Floor Statements

Mr. Speaker, I yield myself such time as I may consume.

The alarming rate of crime and violence in the Caribbean region cannot be ignored. Several countries have reached the point of crisis, while attempting to counter the social, economic and political repercussions of organized gangs and narcotrafficking.

Murder rates in the Caribbean are higher than in any other region in the world, and have risen in recent years for many of the countries in the region. Recent increases in kidnappings have been observed in the region over the past few years, and assault rates, based on police reports, are significantly above the world average.

Serving as seemingly insurmountable obstacles to the economic and social progress of countries in the Caribbean, the pervasive nature of crime and violence again cannot be ignored. We have a shared responsibility to confront this threat and engage in coordinated efforts that improve the quality of life for all of our communities.

The security threats faced in the Western Hemisphere as a result of violence and narcotrafficking call for strong action on the part of our government. So far, our partnerships with countries throughout the hemisphere are demonstrating significant success in the fight against drugs and crime; such as the case of Colombia, where substantial improvements in security have yielded positive patterns of growth, stability, and investment.

We have good reason to be optimistic, Mr. Speaker. The deadly flow of

cocaine into the United States has seen a dramatic decline in the last few months. Purity levels are falling, and retail prices are rising.

We must remain committed to defeating the perilous threats of crime and violence that endanger the youth and prosperity of our Nations today. Together, we must tackle these challenges and strive to further tighten the bonds that hold us together as nearby neighbors.

I am confident that through future cooperation and coordination, we can continue to see success and support the true potential of our friends in the Caribbean.

Mr. Speaker, I reserve the balance of my time.

Mr. Speaker, I have no further requests for time, and I yield back the balance of my time.

Madam Speaker, I yield myself such time as I may consume.

Madam Speaker, I rise in strong and enthusiastic support of this resolution which forcefully criticizes the current bloody crackdown that is taking place in Tibet. This resolution also condemns Beijing's almost six decades of suppression of the religious, linguistic, economic, and cultural rights of the people of Tibet.

It was my great honor, Madam Speaker, to sponsor legislation which resulted in the awarding of the Congressional Gold Medal, the highest honor that we can bestow in the United States Congress, to His Holiness, the Dalai Lama, last October. My late friend and colleague from across the aisle, Congressman Tom Lantos, and I worked together to ensure that His Holiness received the official recognition that he so richly deserves.

The Dalai Lama, who is also a Nobel Peace Prize recipient, has won the admiration of all of us, not only for his spiritual guidance, but also for his principled stand upholding the human rights of the captive people of Tibet.

Beijing's cynical and crass campaign to denigrate His Holiness both inside and outside of Tibet has drawn the anger of both the Dalai Lama's followers, as well as people of good will throughout the globe. Beijing has called His Holiness ``a splittist'' and ``a wolf in monk's clothing.'' The Chinese Embassy even recently sent out a computer link to offices here on Capitol Hill ludicrously comparing His Holiness to Nazis.

The people of Tibet can no longer silently bear these continued insults directed at their spiritual leader, a man respected as an advocate of peace, of compassion, and good will. A boiling point was reached on March 10th, the anniversary of the 1959 uprising in Tibet and subsequent flight of the Dalai Lama into exile in India. When demonstrators broke out in Lhasa, Beijing responded with an iron fist. In implementing a bloody crackdown, Beijing ignored its past pledge to the International Olympic Committee to improve the human rights situation in China prior to this summer's Olympics. Chinese authorities even denied foreign diplomats and journalists all access to Tibet.

With increasing numbers of American tourists traveling to Tibet every year, the United States has a legitimate interest in having diplomatic access to Tibet for consular services. But there should be no further openings of more Chinese consulates in the United States until China stops its repression of religious and ethnic minorities and stops violating the fundamental human rights of its own citizens.

The crackdown continued until April 3, when Chinese troops fired into a peaceful crowd of demonstrators outside a Tibetan temple in southwest China. The crowd had been protesting the arrest of two monks who were found in possession of photographs of the Dalai Lama. Eight were killed, including members of the Buddhist clergy.

But the Chinese regime has not only been responsible for shedding innocent Tibetan blood, in Darfur, in Burma, in North Korea, and inside China itself, bloody repression continues unabated.

This lack of liberty will further diminish the light of the Olympic torch. The progression of that torch from London and Paris to San Francisco has become a focal point for those who would raise their voices concerning the immense human rights abuses of the Chinese regime.

What has begun in Tibet will not stay in Tibet. Already there are reports of unrest among the Uyghur minority as well. Beijing's continued repression and denial of human rights will become the chief focal point of international attention in the summer of the Beijing Olympics. And, Madam Speaker, if the present repression continues, the Beijing games will indeed become the ``Genocide Olympics.''

I urge all of my colleagues to join in vigorous approval and support for this resolution.

With that, Madam Speaker, I reserve the balance of my time, and I ask unanimous consent that my good friend the gentleman from New Jersey (Mr. Smith) be allowed to manage the remainder of our time.

Madam Speaker, later this week the North Atlantic Treaty Organization (NATO) will hold a Heads of State and Government summit in Bucharest, Romania. One of the major issues considered will be the expansion of NATO and the possible extension of membership invitations to Albania, Croatia and the Former Yugoslav Republic of Macedonia (FYROM). In this context, I would like to bring to the House's attention excerpts from the April 1, 2008 Op-ed in the Wall Street Journal titled ``All in a Name,'' written by Greece's Minister of Foreign Affairs, Dora Bakoyannis.

[From the Wall Street Journal, Apr. 1, 2008]

All in a Name

(By Dora Bakoyannis)

Athens.--The NATO summit comes to Southeastern Europe this

week, and Greece is looking forward to it . . . As the

region's oldest NATO and EU member, Greece feels a profound

obligation to be constructive, supportive and practical

regarding our neighbors. We wholeheartedly espouse the policy

of enlargement, and I am happy to say that two members of the

so-called ``Adriatic Three,'' Croatia and Albania, are today

in a position to further the principles of the North Atlantic

Treaty and earn their invitation to NATO in Bucharest.

However, it saddens me that we cannot so far say the same

about our neighbor, the Former Yugoslav Republic of Macedonia

(Fyrom).

For over 15 years, our two countries have been involved in

United Nations-sponsored negotiations regarding Fyrom's name.

Greece has real and concrete concerns over the issue. What's

in a name, you may ask? A great deal, I can assure you. The

term ``Macedonia'' has always been used to delineate a wider

geographical region, approximately 51% of which is part of

Greece, 38% of which is in Fyrom, and 9% of which is in

Bulgaria.

Not only does the government in Skopje insist on being the

sole claimant to the name of an entire area--the largest part

of which lies outside its borders--but authorities in Fyrom

insist on portraying Greek Macedonia as ``occupied''

territory. While government leaders declare they have no

designs on Greek territory, they refuse to remove such claims

from textbooks, state maps and national documents . . .

And we are not alone in our quest. In the U.S. Congress,

115 members, both Republicans and Democrats, recently co-

sponsored House Resolution 356, which expressed the ``sense

of the House of Representatives that Fyrom should stop

hostile activities and propaganda against Greece, and should

work with the United Nations and Greece to find a mutually

acceptable official name.''

NATO has consistently encouraged full normalization of

relations not only with aspirants themselves but with

neighboring third countries not belonging to the Alliance.

Greece will spare no effort in reaching a real and viable

solution for the sake of peace and stability in the region.

Alliances and partnerships, however, can only be fostered

among countries if there is mutual trust and goodwill.

Mr. Speaker, I thank my good friend from Florida for the time.

Mr. Speaker, I rise also in support of the House's consideration of the Tom Lantos and Henry Hyde United States Global Leadership Against HIV/AIDS, Tuberculosis, and Malaria Reauthorization Act of 2008.

This is an important measure which will ensure that our efforts to save the lives of so many people afflicted with the scourge of AIDS, tuberculosis and malaria continue in a rigorous, holistic way.

The continued success of the program that was brought to life 5 years ago by our late colleagues, Henry Hyde and Tom Lantos, is a matter of vital importance to us here in the United States.

As President Bush said in his recent trip to Africa: ``I want the American people to understand that when it comes to saving lives, it is in our national interest. It is in our security interest to help alleviate areas of the world from hopelessness. It is in our moral interest to save the lives of others.''

So, Mr. Speaker, that is precisely what the bill before us is about. The program that we are authorizing today, commonly known as PEPFAR, is now recognized as perhaps the most successful foreign assistance program of the United States of America since the Marshall Plan.

Just as the Marshall Plan protected American lives then by helping to stabilize a continent ravaged by war, PEPFAR is protecting Americans lives today by helping to stabilize a continent ravaged by disease. PEPFAR does more than just express American compassion, it supports American security.

As an illustration of this important point, I would like to quote from a letter that I received from our former House colleague from Wisconsin, the Honorable Mark Green, who is now serving as the United States ambassador to the United Republic of Tanzania. Ambassador Green said the following: ``We are approaching the 10th anniversary of the terrorist bombings of Embassy Dar es Salaam and Embassy Nairobi. And I can't help but note that General Wald, the former deputy commander of the U.S. European Command, has called HIV/AIDS the third greatest threat to U.S. national security.''

Yes, this bill is less than perfect in some aspects. All compromises are, Mr. Speaker. But it is a good bill, one that will save millions of lives around the world and help to maintain stability in a key region.

As Chairman Hyde said during the markup of the original Leadership Act in 2003: ``Congress is so equally balanced that it is very difficult on controversial matters, on expensive matters, on matters that have different blocks who have different points of view to reach an agreement. In a situation like this, compromise is the heart and soul of the process.''

He added: ``We cannot please the left and the right and the center. We can't please the libertarians and the archconservatives and the Republicans and the Democrats with legislation that would have done all of these magic properties, but we can do our best and we have done our best.''

In 2003, Mr. Speaker, we did do our best and created a program that demonstrated compassion to so many since its enactment.

Today, the House has an opportunity to do its best again.

Today, for the sake of the fathers, the mothers, and the children who are victims of HIV/AIDS, as well as tuberculosis and malaria, today we can follow in the steps of Henry Hyde and Tom Lantos, demonstrating that American compassion that distinguishes our Nation and our people above all others.

Mr. Speaker, I believe that this is a balanced bill. I believe that this is a bill that will save many lives and protect American security.

Madam Chairman, I yield myself such time as I may consume.

Madam Chairman, I thank my good friend, the new chairman of our Foreign Affairs Committee, Howard Berman. He has got a tough act to follow, because we all loved Tom Lantos. The gentleman from California (Mr. Berman) had a hard act to follow, but, boy, did he fill those big shoes very well. So, thank you, Mr. Chairman. This has been your first trial by fire, and you came out looking so well because you accommodated the concerns and the anxieties and the worries that so many of our Members had.

I want to thank on a bipartisan level all of the members of the Foreign Affairs Committee, from the most conservative to the most liberal. We were able to forge a compromise that reached a broad consensus on this vital and complex legislation. We couldn't have done it without the leadership of Chairman Berman, but also without his very able staff and the staff on our Republican side of the aisle as well.

The foundation of this bill, as Chairman Berman has pointed out, is the 2003 Leadership Act, which was the first comprehensive U.S. emergency response to the HIV/AIDS pandemic and which stands as a noble legacy of our two former chairmen, Henry Hyde and Tom Lantos. They understood, as do all of us, that millions of lives around the world depend on our country's willingness to battle this pandemic together. It does honor to our country that 5 years ago we undertook this true mission of mercy. We are fortunate to have the opportunity to reaffirm that commitment by our vote here today.

Since the passage of the original Leadership Act of 2003, extensive emergency treatment and prevention programs have begun to slow the advance of HIV/AIDS, tuberculosis and malaria. The success of these programs is well documented. I would like to cite some specifics.

According to the office of the Global AIDS Coordinator, more than 1.4 million people infected with the HIV virus are now being treated with the necessary drugs to fight this disease. PEPFAR has supported HIV testing and counseling for 30 million people, cared for million 6.7 million, and, as the chairman pointed out, including almost 3 million orphans and vulnerable children. We are on our way to achieving the 5- year goal of preventing the infection of 7 million people. PEPFAR has supplied medicines for approximately 800,000 expectant mothers, preventing an estimated 157,000 infant HIV infections. What a successful program.

The legislation before us keeps faith with the core principles of the Hyde-Lantos Act. We have modified the original blueprint by adding or adjusting a number of provisions based on 5 years of real-world experience regarding what works and what doesn't.

In addition to medicines and sophisticated methods of treatment, the 2003 act mandated that a more comprehensive approach be used that took into account local values and indigenous cultures, and the act before us does that.

With respect to this balanced approach, the wife of the President of Zambia said it best recently when she said, ``There are several ways in which we can reach the young people. One of the effective ways is abstinence. It brings back dignity and self-responsibility to young people, because they know their bodies are not supposed to be abused and they learn to say no.''

The compromise bill before us removes the specific directive in current law so that implementation, as the chairman has pointed out, can be better refined to reflect the varying circumstances in host countries. Nevertheless, the bill before us continues this comprehensive approach by requiring that the AIDS Coordinator provides a balanced approach for prevention activities for sexual transmission of HIV/AIDS and to ensure that abstinence and faithfulness programs are implemented and funded in a meaningful and equitable way.

The agreement that we have is carefully crafted and designed in the area of reproductive health and family planning to ensure that HIV funding for prevention is not misused to promote programs beyond the scope of this bill.

We can do that, if you wish, in other bills. But the bill ensures also that those working to fight these diseases are not required to choose between their conscience and receiving the assistance they need to carry out their work.

Also we worked a lot on the prostitution and the sex trafficking pledge. The bipartisan agreement maintains the existing certification requirement that any group or organization receiving PEPFAR funds explicitly oppose prostitution and sex trafficking. The U.S. Agency for International Development has implemented this prohibition by requiring that any group that receives funding sign a pledge affirming its opposition to these practices.

Let me be clear: Neither current law nor the pledge itself prevents organizations from working with prostitutes or other high risk groups, but it does mandate that that assistance to these individuals not be mistaken for approval or support of the activities that take their terrible toll on their bodies and that can only be described as destructive to human dignity.

We had issues with accountability and national security, and although this bill is absolutely motivated by the altruism of the American people, I believe that this legislation ensures that our interests are protected as well.

For example, U.S. contributions to the Global Fund will be subject to more stringent oversight than is currently provided by calling for the Fund to meet even higher benchmarks of transparency and accountability.

The legislation also includes a prohibition on taxation of our assistance by foreign governments to ensure that assistance intended to the afflicted not be siphoned off by unaccountable bureaucrats.

The bill also strengthens our national security. The HIV pandemic is first and foremost a health issue, but it also is one of the most significant global, economic, and security threats of our generation. General Charles Wald, the Former Deputy Commander of the US-European Command, has called HIV/AIDS the third greatest threat to our national security.

Together, HIV/AIDS, tuberculosis, and malaria kill millions of people during their most productive years, between the ages of 16 and 50. And in the hardest hit countries, the AIDS epidemic alone is killing a generation of parents, of teachers, of health care workers, bread winners, peacekeepers, shattering the economic and the social life of villages, communities, and, indeed, nations.

Losses on this scale have staggered the economies of the hardest hit countries. Without further prevention, without further treatment, without further care efforts, the AIDS pandemic will continue to spread its mix of death, poverty, and despondency that is further destabilizing governments and societies and undermining the security of entire regions.

Our former House colleague from Wisconsin, Mark Green, who now serves as the United States Ambassador to Tanzania, wrote to me following the committee's passage of this bill highlighting this security aspect. He said, ``In tearing apart the social fabric and leaving a generation of orphans, the scourge of HIV/AIDS could spread and create a long-term breeding ground of radicalism.''

PEPFAR programs in turn help to counter these precursor conditions. As General Wald has said, ``In addition to the obvious humanitarian efforts of PEPFAR, the program is one of our Nation's development activities that can help strengthen the social structure that keep communities and nations secure.''

The threat is not just in faraway lands, but in our own back yard. Many countries in the Caribbean have been particularly hard hit. This bill places a new emphasis on assistance to this region. It adds 14 Caribbean countries to the existing list of nations in which the Global AIDS Coordinator is given explicit statutory authority over HIV/AIDS programs.

Let me add that, although all of us share the goal of reducing the further spread of this pandemic, this is also a personal issue for me both professionally and morally. South Florida, which falls within my congressional district, ranks first in the State of Florida in the number of AIDS cases. Roughly 19 percent of the State total for those living with HIV reside in my district. So, I am all too familiar with the human cost of this disease, and hope for the day when its ravages are safely confined to the past.

Although not all Members will fully agree with every aspect of this complex compromise, it does contain the bipartisan approach that we have maintained throughout the years of work on HIV/AIDS in our committee. We have an opportunity, indeed, a responsibility, to continue the lifesaving work that began 5 years ago. This legislation is a means by which that can happen.

But the dry text of the legislation, nor the posters behind me, cannot adequately capture the human drama for which we are trying to write the exit strategy.

The poster behind me shows where PEPFAR has worldwide activities, the number of countries where it has positively had an impact. The second poster shows the number of adults and children estimated to be living with HIV just this last year. And, the third poster shows some of the faces of the children whom this legislation has saved.

Let me read, to conclude, from a Washington Post op ed authored by our chairman, Henry Hyde, 5 years ago. Mr. Hyde wrote,

``Not since the bubonic plague swept across the world in the last millennium has our world confronted such a horrible curse as we are now witnessing with the growing HIV/AIDS pandemic.

``This pandemic is more than a humanitarian crisis.

``To those who suggest that the United States has no stake in this pandemic, let me observe that the specter of failed states across the world is certainly our concern.

``The AIDS virus is a mortal challenge to our civilization.

``It is my hope that each of us will be animated by the compassion, and, yes, the vision, that has always defined what it means to be an American.''

Madam Chairman, endless numbers of children have already been orphaned and deprived of the protection and the love of their parents. We cannot make their world whole again, but there is much that we can do to comfort and care for them and to prevent others from suffering the same fate.

I ask my colleagues to join us in supporting this bill in a strong bipartisan manner, and thereby allow our country to continue our mission, our mission of mercy, for the waiting millions.

And with that, Madam Chairman, I reserve the balance of my time.

Madam Chairman, I yield 3 minutes to the gentleman from California (Mr. Royce) who is the ranking member of the Subcommittee on Terrorism, Nonproliferation, and Trade.

Madam Chairman, I am proud to yield 7 minutes to the gentleman from New Jersey (Mr. Smith), the ranking member of the Subcommittee on Africa and Global Health, who has worked so long and so hard on this topic.

Madam Chair, I yield 3 additional minutes to the gentleman.

Madam Chairman, before yielding to my distinguished colleague from Illinois, I would like to recognize the efforts of Yleem Poblete, our staff director on the GOP side, Mark Gage, Joan Condon, Sarah Kiko of our committee staff, they have all been working so hard, and our detailee, a valuable addition to our PEPFAR team, Ben Snyder. Thank you to everyone who has worked so hard.

Madam Chairman, I would like to yield 3 minutes to the gentleman from Illinois (Mr. Weller), an esteemed member of the Committee on Ways and Means.

I yield an additional 2 minutes to the gentleman from Illinois.

Madam Chairman, I would like to yield 5 minutes to the gentleman from Indiana, Congressman Pence, the ranking member on the Subcommittee on Middle East and South Asia, who spoke so eloquently during the committee markup on the need for this bill. 5 minutes.

(Mr. PENCE asked and was given permission to revise and extend his remarks.)

Madam Chairman, I would like to yield such time as he may consume to the gentleman from New Jersey (Mr. Smith) for the

purpose of engaging in a colloquy with our chairman, Mr. Berman of California.

Madam Chairman, at this time I am pleased to yield 1 minute to my colleague, my friend from California (Mr. Rohrabacher), who is the ranking member of the Subcommittee on International Organizations, Human Rights, and Oversight.

Madam Chairman, I yield the gentleman an additional 30 seconds.

Madam Chairman, I would like to yield myself such time as I may consume.

Madam Chairman, sometimes when we are negotiating legislative text or debating the merits of an important bill, such as the one before us today, we can lose sight of the extent of the impact that our decisions here can have on the lives of so many.

I would like to quote from some of the African leaders whose people and societies have been rescued from certain death by our PEPFAR programs. The President of Tanzania has said the following, ``There would have been so many orphans to date. Had it not been for PEPFAR, the care and treatment, so many parents now who would have been infected can now live. And some of them can live as many years as possible. So can you imagine if this program is discontinued or disrupted? There would be so many people who would lose hope, and certainly there would be death. You create more orphans. So my passionate appeal is for PEPFAR to continue.''

Or listen to the words of the President of Botswana when he said, ``PEPFAR is now a critical partner in the historic and heroic battle to save lives. PEPFAR has turned despair into hope. PEPFAR has galvanized donor countries and agencies alike to act in concert in the interest of humanity. If the fund is not renewed and if it is not replenished, the momentum generated by PEPFAR thus far will no doubt be lost, and the hope rekindled by the generosity of the American people will be extinguished. I say this to you,'' said the President of Botswana, ``and that's what I said to the congressional committees recently.''

So, Madam Chairman, these and so many other statements reflect the human contribution of this critical United States program. But they also demonstrate that PEPFAR programs are helping to win hearts and minds throughout the world. They are building and strengthening the bonds between the governments and the people of these countries and the United States of America. They are building good will toward our Nation and toward the American people.

Madam Chairman, after the deplorable attacks on our Nation on that fateful day almost 7 years ago, we in this Chamber committed ourselves to using the range of U.S. foreign policy tools, including soft power, to counter the conditions that breed hatred, intolerance and radicalism; radicalism that targets the United States, our interests and our allies, and seeks to undermine our freedom and democracy everywhere. The bill before us is a vital tool in that effort.

Again, as our former colleague, our Ambassador to Tanzania has said, ``I

want you to know that PEPFAR is crucial to my current mission as Ambassador to the United Republic of Tanzania. It is a tremendous public diplomacy tool that shows America at her best, a compassionate partner who is committed to helping Tanzania meet its enormous HIV/AIDS challenges.''

``I was asked to present remarks to the National Consultive Meeting of Islamic Leaders and Scholars here in Dar es Salaam,'' continues the Ambassador. ``This was a historic gathering, as it was the first time that the most esteemed Muslim leaders of Tanzania had gathered together to discuss their role in the fight against HIV/AIDS. They invited me to speak alongside the President because of their concern about HIV/AIDS and their awareness of America's historic contribution to HIV prevention, treatment and care programs.'' Why? Because of PEPFAR. ``So as we help to save lives and restore hope,'' the Ambassador ends, ``we are leaving a lasting impression on the people of this country.''

Madam Chairman, I hope that our colleagues will see the great merit of this program and that we will continue to build upon it to save many more lives.

With that, I reserve the balance of my time.

Thank you, Madam Chairman.

We have no further requests for time. I would like to yield back the balance of my time.

Madam Chairman, I ask unanimous consent to claim the time in opposition to the amendment for purposes of debate.

Madam Chairman, I yield myself such time as I may consume.

Madam Chairman, I support Mr. Blumenauer's amendment, which would add safe drinking water to nutrition and income security on the list of programs for which direct linkages are encouraged. For patients whose immune systems have been compromised by AIDS, the availability of safe, clean drinking water is vitally important. This is especially true for HIV positive women with young infants who use infant formula to avoid transmitting the virus to their babies during feeding. If the water used in the formula is not clean, their babies are at high risk for waterborne diseases. Therefore, this amendment would allow PEPFAR to link with existing safe drinking water programs in order to provide clean water to these treatment patients.

I yield to the gentleman from California.

Madam Chairman, I would also like to yield such time as he may consume to the gentleman from New Jersey (Mr. Payne).

Madam Chairman, I yield back the balance of my time.

Madam Chairman, I also support Mr. Fortenberry's amendment which would ensure that audits by the Global Fund Inspector General include information on subcontractors.

The U.S. government is the largest contributor to the Global Fund to fight HIV/AIDS, tuberculosis, and malaria. Since the fund was created, the U.S.

has appropriated and pledged $3.5 billion for contributions to the Global Fund, representing nearly one-third of the total budget of the Global Fund. It is an important component to the world's response to these three diseases, and has made progress on issues of transparency and accountability in recent years.

As the bill makes clear, continued support to the Global Fund should be based on the Fund's ability to meet certain transparency and accountability benchmarks.

This amendment builds on and clarifies the underlying text in order to ensure that the audits conducted by the Global Fund's Office of Inspector General cover both primary recipients of grant funding and subrecipients who perform smaller pieces of the grants. These audits are important. I thank the gentleman for the time, and I support the Fortenberry amendment on Inspector General audits at the Global Fund.

Madam Chairman, I ask unanimous consent to claim the time in opposition to the amendment for purposes of debate.

Madam Chairman, I actually support the McCollum- Jackson amendment, which would add Malawi, Swaziland and Lesotho to the list of countries in which the Global AIDS Coordinator is given explicit statutory authority.

Malawi, Swaziland, and Lesotho all face major HIV/AIDS epidemics and have received significant resources through PEPFAR in the first 5 years of implementation. By giving the Global AIDS Coordinator explicit authority over the U.S. Government's HIV/AIDS programs in these countries, the Congress is signaling that it believes the U.S. Government should continue to come alongside these nations' governments and their citizens to support them in the fight against HIV/AIDS, and I commend Ms. McCollum and Mr. Jackson for offering it.

I would like to yield the remaining time, Madam Chairman, to our chairman, Chairman Berman of California, as well as Mr. Payne of New Jersey, with Mr. Payne of New Jersey first.

Madam Chairman, if I could yield now to Chairman Berman, the gentleman from California.

Madam Chairman, I yield back the balance of my time.

Madam Chairman, I ask unanimous consent to claim the time in opposition to the amendment for purposes of debate.

Madam Chairman, first of all, I would like to thank Mr. Carson for his well-reasoned and important amendment. We all had the honor of serving with his grandmother, Julia Carson, for many years in this body, and I know that Congresswoman Carson is looking down at her grandson and saying she is mighty proud. So thank you so much for your amendment, and thank you for carrying on in her great legacy by presenting wonderful topics and themes for us to discuss on the floor.

I fully support the Carson amendment because it focuses on building human and institutional capacity in PEPFAR host countries. It directs the global AIDS coordinator and the USAID administrator to expand their plan by strengthening health systems of host countries by encouraging post secondary educational institutions, particularly those in the African continent, to collaborate with the post secondary educational institutions here in the United States, including historically black colleges and universities in training health care workers.

As other provisions of this bill made clear, an important component of the fight against HIV/AIDS, tuberculosis, and malaria, is the strengthening of the educational capacity in host countries to train health care workers. The Carson amendment does exactly that. I congratulate him for it. He is a welcome addition to our Chamber.

I would like to yield to Ms. Lee of California who has been working on this issue for a long time, Madam Chairman.

Madam Chairman, I yield such time as he may consume to the gentleman from New Jersey (Mr. Payne).

Thank you, Mr. Speaker.

The strongest argument that can be made for the U.S.-Colombia Free Trade Agreement is not that it is good for Colombia but that it is good for us. The U.S. has few barriers to trade, so currently most of Colombia's exports enter the U.S. with few or no restrictions. But Colombia has many barriers to our goods. This is what opponents of the agreement can't seem to grasp: The Free Trade Agreement will remove Colombia's barriers to U.S. goods. Of course Colombia will benefit economically but we will benefit more.

The second strongest argument is that our friends and enemies in this hemisphere are watching how we treat a loyal ally that is being threatened from many sides. If we do not pass this agreement, Mr. Speaker, and it is clearly in our interest to do so, the only possible conclusion that these countries can come to is that we made a deliberate choice to back away from an ally at this most crucial and critical time.

Mr. Speaker, this debate should be more about how this agreement will impact in a positive way our U.S. economy. An honest debate can have only one outcome--strong support for passage of the U.S.-Colombia Free Trade Agreement and as soon as possible.

The capital of Colombia is only 3 hours away from my district in Miami, Florida. The strong ties that have developed between our communities are symbolic of the enduring friendship that our Nation shares with Colombia. As Florida's seventh largest global trading partner, passage of the FTA has the potential to boost Florida's exports to Colombia by $161 million in just the first year. Also significant is the agreement's ability to support the creation of nearly 5,000 new jobs throughout the State within the first 3 years of its passage. The positive impact that this FTA could have for the prosperity and security of our two nations, and indeed the hemisphere as a whole, cannot be denied. Serving as the steadfast bulwark against radical, anti-American regimes throughout the region, Colombia has proven time and time again its commitment to respecting human rights and democracy.

Now it is time for us to step up, Mr. Speaker, and not only support Colombia's efforts but provide Americans here at home the opportunity to benefit from our trade relationship as well. We hope that this trade agreement will be before us as rapidly as possible.

Madam Speaker, I yield myself such time as I may consume.

I rise today in support of House Resolution 997, which expresses the strong support of the House of Representatives for the NATO Alliance decision to enter into a Membership Action Plan, or MAP, with the countries of Georgia and Ukraine.

NATO has expanded its membership and its partnerships across Europe in recent years, making the Alliance not just stronger but an instrument for spreading democratic values.

The MAP process was created in 1999 to help those countries aspiring to join NATO to prepare to become members by providing guidance and practical support. The decision to admit a country into the MAP process is a serious one, exceeded only by the decision to admit a country into the Alliance. Countries need to demonstrate that they are sincerely consolidating their democracy, that they are willing to take on the requirements of the MAP process, and that they are willing to participate in missions that go beyond their own borders and direct interests.

Looking at Georgia and Ukraine, Madam Speaker, we recognize that these two countries have made important progress in introducing the systems and the institutions that support democracy. Democratic changes in these two countries have certainly not been easy, and at times the progress of democracy has been confused and uncertain.

Under very difficult circumstances and in the midst of wrenching changing times since they gained their independence, both Ukraine and Georgia have moved ahead with their political reforms, with their democratic institutions of governance, and the conduct of elections. The steps taken by these two countries compare favorably with trends in several nearby states, such as Russia, where true democracy is being steadily and comprehensively suppressed.

Both Georgia and Ukraine have also made great strides in the reform of their defense forces and in the commitment of their forces to peacekeeping and multilateral missions in other regions. Georgia is currently participating in NATO's Partnership For Peace program, and has successfully graduated from the Georgia Train and Equip program in 2004, after achieving its goals of enhancing its military capabilities and implementing military reforms. Georgia currently has 2,000 troops in Iraq, making it the third largest contributor after the United States and Britain. Furthermore, Georgia has troops in Kosovo, and has signed a transit agreement with NATO which allows the Alliance, as well as other nations participating in the International Security Assistance Force, to send supplies to their forces in Afghanistan through Georgian territory. Moreover, yesterday a Georgian defense ministry source said that Georgia is offering to send 500 troops to join NATO operations in Afghanistan.

Ukraine is also a member of the Partnership for Peace program, and currently has troops in Kosovo. Additionally, Ukraine has significantly contributed to multiple U.N. peacekeeping operations, including those in Liberia and Sierra Leone, as well as Bosnia and Herzegovina.

A stronger relationship with NATO should enable Ukraine and Georgia to move forward with their military reforms, prepare to commit to future peacekeeping and stability operations, and, more importantly, Madam Speaker, to consolidate the democracy that they are both seeking.

We understand that access to NATO's Membership Access Plan is not NATO's membership. If Ukraine and Georgia become part of MAP and seek NATO membership in the future, their candidacy will have to be carefully evaluated to make sure that they fully meet NATO's standards and will benefit the Alliance should they become full members. NATO membership for these two countries is not an immediate prospect and is a question that will wait for future consideration.

I note with regret, however, the recent predictable statements by officials of the Russian government alleging that NATO is seeking to surround Russia. They have rattled the nuclear saber to some degree, hoping, I suspect, to intimidate Ukraine in the process. I can only contrast such attitudes and statements with the very laudable step that Ukraine took in 1994, when it relinquished the powerful nuclear arsenal it had inherited from the Soviet Union for the sake of stability in Europe.

The steps taken by Georgia to support the U.S. and NATO, again in the face of terrific and unwarranted pressure from Russia, also deserve our commendation and our gratitude. The resolution before us, Madam Speaker, makes it clear that the United States should take a leading role in supporting these two countries' interests in the Membership Action Plan.

Madam Speaker, I reserve the balance of my time.

Madam Speaker, I yield such time as he may consume to the gentleman from California (Mr. Gallegly), the ranking member of the Subcommittee on Europe and an original cosponsor of the resolution before us.

(Mr. GALLEGLY asked and was given permission to revise and extend his remarks.)

Madam Speaker, I have no further requests for time, and I yield back the balance of my time.

Madam Speaker, I yield myself such time as I may consume.

Madam Speaker, I rise today in strong support of House Resolution 185 regarding the creation of refugee populations in the Middle East, north Africa, and the Persian Gulf region resulting from human rights violations.

Discussions of Middle Eastern refugees invariably focus exclusively and short-sightedly on the plight of those of Palestinian descent. Few are aware of the injustices faced by hundreds of thousands of Jews, Christians and others who fled from Arab lands and Iran either as a direct result of the Arab-Israeli conflict or from persecution associated with that conflict.

Perhaps the most telling example, Madam Speaker, is the case of the Jewish refugees from Arab lands. Many Jews saw their communities, which had existed vibrantly for centuries even before the advent of Islam, systematically dismantled. Their populations throughout the Arab world and Iran was reduced from over 1 million to just several thousand. They lost their resources, their homes, and their heritage sites fleeing in the face of persecution, pogroms and brutal dictatorships.

Jewish refugees who fled Arab countries and Iran left behind what today amounts to billions of dollars in assets. Not only have they received not one thin dime of compensation to this day, but their plight has not even received recognition by the United Nations nor similar international institutions.

While countless U.N. resolutions have been adopted focusing on the Palestinian refugee issue, no conferences have been held on the Jewish refugees. No U.N. agencies nor international human rights organizations address their fate. Failure to recognize their plight, Madam Speaker, along with the plight of the Christian communities throughout the region, only serves to perpetuate their suffering. Therefore, in past Congresses, I have sponsored resolutions similar to the one before us today, House Resolution 185. This resolution urges greater recognition of the plight of these often overlooked refugees, it emphasizes that any comprehensive Middle East peace agreement can only be credible, can only be enduring if it resolves all issues related to the rights of all refugees in the Arab world and Iran, including Jews, Christians and others.

I am proud to be the lead Republican cosponsor of this resolution. And I thank my good friend and my colleague from New York, Congressman Jerry Nadler, for having the insight to introduce it.

I urge the House to adopt this very important resolution.

And with that, Madam Speaker, I reserve the balance of my time.

Madam Speaker, I have no further requests for time, so I yield back the balance of my time.

Madam Speaker, I yield myself such time as I may consume.

Madam Speaker, I rise today in support of House Concurrent Resolution 154, which I introduced.

The purposes of this measure, they're very straightforward. First, it is to put this Congress on record as being skeptical, to say the least, about the Russian Government's views and positions regarding the murder of the Russian dissident and writer Alexander Litvinenko in November of 2006.

We must keep in mind that Litvinenko, as a former agent of the Russian Security Service, was in a position to speak with credibility when he charged high level officials of the Russian Government with involvement in assassinations and organized crime and the use of state- sponsored terrorism for political purposes in the 1999 bombings of several Russian apartment buildings.

We note that Mr. Litvinenko's poisoning with the radioactive material known as Polonium-210 raises some interesting general facts. Polonium- 210 is not produced, nor commercially exported to Britain where Mr. Litvinenko was murdered. Indeed, as Mr. Berman pointed out, 97 percent of the world's production of Polonium-210 takes place in Russia. And indeed, after the poisoning of Litvinenko in London, British investigators were able to track traces of the material to passenger aircraft serving the London to Moscow route.

Furthermore, the British investigation into the murder has found that Litvinenko had met with three visitors from Russia prior to the detection of the radioactive poison in his body. The British authorities are now, in fact,

seeking to prosecute a Russian citizen who currently resides in Russia for his involvement in the murder.

The second purpose of this measure, Madam Speaker, is to point out that Polonium-210 would prove to be a dangerous weapon that Islamic radicals could use seeking to inflict large numbers of civilian casualties, not just to murder an individual. Therefore, as the dominant producer of this material, it is incumbent upon the Russian Government to ensure the security from proliferation of the Polonium- 210, and this resolution indeed makes that case.

Madam Speaker, in closing, I note that former Deputy Secretary of State Strobe Talbott appeared before our Foreign Affairs Committee last October and said the following when asked about this case, and I quote. ``Many of the people running Russia today come from Security Services, the secret police. There has been a long and unbroken tradition of the use of murder as a means of controlling Russian society. And I can tell you that our British colleagues believe that they have at least a prosecutable case that goes very, very close to the seat of power in Moscow.''

Madam Speaker, the perpetrators of the 1999 apartment building bombings in Russia probably hope that the passage of time would cover their tracks and that people would forget and move on. That appears to be the case in Moscow with this case as well, unfortunately.

So the question before our President and this Congress is the following: Will that be allowed to happen in the Litvinenko case as well?

I urge my colleagues to support this resolution to keep in mind that the people of Russia live with this kind of threat every day. Their government is aggressively working to take back control over the economy, over their livelihoods, their access to uncensored news and their personal freedoms.

So, Madam Speaker, I hope that the House passes this resolution.

Madam Speaker, I would like to express my sentiment that March 26, 2008, should be designated as ``Spanish Language Journalism Day in honor of Justo de Lara.''

Jose de Armas y Cardenas, who wrote under the pseudonym of Justo de Lara, was a distinguished journalist, poet, and author. As a result of his contributions, the Cuban department store chain El Encanto named their journalism award, the most prestigious award of its kind in Cuba, the Justo de Lara Prize for Spanish Journalistic Excellence. This award was given out from 1934 until Fidel Castro's communist takeover in 1959.

His fluency in Spanish, English, Italian, and French and his love for reading and literature fueled his own desire to write. At an early age, he was a prolific author and journalist. He worked during the Spanish- American War as a special envoy for the Sun in 1898, serving as an official translator between Cuban General Calixto Garcia and Lt. Colonel Theodore Roosevelt. Jose de Armas y Cardenas was also the only person of Spanish-speaking origin named by the Government of England in 1916 to be a member of the commission responsible for the tricentennial celebration of William Shakespeare.

Due to his legacy and example to countless generations, March 26, 2008, should be designated as ``Spanish Language Journalism Day in honor of Justo de Lara,'' in recognition of the excellence in journalism that Jose de Armas y Cardenas achieved during his life and his love of literature, of the excellence in journalism that the award in his honor continued to recognize after his death, and of the hope for such continued excellence today and in the future.

Madam Speaker, I would like to take this opportunity to recognize a wonderful organization in my home State and district in Florida, the Miami Medical Team Foundation, M.M.T.F. The M.M.T.F. is celebrating their 25th year as a local organization with worldwide significance and deserves more than a moment of recognition for their service.

The Miami Medical Team Foundation is a group of wonderful people that have formed a nonprofit, humanitarian, self-supported organization whose goals are the improvement of the sanitary and medical conditions in Third World countries.

The M.M.T.F. is composed at its core by medical doctors of all specialties, but as well, nurses, physical therapists, medical technicians, and Pharmacists. Founded in the early 1980s when refugees began piling in the borders between Nicaragua and Honduras, the group has since been involved in many different scenarios of tragedy in five continents of our planet, providing assistance to a total of 19 countries and makes available medical and surgical teams and the shipping of donated medicine and medical equipment. Members of the M.M.T.F. have always covered the costs of each and every humanitarian operation they embark on.

With the strong leadership of their president, Dr. Manuel A. Alzugaray, they have seen their efforts put to amazing use. Manuel is a dedicated individual with a professionalism that can not be easily matched. I know that it will he with his guidance that the M.M.T.F. will continue to play a vital role in making sure the world's most disadvantaged populations receive the timely care that they so desperately deserve.

Again, I praise the Miami Medical Team Foundation for all their successful initiatives across the globe and moreover, I commend them for their willingness to operate as a financially independent organization that could not exist without its members' dedication to the noble principles that they hold so dear. For all that the Miami Medical Team Foundation has done in support of their global humanitarian mission, and will certainly continue to do, I thank them so very much.

Madam Speaker, extending the existing Andean Trade Preference Act for Colombia, Peru, Bolivia, and Ecuador through 2008 is a necessary measure, but one that only goes halfway. It cannot substitute for passage of the Colombia Free Trade Agreement, which is of central importance in defending critical U.S. strategic interests in the region.

Colombia has been an indispensable ally in the fight to keep drugs off American streets, and it has successfully battled armies of narcoterrorists even as it has consolidated its democracy. It is a steadfast partner in an increasingly unstable region where enemies of the United States and strategic competitors are making rapid advances.

But the strongest argument for the Colombian Free Trade Agreement is that although it would benefit Colombia enormously, it would benefit the United States even more. Those opposed to the Colombia FTA do not understand that the existing trade preferences give Colombian businesses easy access to U.S. markets but do nothing about giving U.S. businesses greater access to Colombia's markets.

Madam Speaker, only the free trade agreement can do that. Let us pass it soon.

Madam Speaker, I yield myself such time as I may consume.

As we gather in this hallowed place to honor the life and work of our beloved colleague, Tom Lantos, our sorrow at news of his death is tempered by our admiration for his extraordinary contributions to our great country. An unfailingly gracious and courageous man, Tom was recognized by colleagues as a leader who left an enviable legacy of service to our country. We were fortunate indeed to have known him. Annette and the entire Lantos family have our heartfelt condolences.

Tom and Annette's heroic journey to America through extraordinary adversity is well known to us all and is the topic perhaps for a future biographer who can adequately capture the tenor of life under the oppressive yolk of fascism during those terrible times more than half a century ago.

Tom's unsurpassed work as a champion of human rights and for human dignity cannot be separated from his fiery trials through which he passed as a young man.

His life bears witness to the endurance of the human spirit. As a colleague, Tom enjoyed the respect of his peers across the political spectrum, because all of us admired him as an ardent American patriot.

During our many meetings together, when we met with foreign leaders here and abroad, his love of country was always evident. He understood an old truth that all of us would do well to relearn: united we stand, and divided we fall.

To be sure, Tom could be a vehement critic of an administration policy during House debate. But he would not hesitate to remind a visiting group of European parliamentarians to temper their criticism of U.S. policy or risk being labeled as hypocrites for their feeble resistance to genocide at Auschwitz or at modern-day death camps in Sudan.

His defense of the national security policies would surprise and perhaps rankle some, but not those of us who knew Tom as an unbeatable foe of Communist tyranny.

All of us here tonight have so many stories to share about Tom, about his life with Annette, and his vital work; and we will surely honor him in the months ahead in other appropriate ways. It is fitting, though, that we honor the life of this great patriot, for it was his work and his life that enriched us. So tonight, rather than merely mourn his passing, let us thank God that Tom lived among us and left such a strong legacy for us to follow.

I often said to Tom before our committee hearings that it was a great testament to a wonderful Nation that two naturalized citizens, witnesses to the evils of communism and oppression, would serve as chairman and ranking member of the committee charged with developing and overseeing our foreign policy efforts. And I cannot fully explain to Tom and his family my deep gratitude to Tom for his service and for his dedication.

And, Annette, our prayers are with you and your family. And how odd to say, as Mr. Hoyer pointed out, how odd to say ``Annette'' without saying ``Tom and Annette,'' for they were a unit. Thank you, Tom. Godspeed, my friend.

I reserve the balance of my time.

Madam Speaker, I yield such time as he may consume to the gentleman from New Jersey (Mr. Smith), a member of our Foreign Affairs Committee, and someone who worked so closely with Chairman Lantos on human rights issues worldwide.

Madam Speaker, I am proud to yield such time as she may consume to the gentlewoman from Illinois (Mrs. Biggert) to share her thoughts about our beloved friend, Tom Lantos.

Madam Speaker, I yield as much time as he may consume to the ranking member of the Armed Services Committee, Mr. Hunter, a member of the California delegation who worked so closely with Chairman Lantos on a range of issues.

Madam Speaker, we will continue to reserve for two more speakers, and then we'll recognize Mr. Shays.

Madam Speaker, I am pleased to yield such time as he may consume to Mr. Shays from Connecticut, a former member of our Peace Corps, who served, along with his wife, a good team, just like Tom and Annette, and who shared Tom's faith in the human spirit, and a fighter for human rights as well.

Madam Speaker, this side has no further requests for time, and I would like to offer our remaining time to the gentleman from California (Mr. Berman).

Madam Speaker, I would like to take this opportunity to recognize a wonderful organization in my State of Florida, the Florida Association of Agencies Serving the Blind (FAASB).

FAASB has an honorable mission to serve as a united voice and be the organizational support empowering private agencies serving Floridians with blindness and visual impairment to provide state of the art professional vision rehabilitation services which enhance the quality of individual and community life.

I would like to praise FAASB for its successful initiative to create the first-ever state license plate benefiting the blind. Additionally, I must commend them for creating a vision caucus in the Florida State Legislature, similar to the Congressional Vision Caucus, which I cochair. This State Vision Caucus will educate members of the State Legislature so they comprehend the scope of eye problems in our country and will ensure adequate resources are directed towards the research, prevention and treatment of eye disease.

FAASB has also created an annual Florida Vision Summit, where they look to create a statewide vision strategy to raise awareness about the increasing number of Americans with vision loss and provide better understanding of the importance of necessary steps to preserve and protect eyesight.

Once again, I would like to thank FAASB for their continued commitment to prevention, better eye care, and services to those who already live with low vision and blindness. I congratulate them on their achievement and service to the community.

Madam Speaker, the critical national security challenges the U.S. faces throughout the Western Hemisphere demand our support of strong allies, like Colombia, in the region. The historic ties between the U.S. and Colombia have only deepened in recent years as our cooperative efforts to surmount security, economic and social concerns have intensified.

With this in mind, I would like to offer my warmest congratulations to Captain Hernando Wills on the occasion of his promotion to Rear Admiral of the Colombian National Navy.

The following excerpts from Colombian Ambassador Carolina Barco's remarks highlight the significance that Rear Admiral Wills' promotion holds for the U.S.-Colombia relationship.

The relations between the United States and Colombia are

not only their oldest in this continent, they also reflect a

great understanding between our nations. Our relations

encompass important historical events, such as the deployment

in 1951 of the frigate Almirante Padilla and the Batallon

Colombia to fight for democracy in Korea alongside U.S.

Forces. Colombia was the only Latin American country to

deploy troops in that multinational force, which cost the

lives of 146 countrymen, with 69 missing and 448 wounded in

combat. The participation of our soldiers in the peace

keeping forces at the Suez Canal in 1956, the deployment of

the Batallon Colombia since 1982 with the peace forces in the

Sinai Peninsula, and innumerable episodes, give faith to the

integration of our peoples under the flags of democracy and

respect for human dignity.

I want to highlight this year as particularly fruitful for

the joint work of the Navies of Colombia and the United

States: their participation in important exercises such as

UNITAS and PANAMAX, the first focused on standardizing

procedures among the navies of the hemisphere and to maintain

a level of training that will permit a joint defense of this

continent, and the second with the purpose of organizing a

defense of the Panama Canal.

Because of the nature of our peoples, military action goes

beyond defense, successfully engaging in humanitarian

endeavors, such as the deployment of the U.S. Navy's hospital

ship Comfort to the Colombian coast providing medical

attention to thousands of beneficiaries, and the joint

participation of Colombia in the Joint Inter-Agency Task

Force South in Key West, and the engagement of Colombian

river operations' experts training U.S. Navy personnel for

their future responsibilities in Afghanistan.

For all the aforementioned, the decision of the Colombian

Government to promote Captain Hernando Wills to the rank of

Rear Admiral is not an isolated event: it compliments the

experiences of an inured sailor with the doctrine of National

Defense University to defeat narco-terrorism, strengthen

democracy, and return to Colombians the possibilities of

development in peace, under the mandate of profound respect

for human dignity clearly stated in the National

Constitution.