall within our Rule X jurisdiction. I appreciate

your consulting with us on those provisions. The Judiciary

Committee has no objection to your including them in the bill

for consideration on the House floor, and to expedite that

consideration is willing to waive sequential referral, with

the understanding that we do not thereby waive any future

jurisdictional claim over those provisions or their subject

matters.

In the event a House-Senate conference on this or similar

legislation is convened, the Judiciary Committee reserves the

right to request an appropriate number of conferees to

address any concerns with these or similar provisions that

may arise in conference.

Please place this letter into the Congressional Record

during consideration of the measure on the House floor. Thank

you for the cooperative spirit in which you have worked

regarding this matter and others between our committees.

Sincerely,

Jerrold Nadler,

Chairman.

Mr. Speaker, I yield myself such time as I may consume for the purpose of closing.

I want to thank my colleague, Mr. Chabot, for doing this with me. Last time I saw him was a few days ago in my home city of New York. We were going to meet the president of Taiwan, another Asian country that has great freedom.

I yield to the gentleman from Ohio.

Well, I would say to the gentleman, if it happened on the other night, I would have invited him to my house for a drink, but we will have to do that another time.

Mr. Speaker, supporting democracy and human rights around the world is an area where our values and our interests clearly intersect.

Basic freedoms: Accountable, transparent governments, respect for individual dignity, these are the values we seek to promote around the world and the values that underpin a vibrant democracy.

They are also what makes countries stronger, better and more stable partners for the United States on the world stage. That is good for our interests and our security as well.

So we want to keep supporting the people of Cambodia, we want them to have a say in the future of their country. That starts by demanding accountability for those who have suppressed democracy and basic freedoms. This bill is an important step in that process. I am glad to support it. I urge all Members to do the same.

Mr. Speaker, I yield back the balance of my time.

Madam Chair, I rise to support the amendment offered by Mr. Malinowski. I'm horrified that the humanitarian crisis in Yemen-- the worst such crisis in the world, according to the United Nations-- has gone on this long.

The crisis has been exacerbated by the ongoing conflict between the Saudi-led coalition and Iranian-backed Houthi rebels. Since 2015, the Saudi-led coalition has undertaken 18,000 airstrikes, and far too many of these have killed innocent civilians. In fact, more Yemeni civilians are killed or wounded in their own homes than anywhere else.

That is why I am co-sponsoring this amendment, to prohibit the sale of all air-to-ground munitions to Saudi Arabia and the United Arab Emirates for one year. It is our obligation to make sure the United States is not enabling civilian deaths.

I thank the gentleman for his leadership in offering this amendment.

Madam Speaker, I thank my friend for yielding to me.

Madam Speaker, we all remember where we were on that fateful day of Tuesday, September 11, 2001. Today, we finally make permanent our Nation's commitment to care for the heroes of 9/11 and their families.

We all know that within the first few seconds of the horrific attacks on the World Trade Center, our brave first responders rushed toward the wreckage to help their fellow Americans. As has been said before, many of the 9/11 first responders and the survivors are now living with serious illnesses due to toxic pollutants that filled the air surrounding Ground Zero. Many of those friends and advocates are no longer with us.

Congress created the Victim Compensation Fund in 2001, which committed to those Americans and their families that we will take care of those who rushed to the scene. I was proud to be an original cosponsor of the initial bill and its subsequent reauthorizations in 2010 and 2015.

Today, H.R. 1327 keeps Congress' promise to our 9/11 responders and survivors.

I have never seen the New York delegation work this hard and together as we did for this bill. I thank Mr. Nadler, Mrs. Maloney, and all the people for the hard work and their leadership on this. We hope it gets passed soon in the other body.

Mr. Chairman, I have an amendment at the desk.

Mr. Chairman, I always view military policy as a measure of last resort in our foreign policy. When the American military is engaged anywhere in the world, it often comes at the cost of American lives and the lives of innocent civilians. These are the most tragic costs of war, one reason why we can never, ever be reckless in the use of military force.

Civilian casualties are a tragedy. They also give extremist groups fodder to radicalize and recruit new fighters. We need to do everything in our power to reduce the number of civilian casualties. The Pentagon has made progress in this area thanks in part to new requirements Congress put in place. My amendment would build on this progress in a number of ways.

First of all, it would help fill in the blanks when it comes to our own planning and reporting about civilian casualties. Right now, there tends to be a big difference between what the Defense Department estimates in terms of civilian casualties before a military strike and what the Department reports after and, again, a big difference between our official reporting and what NGOs report. My amendment would require a new analysis of these disparities to help figure out why we are getting it wrong ahead of time and why there is such a wide range of reporting after the fact.

Secondly, while the Pentagon has done good work developing sound policies in this area, more must be done on implementation. My measure would improve consistent standards across all the combatant commands.

Thirdly, this amendment will help improve the way we gather information about civilian casualties. It will establish new criteria and methods to assess allegations of casualties, and it will make sure we work more effectively with local populations.

Lastly, we need to understand that the Defense Department needs to keep learning and adapting. My amendment would require standards for incorporating lessons learned so our policies and practices will continue to improve as time goes on.

Because this is a learning process, I will say that this amendment won't give us a perfect policy. We need to keep working toward more comprehensive, responsible ways of preventing and addressing civilian casualties. We need to keep giving the Defense Department the tools it needs to do so. This measure will provide a few more of those tools, and I am glad the House is able to consider it today.

Mr. Chairman, I reserve the balance of my time.

Mr. Chairman, I reserve the balance of my time.

Mr. Chairman, let me say that I would respectfully remind my colleagues that the Foreign Affairs Committee has jurisdiction over authorizations for the use of military force, and military strikes are conducted under authority from the Foreign Affairs Committee. It shares jurisdiction.

Mr. Chairman, I reserve the balance of my time.

Mr. Chairman, this isn't an easy subject to deal with, but it cannot be swept under the rug. It is good that the Pentagon has taken steps in recent years to adopt stronger and more responsible policies when it comes to civilian casualties.

We need to keep pressing forward on this work to make sure we have the best information, to make sure this is a problem taken seriously and being dealt with, and to make sure the United States is behaving responsibly when these tragedies do occur.

Mr. Chair, I ask for Members to support this measure, and I yield back the balance of my time.

Mr. Chair, I have an amendment at the desk.

Mr. Chair, my amendment is something that really should be a no-brainer. It says we need to maintain strong and verifiable limits on Russia's nuclear forces.

We all know that a robust nuclear deterrent has been a pillar of American security since the beginning of the Cold War, but so has arms control.

Democratic and Republican administrations alike have used arms control agreements to constrain Russia's nuclear forces. These agreements have allowed us to keep eyes on the ground so we can confirm what the Russians are doing.

They have stopped arms races. They have strengthened peace. I fear this administration wants to throw all of that out the window.

The President's withdrawal from the INF Treaty is sending us down a dangerous path toward a renewed nuclear arms race. Don't get me wrong: Russia's violation of the INF Treaty is unacceptable, but the question is how we respond to it. Instead of using diplomacy and pressure to push the Russians back into compliance, the administration is following Russia's lead and walking away. This sends a terrible message and signals a broader ideological contempt for the value of arms control.

Now the debate is shifting to New START. This treaty has won the praise of diplomats and defense and intelligence officials as a tool for advancing our national security interests. It allows us to keep a lid on competition with a hostile Russia. The New START Treaty places strong limits on Russia's strategic nuclear forces, meaning the nuclear weapons that can reach the United States.

This treaty also gives us strong mechanisms to make sure Russia is holding up its end of the bargain. It provides unique insights into Russia's nuclear forces, information that would be impossible to replace. Indeed, up to this point, the State Department has certified that Russia is in full compliance with the New START Treaty.

The clock is ticking. The New START Treaty is set to expire in a year and a half. It can be extended another 5 years until 2026, but only if the

United States and Russia agree to do so.

My amendment sets out what should be a commonsense approach. It says that as long as Russia remains in compliance with the treaty, the administration should work to extend the New START Treaty unless the administration can complete a replacement agreement with equal or greater constraints on the Russians.

We cannot accept anything less.

The amendment also requires a series of reports from the administration on potential consequences if the treaty lapses and requires the President to present a plan to Congress on how to deal with these consequences.

Like so many other aspects of its foreign policy, the Trump administration has sent confusing messages about extending the treaty. They recently called it ``unlikely,'' noting a desire to move beyond the existing arms control regime with Russia to tackle other issues like tactical nuclear weapons and China.

Those are important issues, too. I agree with that. The United States should push ahead with a new arms control agreement, but in the meantime, we shouldn't throw out the baby with the bathwater. We should extend New START. After all, we cannot allow Russia free rein to expand its nuclear forces.

What I hope this administration understands is that arms control is a critical tool in a much broader effort as we compete with Russia. Arms control reduces uncertainty. It creates patterns and predictability. It helps us make sure our forces and programs are tailored to deal with the challenges we are facing.

Mr. Chair, I ask Members to support this amendment, and I reserve the balance of my time.

Mr. Chair, may I inquire as to how much time I have remaining.

Mr. Chair, then let me split it. I yield 30 seconds to the gentleman from Massachusetts (Mr. Keating), a well-respected member of the Foreign Affairs Committee and one of our subcommittee chairs.

Mr. Chair, I yield 30 seconds to the gentleman from Massachusetts (Mr. Moulton).

Mr. Chair, I yield back the balance of my time.

Mr. Chairman, I am pleased to support this amendment.

There has been some misinformation out there about what this amendment would actually do, so let me just clear up a few things.

This measure is a prohibition on the United States deploying a short- or intermediate-range ground-launched ballistic or cruise missile system--just the United States. It has nothing to do with any other country.

We want to prevent an arms race. We want to push back on the President's careless and reckless approach to Russia.

The INF Treaty has been a cornerstone of arms control for 30 years. Yes, we are clear about the threat Russia poses. Yes, Russia has violated this treaty again and again, which threatens transatlantic security and stability. This is no surprise, coming from Vladimir Putin.

But we have to use every diplomatic tool at our disposal to try to salvage the treaty. Instead, the administration followed Putin's lead and walked away, and now Russia will feel totally unconstrained to start another arms race.

So I know that the relationship with Putin and all kinds of things that Putin does, we have to be very, very wary about it, and I just think what the gentlewoman is doing is a commonsense approach to this.

The United States can go back at any time and change our policy. And when it comes to Russia and Putin, we don't trust them. Trust and verify.

I thank the gentlewoman for yielding.

Mr. Chair, this is a good amendment, and I would like to mention two measures.

First, key provisions of my BURMA Act are included, as they were in the last Congress. The Burmese security forces perpetrated genocide against the Rohingya people, and those same forces are continuing to terrify Burma's other ethnic minorities with horrific violence.

The victims deserve justice, and they deserve our unwavering support. This measure will hold these military officials accountable for their crimes and help support democracy in Burma.

Next, is my provision to prevent another phony emergency declaration to push through arms sales, as the administration did in late May.

The administration misused the law and went around Congress to sell more than $8 billion in arms to the Saudis and Emiratis.

This fix would make sure that an emergency declaration cannot be used if the weapons won't be delivered for more than 3 months, because then there was no emergency in the first place.

It is a commonsense reform that will protect Congress' role in the arms sale process.

Mr. Chair, I urge my colleagues to join me in supporting the en bloc.

I am also honored to join Chairman Smith as a cosponsor of amendment No. 1. The American public deserves to know the impact of our military operations abroad.

There must be more openness and transparency when tragedy occurs, and civilian casualties are caused by U.S. military action.

Being open is our moral obligation and the right thing to do, and it also strengthens our security. We are better equipped to tackle our counterterrorism challenges when we have the full confidence of our citizens and our international partners.

U.S. military operations depend on close relationships with host nations, and we must do everything we can to ensure our partners that we take civilian casualties seriously.

In the past, the Director of National Intelligence prepared reports on civilian casualties and strikes outside areas of active hostilities. This administration brought that sensible practice to a halt.

This amendment would restore the DNI's role. Restoring this responsibility is a commonsense step to bring transparency back to our counterterrorism operations, and I urge all of our colleagues to support the amendment as well.

Madam Chair, I compliment my colleague from California. This is something that is very serious, and obviously, we have been talking about it for a long time now.

We are a coequal branch of government. We want the executive branch, no matter who is in the executive branch, to respect the fact that we are.

That is clear to the people in this House. We have voted that way, and we have talked that way. We believe that what the administration did by calling these weapons ``emergency'' was not the right thing to do. It is clearly not an emergency. It is clearly a way of skirting around Congress. It is clearly a way of trying to not work with Congress.

I think that it is time that the Congress takes back important things, such as declaring war, such as sending these things to our allies.

I feel very, very strongly, and I think that my colleagues will, too, that Mr. Lieu should be supported in this.

Madam Speaker, I move to suspend the rules and agree to the resolution (H. Res. 372) expressing concern for the United States- Turkey alliance.

Madam Speaker, I ask unanimous consent that all Members have 5 legislative days in which to revise and extend their remarks and include extraneous material on H. Res. 372.

Madam Speaker, I yield myself such time as I may consume.

I am pleased to rise in strong support of this measure to address the developing situation with Turkey. I want to thank my colleagues who joined me to introduce this legislation; first and foremost, Ranking Member McCaul, Leader Hoyer, Minority Leader McCarthy, Chairwoman Lowey, Ranking Member Granger, Chairman Nadler and Ranking Member Collins.

Madam Speaker, Turkey is a NATO ally and a nation with which we have had a long history of friendship and partnership. But I am deeply troubled by the direction that President Erdogan is taking his country.

During his time in office, we have watched as Erdogan has turned Turkey into an authoritarian state, attacking the democratic values that our two nations had shared for many years. He has cracked down on the freedom of the press, thrown innocent people in jail for voicing opposition, and consolidated his grip on power at the expense of Turkey's democratic institutions.

And his troubling behavior doesn't stop there. Erdogan is cozying up to Russian dictator Vladimir Putin, putting the security interests of the United States and the NATO alliance at risk.

Turkey's plan to acquire the Russian S-400 air defense system would threaten American security and do lasting damage to our historic bilateral relationship. It simply cannot happen, especially while Turkey is still a U.S. and NATO ally participating in the F-35 program and hoping to acquire these planes.

Today's resolution gets at this very issue. If Turkey wants to continue as a NATO ally and U.S. partner, it must commit to upholding our shared interests. And if Turkey decides to follow through on its plan to acquire the Russian S-400, then they must not be able to get American F-35s; they must not participate in the F-35 program; and they must face the consequences of their decision.

And it is not that the United States is unable to comprehend Turkey's need for air defense. In fact, we have offered the Patriot anti- aircraft/anti-missile defense system, the top of the line in our inventory. That offer remains on the table.

We rarely see it in foreign affairs, but this is simply a black-and- white issue. There is no middle ground. Either Mr. Erdogan cancels the Russian deal, or he doesn't. And there is no future for Turkey having both Russian weapons and American F-35s.

There is no third option. There is no path for mitigation that will allow Turkey to have its cake and eat it too. We cannot risk exposing our national-security technology to Russia.

There is no partisan divide on this issue. The State Department, the Defense Department, the Treasury, even Vice President Pence have all been raising the alarm and urging President Erdogan to cancel the sale. I hope President Trump listens to his advisers and makes sure Turkey's leaders understand the consequences of their actions.

And the consequences are serious. If Turkey follows through with the acquisition of the S-400, it would trigger sanctions that Congress overwhelmingly, bipartisanly passed 2 years ago. It is critical that Turkey knows that the United States will use these tools if the situation arises.

In the meantime, it is important that we pass this measure and send a clear message: The United States will not sit by as Erdogan turns Turkey into an authoritarian state aligned with our adversary Russia.

Let me say that again. It is important that we pass this measure and send a clear message: The United States will not sit idly by as Erdogan turns Turkey into an authoritarian state aligned with our adversary Russia.

So I am pleased to support this.

Madam Speaker, I reserve the balance of my time.

House of Representatives,

Committee on Financial Services,

Washington, DC, March 21, 2019.

Hon. Elliot Engel,

Chairman, Committee on Foreign Affairs, Washington, DC.

Dear Mr. Chairman: I am writing concerning H. Res. 372,

Expressing Concern for the United States Turkey Alliance.

Because you have been working with the Committee on

Financial Services concerning provisions in H. Res. 372 that

fall within our Rule X jurisdiction, I agree to forego formal

consideration of H. Res. 372 so that it may proceed

expeditiously to the House floor. The Committee on Financial

Services takes this action to forego formal consideration of

H. Res. 372 with our mutual understanding that, by foregoing

formal consideration of H. Res. 372 at this time, we do not

waive any jurisdiction over the subject matter contained in

this or similar legislation.

Finally, and consistent with your letter of May 30, 2019, I

would request that a copy of our exchange of letters on this

matter be included in the Congressional Record during floor

consideration of H. Res. 372.

Sincerely,

Maxine Waters,

Chairwoman.

Madam Speaker, I don't have any speakers on this side. I reserve the balance of my time.

Madam Speaker, I continue to reserve the balance of my time.

Madam Speaker, I yield myself such time as I may consume for the purpose of closing.

Once again, I am pleased to support this bipartisan measure that strengthens our security policy in Europe. I thank Ranking Member McCaul and all of the other chairs and ranking members of important committees who have stood by us on this bill. It is really a Congress speaking with one voice in a very bipartisan fashion for something that is really very important.

Today's resolution reaffirms the historic partnership between the United States and Turkey, and it lays the groundwork for how Erdogan can start to put this relationship back on the right track.

We cannot stand by as he turns this NATO ally into an authoritarian regime aligned with Vladimir Putin. So I urge my colleagues to join me in supporting this measure.

Madam Speaker, I yield back the balance of my time.