Mr. Speaker, I yield myself such time as I may consume. I rise in support of House Resolution 892 commemorating the extraordinary events in 1989 which led to the end of the Soviet regime's domination over Eastern Europe and those people it…
Mr. Speaker, I yield myself such time as I may consume.
I rise in support of House Resolution 892 commemorating the extraordinary events in 1989 which led to the end of the Soviet regime's domination over Eastern Europe and those people it held captive within its borders.
As this resolution points out, 1989 was an important and pivotal year for
freedom in Europe. In the course of only 365 days, walls fell, free elections were held, dictators were washed away, and people who had long yearned for freedom crossed barriers and walked into liberty. The trade union Solidarity won its historic election victory leading to the first noncommunist government in Poland since 1945.
Two million people living in the Baltic States linked hands to form a human chain almost 400 miles long in a dramatic, peaceful protest against Soviet rule.
In response to protests that had grown to include over a million people, East Germany opened the border with West Berlin for ``private trips abroad''; then thousands of East Germans flooded across the border and the Berlin Wall fell.
The ``Velvet Resolution'' protests in Czechoslovakia led to a free election of a new democratic government.
Romanian security forces brutally murdered brave Romanians who were protesting the arrest of a local priest, but subsequent mass protests overthrew the communist regime there.
Mr. Speaker, and while I do support this resolution, it might have been an even more important statement by this House if it had clarified more specifically the great importance that membership in the NATO alliance now holds for these countries formerly trapped behind the Iron Curtain.
While this measure indeed reaffirms our commitment to article 5 of the alliance, I would like to point out some disturbing recent incidents involving some of our allies in Eastern Europe which would seem to call for an even stronger statement of the strength and commitment of our alliance.
In April of 2007, the Russian Foreign Minister threatened serious consequences after the Estonian Government moved the site of a Soviet war memorial in Tallinn. Subsequently, Estonian Internet and technological information systems were subjected to large-scale, systematic cyberattacks suspected to have originated in Russia.
Furthermore, Russian officials recently threatened undefined aggressive actions against Poland and the Czech Republic if those states agreed to the deployment by their NATO ally, the United States, of strategic missile defense components on their territory.
In August of 2008, a Russian general stated, ``By hosting (missile defense components on its territory), Poland is making itself a target. This is 100 percent certain. It becomes a target for attack. Such targets are destroyed as a first priority.''
Recent efforts undertaken by Russia and its state-controlled energy companies to monopolize control over energy supplies to European states have raised concerns over future Russian intentions regarding influence over political processes in those states. Again, this measure would have been a good opportunity to include specific references to those incidents.
The kinds of statements and actions emanating from the Russian Government are extremely serious and they must be viewed with the utmost concern for the sake of security of the countries of Eastern Europe that did work so hard to gain the freedom they finally achieved in 1989, the subject of this resolution.
Overlooking such statements and actions, the measure before us today forgoes the opportunity to send a truly clear and powerful message that we will not ignore statements and actions of that nature aimed at our allies, that their hard-won freedom and security do matter to us, and that we will stand with them against such intimidation.
In closing, Mr. Speaker, I would like to note today's news report concerning comments just made by the Russian Foreign Minister. These statements can only be interpreted as a subtle warning to our Polish ally against allowing any U.S. troops--its NATO ally--being deployed on sovereign Polish territory.
When told that the Polish Foreign Minister had stated that the United States should deploy troops in Central Europe, the Russian Foreign Minister replied, ``I'm astounded, because he and I discussed in tiny detail the objectives that Russia pursues with its initiative on a new treaty on European security.''
With such comments in mind, let us take note of the serious challenges that our allies in Eastern Europe continue to face today and send a strong message of support against any attempts to threaten or intimidate them.
Mr. Speaker, I am pleased to yield 6 minutes to my good friend, the gentleman from Indiana (Mr. Burton), who is the ranking member on the Foreign Affairs Subcommittee on the Middle East and South Asia.
Mr. Speaker, I yield such time as he may consume to the my good friend, the gentleman from Nebraska (Mr. Terry), a member of the Committee on Energy and Commerce.
Mr. Speaker, I reserve the balance of my time.
Mr. Speaker, just to close on our side, I thank my good friend, the esteemed chairman of our Foreign Affairs Committee, Mr. Berman, for introducing this resolution.
As important as it is to pass feel-good resolutions, I think that this resolution would have been strengthened if we would have talked about the difficult realities that we are confronting now with Russia and other states that are threatening the stability and the democracy and the integrity of those countries who fought long and hard for their independence, for their freedom, and for their democracy.
With that, Mr. Speaker, I yield back the balance of my time.