Floor Statements

Mr. Speaker, I yield myself such time as I may consume.

Mr. Speaker, I rise in strong support of H. Con. Res. 21, which denounces the Iranian regime, its belligerent rhetoric and behavior, and urges the international community to hold it accountable and prevent it from achieving its horrific goals.

As the U.S. and our allies attempt to prevent the radical Islamic regime in Iran from developing nuclear capabilities, we should reflect on that regime's vision of the future. While most people desire to live in a world of freedom, of liberty, of prosperity and of peace, Iran's rulers actively seek a world of oppression, of destruction, of war, a world without Israel and without a United States of America.

The Iranian leader Ahmadinejad frequently pushes for Israel's destruction, saying that this sovereign state should be wiped off the map, calling it a disgraceful blot on the face of the Islamic world, as Ambassador Watson pointed out, and proclaiming that anybody who recognized Israel will burn in the fire of the Islamic Nation's fury.

On June 3, Ahmadinejad stated, ``With God's help, the countdown button for the destruction of [Israel] has been pushed.'' When Ahmadinejad calls for the destruction of the Jewish state, let us be clear, he is calling for the genocide of Jews. That is why he has continued to cast doubt on the veracity of the Holocaust, calling it a ``myth.''

His despicable comments cheapen the suffering of millions of Jews, desecrate their memory and pave the way for another Holocaust to occur at the hands of Tehran. The Iranian leader does not threaten Jews and Israel, he explicitly threatens our very own existence.

In October of 2005, he asked, ``Is it possible for us to witness a world without America and Zionism. . . . You had best know that this slogan and this goal are attainable, and, surely, can be achieved.''

Mr. Speaker, his words and actions do not merely reflect his own views or those of a few powerless extremists. Iran's Supreme Leader, for example, said, ``This cancerous tumor of a state should be removed from the region.''

Rafsanjani, the former Iranian leader who continues to hold significant influence, and who some mistakenly call a moderate, has threatened Israel with destruction by nuclear weapons, saying that the use of even one nuclear bomb inside Israel will destroy everything, while it will merely harm the Islamic world.

These are no idle threats, those are not just mere words and rhetoric. Iran continues to sponsor terrorist groups like Hamas and Hezbollah who have murdered scores of Israelis, they have murdered Americans as well, as well as Jews who live outside of Israel, and they have violated Israel's territory, and they continue to hold Israeli soldiers hostage.

The existence of our Nation and Israel are not subject to compromise and the lives of Americans and Israelis are not negotiable.

Indeed, in the wake of the Holocaust, the United Nations was founded to save succeeding generations from the scourge of war and to protect the dignity and the worth of every person. The words and deeds of Ahmadinejad and his cohorts violate Article 2, section 4 of the U.N. Charter, which require all U.N. member states to ``refrain . . . from the threat or use of force against the territorial integrity or political independence of any state.''

Their implicit demands for the death of Jews violates the Genocide Convention, which states that those who commit or incite genocide shall be punished, whether they are rulers, government officials or private citizens.

This resolution, offered by my friend and distinguished colleague, Mr. Rothman of New Jersey, and Mr. Kirk of Illinois, calls for the U.N. Security Council to charge Ahmadinejad with violating those binding documents and for the Council to consider stronger measures to prevent Iran from obtaining the nuclear weapons that it could use to threaten and to attack Israel and the world.

Therefore, I strongly urge my colleagues to adopt this very serious resolution and reaffirm our resolve to end the Iranian threat.

Mr. Speaker, I reserve the balance of my time.

Mr. Speaker, I congratulate Mr. Rothman for a very eloquent statement stating the purpose of this resolution.

And with that, I'd like to yield such time as he may consume to the ranking member of our Middle East Subcommittee, Mr. Pence of Indiana.

(Mr. PENCE asked and was given permission to revise and extend his remarks.)

Mr. Speaker, I would like to yield the balance of our time to Ambassador Watson. And I thank Mr. Pence for his eloquent statement.

Mr. Speaker, reserving the right to object, I would inquire, is the gentleman inserting into the Congressional Record a speech by Ahmadinejad?

I was just asking if you are putting in the Congressional Record a speech by Ahmadinejad.

Mr. Speaker, this resolution is calling Ahmadinejad's comments akin to genocide, calling for the destruction of the State of Israel, and calling for the wiping out of millions of people because they are Jews. And I object to having this person's words be placed in the Congressional Record, the record of the United States of America, of the people's House, and I object.

With all due respect to the gentleman, he may object to the resolution and speak against it, but I object to having Ahmadinejad's speech being inserted into the Record at the same time that the gentleman is speaking against this resolution.

So I do object.

Mr. Speaker, if the gentleman would further yield, I understand if that is what you would like to use to make the connection.

Mr. Speaker, I thank the gentleman for asking for this time.

I want to be clear about my objection of putting Ahmadinejad's statements in the Record. Mr. Kucinich has an opportunity, as a Member of this House, to clear up the record, as he has pointed out in his statements, and put in those remarks on his own. I would hate to have Ahmadinejad's statements be included as a part of the record in this part of the debate where we are saying that he is a despot. He is a person who denies the Holocaust existence, who has called for Israel's destruction, and to be mincing about with words and translations, I know the gentleman from Ohio's motives are clear. He is not saying that he is calling for Israel's destruction, but I think that any interpretation of Ahmadinejad's words and deeds would clearly say that that is Ahmadinejad's motives.

So I would not like his statements to be made a part of the record in this part of the discussion, but he, as a Member of Congress, is free to clear the record, as he points out, and put Ahmadinejad's words on his own time in the Congressional Record.

With that, Mr. Speaker, I would be glad to yield my remaining time to Mr. Rothman.

Mr. Speaker, on that I demand the yeas and nays.

Mr. Speaker, I yield myself such time as I may consume.

Mr. Speaker, I rise today in support of Mr. Nadler's resolution, House Resolution 137, honoring the life and public service of Jacob Birnbaum and especially his commitment to freeing Soviet Jews from religious, cultural and communal extinction.

For decades, Mr. Birnbaum has been at the forefront of the nonviolent struggle for Soviet Jewry, establishing the Student Struggle for Soviet Jewry, and organizing marches, rallies and publication of educational materials aimed at freeing Jews trapped in the Soviet Union.

Mr. Birnbaum worked closely with Members of the United States Congress, testified at congressional hearings and consistently pushed for the United States to use our economic leverage against the Soviet Union to pressure that country so they could allow Soviet Jews and other East European Jews to escape the oppression of a religious and cultural nature in the Soviet Union. Throughout the decades, Mr. Birnbaum's persistence and commitment to human rights and religious freedom have been invaluable in freeing Soviet Jews and preserving their religious and cultural heritage.

Mr. Birnbaum's commitment to this cause has not diminished to this day. He continues to help Jewish educational institutions and former Soviet Jews even today. And Mr. Nadler's resolution before us honors Mr. Birnbaum and his years of public service. I urge Members to support this important resolution.

With that, Mr. Speaker, I reserve the balance of my time.

Mr. Speaker, I have no further requests for time, and I yield back the balance of my time.

Mr. Speaker, I yield myself such time as I may consume.

Mr. Speaker, I rise in strong support of H. Con. Res. 80, which calls on the government of Uganda and the Lord's Resistance Army, the LRA, to recommit to a political solution to the conflict in northern Uganda by engaging in good faith negotiations, and it urges support for the ongoing peace process from the United States and the international community.

As my good friend from California, Ambassador Watson, has pointed out, since 1986, northern Uganda has been embroiled in a vicious conflict which pits the forces of Uganda President Museveni against the rebel Lord's Resistance Army, LRA, of Joseph Kony. Kony claims to hold mystical powers and asserts that he has been guided by God to protect the Acholi people of northern Uganda who have been marginalized by Museveni's government. However, it is the Acholi themselves who have suffered disproportionately at the hands of the LRA.

The LRA, which has been designated as a terrorist group subject to the State Department Terrorist Exclusion List, moves in small, well- coordinated groups from bases in southern Sudan and more recently in eastern Congo. They hold no clear political agenda and make no attempt to hold territory, but they mutilate, torture, murder, rape and loot with impunity.

The LRA has abducted more than 20,000 people, mostly children, Mr. Speaker, to work as laborers, soldiers and sex slaves. Children are forced to the front lines, and those who do manage to escape from the LRA find it difficult, if not impossible, to return to their villages after having been forced to commit atrocities in front of their families.

One of the most visible signs of the collective trauma suffered by the people of northern Uganda was pointed out by Ambassador Watson, and this is the ``night commuter'' phenomenon. At the peak of the conflict, over 20,000 children would walk up to 15 kilometers from their village to the relative safety of the towns each and every night. They would spend the night under grossly overcrowded tents, sleeping on concrete floors, before getting up at dawn to make the return journey to

their villages. It was not for food, nor for the promise of social services that drew these children to these towns, but it was fear of abduction by the LRA.

While security conditions in northern Uganda have improved and the number of ``night commuters'' has decreased over the past years, roughly 90 percent, 90 percent, Mr. Speaker, of the local population remains homeless.

These 1.4 million people have been forced from their homes and herded by the Government of Uganda into camps for internally displaced persons. Despite attempts to ``decongest,'' the conditions in these camps are abysmal.

A health survey conducted by the Ugandan Ministry of Health in 2005 asserts that up to 1,000 people have died in the camps each week due to treatable illnesses such as diarrhea and malaria. The HIV/AIDS rate in the camps is more than double the national average. Sexual violence and domestic violence against women has increased dramatically, and the IDPs complain that camp life has all but destroyed the social fabric of the region.

For its own part, the Ugandan Government has failed in its efforts to defeat the LRA militarily, and to provide adequate protection for the citizens of northern Uganda. Instead, the government has embraced a highly questionable three-pronged approach towards resolving the conflict, and this includes: number one, pursuing a military campaign against the LRA; two, supporting indictments by the International Criminal Court, the ICC, against the LRA's top leaders; while, three, participating in peace talks while offering amnesty to LRA rebels.

It should come as no surprise that these mutually incompatible efforts have complicated matters and have failed to yield lasting results. Ill-timed military campaigns have undermined numerous mediation efforts, and the ICC indictments have led the LRA to question the sincerity of the amnesty deal offered by the government leaders.

Further, both the Government of Sudan and the LRA have routinely violated the agreement that is called the Cessation of Hostilities Agreement which has now expired without ever having been fully implemented. These actions have prompted skeptics to warn that both sides may be using the pretext of talks to rearm and replenish their forces.

If this is in fact the case, both the LRA and the Ugandan Government should be reminded of the fact that a military solution has alluded them for over 20 years. It is unlikely that a military solution will be any more viable now.

Thankfully, peace talks between the Government of Uganda and the LRA have resumed in Juba, Southern Sudan, and appear to be gaining momentum. Despite numerous challenges, not the least of which is the fact that delegations allegedly representing the two parties have questionable credibility, the Juba process is being hailed as the best chance yet to ending the conflict by political means.

H. Con. Res. 80 serves as an expression of support for this political dialogue. It expresses disapproval of the LRA leadership and its inconsistent commitment to resolving the conflict and it urges both the LRA and the Government of Uganda to engage in good-faith negotiations. It encourages all parties to immediately stop human rights violations and address the issues of accountability, and it calls on both the LRA and the Government of Uganda to renounce any intentions and halt any preparations to resume this violence.

Finally, Mr. Speaker, the resolution calls on the State Department, on the United States Agency for International Development, and other similar government and nongovernment organizations within the international community to continue and to augment efforts to alleviate the humanitarian crisis in northern Uganda and to support a peaceful resolution to this humanitarian crisis.

According to the U.N. Office of Humanitarian Affairs, the conflict of northern Uganda is characterized by a level of cruelty seldom seen, and few conflicts rival it for its sheer brutality.

Despite all of this, Mr. Speaker, it remains one of the most overlooked humanitarian and human rights crises in the world today. H. Con. Res. 80 seeks to shed some well-deserved attention on the crisis in northern Uganda. It affirms the resolve of this Congress that the victims of this atrocious conflict shall not be forgotten.

Mr. Speaker, I thank you for bringing this important resolution to the floor. I urge support by all of our Members.

Mr. Speaker, I reserve the balance of my time.

Mr. Speaker, I yield such time as he may consume to the gentleman from New Jersey (Mr. Smith).

Mr. Speaker, I yield back the balance of my time.

Mr. Speaker, I yield myself as much time as I may consume.

I rise in strong support of House Concurrent Resolution 151, introduced by my distinguished colleague from New Jersey (Mr. Smith).

As the gentlewoman from California has pointed out, Mr. Speaker, this important resolution deals with a strange and quite troubling pattern of the killing of independent journalists in Russia over the past decade. We have different estimates, but one places the number of murdered reporters at 21 over the past 7 years, that estimate coming from the esteemed organization, Reporters Without Borders. Another estimate from the International News Safety Institute puts the number at close to 90 reporters killed in Russia over the past 11 years.

Now what is truly strange is that most of these murders remain unsolved. Many of the murdered journalists have made it their personal cause to investigate corruption and the abuse of power at all levels of the Russian government.

Perhaps many of our colleagues will recall how just a few weeks ago a brave Russian reporter was shot in the head on a street in Moscow. She had written articles criticizing the Russian government for its human rights abuses. Her murder remains unsolved.

Perhaps our colleagues will recall the more recent death of a reporter who died in March of this year, as the gentlewoman pointed out, falling five stories from a window in the stairway of his apartment building. He was a military affairs reporter who had criticized the Russian Government in his articles, and he had been planning to publish a report on the arms sales of Russia to the state sponsors of terror, Iran and Syria.

All of these seekers of truth did not deserve to die for their journalistic efforts. Bringing to justice the murderers of these reporters does deserve the strongest possible support of their government, their police, their prosecutors, and yet it appears to be strangely absent.

Mr. Speaker, a free and democratic society requires freedom of the press, freedom of the media and respect for the safety of those who at times risk their lives to uncover the truth. Russia will not be a free and democratic society until that is the case in their country.

We can and we should ask the Russian government to stand up in defense of its independent media and the safety of its reporters, but the unwillingness of the Russian government to solve so many of these murders and the successful efforts of the Kremlin to use state-owned or influenced companies to buy up and sensor the Russian media shows that our voices may be falling on willingly deaf ears.

Nevertheless, that is what we should do. We should call on the Russian government to respect human rights and the rule of law by investigating these crimes with vigor and with sincerity. And that is the message, Mr. Speaker, of the resolution before us.

This resolution also calls on our President to specifically offer our assistance to help the Russian government investigate those crimes.

We should also ask the Russian president to seek out and accept competent outside law enforcement assistance to investigate these crimes, and this resolution calls for that.

Mr. Speaker, it is critical that we recognize the tremendous contributions made by independent journalists in Russia, most especially those who suffer a bitter death as an unjust reward for their efforts. It is critical that we condemn in the strongest possible form the brutal murders of those who died trying to bring accurate and honest information to the Russian people about what is happening in their country.

I urge my colleagues to support Mr. Smith's resolution to honor these intrepid reporters whose murders cry out for justice.

Mr. Speaker, I reserve the balance of my time.

Mr. Speaker, I yield such time as he may consume to

the author of this resolution, the gentleman from New Jersey (Mr. Smith).

Mr. Speaker, I yield back the balance of my time.

Mr. Speaker, I yield myself such time as I may consume.

Mr. Speaker, I am pleased to take this opportunity to rise in support of House Resolution 233 authored by my good friend from Florida (Mr. Stearns) that recognizes the more than 200 years of sovereignty of Liechtenstein. With the dissolution of the Holy Roman Empire 200 years ago, Liechtenstein became an independent state.

Since then, it has evolved as both a constitutional monarchy and a parliamentary democracy. With a population of only about 34,000 people, we cannot expect Liechtenstein to take a leading role in international affairs, but it is an important ally in the cause of supporting and promoting democracy and, despite its small size, it has an importance for the United States that exceeds its geographical reach.

Exports are a major factor in the success of Liechtenstein's economy, and that outward-looking approach to commerce with the rest of the world has made it an important economic partner for the United States, creating almost 5,000 jobs here in the United States and achieving over half a billion dollars in exports to the American market in the year 2005 alone.

At home, in Europe, while it is not a member of the European Union, Liechtenstein is very closely aligned with the economic policies of that important organization and works to harmonize its economic policy very closely with it.

In the international arena, this small nation participates as a full partner in the United Nations, as well as in various critical international forums such as the World Trade Organization and the International Court of Justice.

Mr. Speaker, I encourage my colleagues to vote for this resolution by Mr. Stearns of Florida, which expresses our support for a continued strengthening of our relationships with Liechtenstein.

Mr. Speaker, I reserve the balance of my time.

Mr. Speaker, I am pleased to yield such time as he may consume to the author of this resolution, Mr. Stearns of Florida.

(Mr. STEARNS asked and was given permission to revise and extend his remarks.)

Mr. Speaker, I thank Mr. Stearns from Florida for offering the resolution before us. I hope our colleagues support it.

Mr. Speaker, I yield back the balance of our time.

Madam Speaker, I am pleased to recognize Project INSTAR and Dr. Genevieve Healy, its director. Dr. Healy was a middle school teacher in Ohio before pursuing a masters degree at the University of Miami's Rosenstiel School of Marine and Atmospheric Science. During her graduate studies, Dr. Healy foresaw a potential benefit for K-12 teachers through research being performed at the Rosenstiel School. She introduced a collaboration between professors, graduate students, and K-12 public school teachers.

With the help of her professors, Dr. Peter Swart, current chairman of marine geology, and Dr. Michael Grammar, at the time an assistant professor with the Rosenstiel School, Dr. Healy initiated Project INSTAR in 1997. This concept brought local public school science teachers from Miami-Dade County to the University of Miami where they had the opportunity to perform research side by side with graduate students and their professors. Ten years later, this program's success has been made possible in large part due to Dr. Healy's dedication and efforts. With the University of Miami's generous support, this initiative continues to grow.

The Rosenstiel School, located in proximity to so many vital natural resources on Virginia Key, enhances the learning experience of its graduate students through substantial research opportunities. Project INSTAR seeks to help public school teachers gain hands-on knowledge of ocean sciences through their close involvement with this research. It annually invites fifty K-12 teachers from public schools in Miami-Dade County to participate in the program.

This year marks its 10th anniversary. I would like to reiterate its significance as one of the top science programs, which actively enhances the development of K-12 teachers. Engagement in this Institute helps teachers implement their experiences at Project INSTAR into their own curriculum, benefiting countless public school students in science classes.

I am grateful to the many professors and school teachers who have made Project INSTAR a reality. This innovative program spreads opportunity for hands-on experience to so many teachers. I proudly ask you to join me in recognizing Dr. Healy and everyone who has participated in this unique partnership.

I thank the chairman of our committee, Chairman Lantos, for his leadership for so long on this issue.

Mr. Chairman, I yield myself such time as I may consume.

I would like to voice my strong support for the chairman's bill, H.R. 2446, the Afghanistan Freedom and Security Support Act, and that's the key part of what we're talking about today, security support. This legislation is the product of the bipartisan cooperation that our committee has shown on an issue of critical importance to the United States and our allies in the war against Islamic militant extremists.

Five years ago, our Nation experienced a terrible tragedy, and it led our Nation to destroy the al Qaeda safe haven in Afghanistan that the brutal Taliban regime had created there. Our focus was to provide a safe, stable and secure Afghanistan that would deny global jihadists a base of operations to conduct their campaign of terror and destruction against our Nation and our critical security interests around the world.

Since then, Afghanistan has taken notable steps to emerge from decades of war, of violence, of oppression, toward a prosperous, secure, free, democratic nation. Today, over 5 million Afghan children are in school, including 2 million girls. This was prohibited under the Taliban rule. Hundreds of clinics and new schools are now open to serve the population as a result of international efforts. Media, cultural, business and political leaders are free to meet to discuss, to demonstrate and to guide policies that are transforming their nation across all sectors.

The Afghan economy is growing at an incredible rate, and institutional assistance for Afghan economic reconstruction has been forthcoming. Most importantly, the Afghanistan people, through their active direct participation in the political process, have demonstrated their desire to accelerate and ensure the movement of Afghanistan toward modern society.

However, challenges to these and other efforts remain, as Mr. Lantos has pointed out. A dramatic increase in illicit opium cultivation is financing and strengthening the Taliban and anticoalition activity. It's increasing crime and corruption, and it is eroding the authority of the central government institutions.

Afghanistan's ballooning drug trade has succeeded in expanding the ranks of the Taliban. It is no coincidence that opium and heroin production dramatically increased at the same time that the Taliban- staged massive counteroffensive, particularly in the south of the country.

The issue of Taliban and al Qaeda resurgence cannot be considered in a vacuum. In response, this critical legislation seeks to address the current situation in an integrated fashion, to include the confluence of the short-term goals to reduce opium activity and related corruption, while addressing longer-term developmental goals which have an impact on our counterterrorism and our counternarcotics policies and objectives.

In particular, within this critical legislation, we have worked to establish the means for developing a long overdue and coherent interdepartmental and counternarcotics strategy that addresses the deadly and the neglected illicit drug trade and its links to radical Islamic terrorism that imperil the future of Afghanistan.

In February of this year, I, along with some of my other colleagues on the Foreign Affairs Committee, wrote to the administration on the need for an across-the-board policy change on the illicit drug threat fueling the resurgence of the Taliban, the attacks on our coalition troops, and official corruption in Afghanistan.

The bill before us incorporates many of the recommendations that we proposed in this letter, and I thank Chairman Lantos for working so closely with us. I believe that his bill will prompt much-needed changes by mandating the appointment of a high level, interdepartmental Afghan coordinator with emphasis on a development of a coherent government-wide counter drug policy. This includes bringing the U.S. military into the fight, providing meaningful support for the drug enforcement administration with an emphasis on interdiction and on the extradition of major drug kingpins.

This legislation also contains limitations on assistance to senior Afghan local and provincial government officials who, based on evidence, are found to be supporting Islamic terrorist activities or narco-traffickers or drug producers or are involved in other criminal activities. This important oversight provision will be instrumental in assuring that vital U.S. reconstruction assistance is properly allocated and utilized.

I am also pleased that we were able to come to an agreement with Chairman Lantos on the extension of draw-down authority for military equipment, which promotes greater ability to operate with the international security assistance force and other allies in the country of Afghanistan.

In addition, the bill ensures that there will be prevetting of the recruits of the Afghan police to help adequately assess the candidates' aptitude, professionals skills, integrity and other qualifications for law enforcement work before they enter the service. Our efforts in Afghanistan, in particular, and our campaign against militant Islamic extremists in general must be pursued in a comprehensive manner.

As illustrated by this critical legislation, it requires an effective and unified reconstruction strategy with a unified counternarcotics strategy, counterterrorism strategy, and an Afghan government committed to fighting and eliminating corruption.

Only with this comprehensive approach will we accelerate economic development and reconstruction, improve the quality of life for Afghanistan and address the underlying conditions that fuel extremist acts and decisively defeat the jihadist elements that want to once again control Afghanistan.

My daughter-in-law, Lindsay, after serving her military tour in Iraq as a marine pilot, is now serving in Afghanistan. We hope that she will be back home with us by Thanksgiving. But we thank every brave man and woman who is wearing our Nation's uniform in Afghanistan, and we thank them for freeing an entire population, and we hope that their contributions will always be celebrated in this House.

This bill before us brings us closer to making sure that Afghanistan remains a free country and be without the extremist Islamic elements that seek to destroy it.

Mr. Chairman, I reserve the balance of our time.

Mr. Chairman, I yield such time as he may consume to Judge Poe of Texas, a great member of our Foreign Affairs Committee.

Mr. Chairman, I'd like to yield such time as he may consume to Mr. Pence of Indiana, the ranking member of the Middle East and South Asia Subcommittee who has traveled to Afghanistan and closely follows the developments there.

MR. PENCE. Mr. Chairman, I especially want to thank our ranking member from Florida for yielding and the distinguished chairman of the full committee for their work on this important legislation.

Mr. Chairman, I rise in strong support of the Afghanistan Freedom and Security Support Act, and I call for its passage. It was reported unanimously out of the Foreign Affairs Committee last month. Our action today would reauthorize the Afghanistan Freedom Support Act of 2002 passed 5 years ago this month, just a few short months after our invasion of the country that harbored the September 11 attackers.

Mr. Chairman, there is nearly unanimous agreement in this body that the battle currently under way in Afghanistan is in our vital national interests, and it is crucial and central to the war on terror. It is critical that we adequately resource and support our mission and the government and the people of Afghanistan.

As with any conflict, there are both positive and troubling signs today in Afghanistan. Challenges facing us include a resurgent Taliban, growing opium trade and slow progress on reconstruction.

On the positive side, our forces, in conjunction with NATO, are waging war on the Taliban, pursuing terrorist nests and providing support to the Karzai government. I was able to witness some of the early fruits of these efforts firsthand, along with some of my colleagues in December of 2004 when I visited. As in Iraq, our troops and civilian efforts there are inspiring in difficult and dangerous conditions.

Opium production remains a plague that will haunt this country until it is curbed. Tragically, Afghanistan is the world's largest opium producer. As Antonio Maria Costa of the United Nations Office on Drugs and Crime said last year, and I quote, ``Afghanistan's drug situation remains vulnerable to reversal because of mass poverty, lack of security, and the fact that the authorities have inadequate control over its territory.''

And that's why this bill is so important. In this legislation, $1.6 billion per year over the next 3 years are authorized for reconstruction and security assistance, specifically a pilot program of crop substitution to encourage legitimate alternatives to poppy cultivation, as well as an anti-corruption effort.

This bill also addresses, as has been alluded to by my colleagues, the continuing humanitarian needs and offers programs for women and children.

One of the most inspiring experiences of my life, Mr. Chairman, was during a visit to an American installation in the mountains of Jalalabad where we walked outside of the military base and visited a school which, for the first time, had running water, which, for the first time, more poignantly, had little girls in the classrooms. It was an extraordinary experience as I approached the gates of that school surrounded, as I was, by heavily armed American military personnel, only to see the children run forward out of the gates, embrace those soldiers and greet them, not as the glowering menaces that they might appear to a stranger but as friends. And I stood and marveled as the soldiers taught me words in their native Afghan tongue to greet the children and to be able to speak to them. It was extraordinary.

This legislation providing for the humanitarian needs and for programs for women and girls like those which I saw is truly treasure in heaven.

This legislation also encourages greater cooperation from friendly countries in the region, and it requires the President to keep Congress informed on the progress of these various issues.

Mr. Chairman, our success in Afghanistan will require a multi-tracked effort on numerous fronts in order for the United States to stay on the offensive in the war on terror and to stabilize this key ally in our shared struggle. The Afghanistan Freedom and Security Support Act is an important and central component in that fight, and I urge its strong support from my colleagues on both sides of the aisle.

Mr. Chairman, I'm pleased to yield such time as he may consume to Mr. Doolittle, of California, a member of the Appropriations Committee.

Mr. Chairman, I am pleased to yield such time as he may consume to the gentleman from Michigan (Mr. McCotter), the House Republican policy chairman.

Mr. Chairman, I encourage all of my colleagues to support this far-reaching bill.

Mr. Chairman, I have no further requests for time, and I yield back the balance of my time.

Mr. Chairman, I rise to claim time in opposition, although I am not opposed to the amendment.

Mr. Chairman, I yield myself such time as I may consume.

I rise in support of and have no objection to this manager's amendment, which contains minor technical and conforming changes. I support this amendment's consideration by unanimous consent.

Mr. Chairman, I yield back the balance of my time.

Mr. Chairman, I rise in opposition to the amendment.

Mr. Chairman, the amendment has a noble purpose, to enhance congressional oversight on the status of local governance in Afghanistan, including adherence to the rule of law, protection of human rights and operation of an effective justice system. Unfortunately, the amendment lacks specific criteria by which to measure these issues. It requires the administration to report, for example, on how the lack of implementation of the rule of law affects the operations of the Afghan National Army, the police and security forces. However, there are numerous factors that comprise the rule of law. How would this provision measure implementation of the rule of law?

Without a clear measure, how could any administration then state, with any degree of certainty, what effects the absence of such implementation had on the operations of Afghan security forces? It goes on to ask for an assessment on the ability of the Afghan judicial system to support the civil military side of military and police operations.

Again, a noble purpose, but there are no clear definitions, no guidelines to determine the information sought. Further, how could we establish a clear measure so that the administration can state how the actions of the Afghan security forces led to human rights abuses, and in turn, how much those abuses undermine counterinsurgency efforts? That is an extraordinary, complicated, causal chain, and some direction and clarification within the amendment itself, Mr. Chairman, would have been most useful.

We sought modifications to this amendment in an effort to arrive at an agreement on the text because I do support what my colleague from New York is trying to get at. We want to support the overarching goals of this bill, and his amendment is an attempt to do that.

I will continue to work closely with the gentleman from New York regarding his particular amendment to preserve its intent, to make sure that it can be effective in its implementation, but as currently drafted, I will have to oppose the amendment. I urge my colleagues to do the same.

Mr. Chairman, I reserve the balance of my time.

Mr. Chairman, I urge our colleagues to defeat this amendment, and I yield back the balance of my time.

Mr. Chairman, I rise to claim time in opposition, although I am not opposed to the amendment.

Mr. Chairman, I yield myself such time as I may consume.

Mr. Chairman, this amendment both authorizes and requires oversight by the Inspectors General from the State Department and the U.S. Agency for International Development, and it does this in two main ways.

First, it requires the permanent deployment in Afghanistan of at least four IG staffers, two each from State and USAID, to audit, to investigate and to oversee economic and developmental assistance provided in Title I of the Act.

Secondly, it also earmarks a total of $4.5 million per year for these IG activities.

We all share the goal of ensuring that our investment in Afghanistan's economic and democratic development is not squandered. Fiscal accountability is always in order, Mr. Chairman. As a proportion of the total amounts in the Act, the amount earmarked by this amendment is roughly in the ballpark of the amount that USAID usually spends on IG activities as compared to its total budget. Furthermore, the activities contemplated by this amendment are in keeping with the current responsibilities of the State and USAID Inspectors General.

Solid plans that help maximize the impact of the strategy embodied in the underlying bill are to be welcomed. In this spirit, I am pleased to support this well-thought-out amendment by the gentleman from California; and I also urge my colleagues to support it as well.

I yield to the gentleman from California.

Reclaiming my time, Mr. Chairman, I would also like to thank Chairman Lantos as well as his staff for having such a wonderful, cooperative spirit and for the working relationship between staff and Members.

I thank the gentleman from California for offering this amendment, because it gets at the heart of what we want to do: fiscal accountability; making sure that our tax dollars are being used in the wisest way, free of corruption, and making sure that we have folks on the ground to look at those dollars. We have our precious treasure, our men and women in uniform, shedding blood for freedom. Let's make sure that American taxpayer dollars are being used in the correct way as well.

Mr. Chairman, I yield back the balance of my time.

Mr. Chairman, I thank the gentleman for yielding.

I rise in strong support of the Franks amendment. Since last April, two arms shipment from Iran, including mortars, rocket-propelled grenades, C-4 explosives and small arms have reportedly been intercepted by U.S. and coalition troops.

Further, a NATO spokesman recently stated that an explosively formed projectile, EFP, which resembled the EFPs bearing Iranian manufacturing markings that have been found in Iraq, have been recently discovered in Kabul. This directly affects the safety and security of our men and women serving in Afghanistan. As I pointed out previously, my daughter- in-law is one of those wearing our Nation's uniform serving in Afghanistan. We want to make sure that we protect everyone in that country.

These disturbing developments may indicate that the Iranian regime has decided to also undermine the government of Afghanistan and U.S. efforts to deny Islamic militants a safe haven in Afghanistan.

While fighting in Afghanistan has thus far been concentrated near the Pakistani border, increased Iranian interference in Afghanistan may indicate an attempt to provoke the U.S. and our coalition partners into opening a second front. Iran's apparently increasing involvement in this central front of the global war against radical jihadists reflects the goal of the regime of pursuing regional dominance, spreading radical Islam, and counteracting western influence in the region. Such a goal is intolerable. As in Iraq, failure in Afghanistan is not an option.

Mr. Chairman, the Afghanistan Freedom and Security Support Act works to bolster our efforts, and I support the Franks amendment.

Mr. Chairman, I rise to claim the time in opposition, although I am not opposed to the amendment.

Mr. Chairman, I rise today in support of the amendment offered by the gentlewoman from Texas (Ms. Jackson-Lee) stating that technical assistance should be provided to train national, provincial and local government personnel for capacity-building purposes as it relates to education, health care, human rights, and particularly in respect to women and political participation.

As we have heard this afternoon, Mr. Chairman, under the Taliban's brutal regime, their blatant disregard for the lives and the well-being of the Afghan people, was perhaps most clearly evident among half of their population, the women of Afghanistan. They have been made destitute, sick and marginalized. They were banned from receiving any education past the age of 8. They were denied proper medical treatment, and they were not allowed to work.

Today, the Afghan people are free with women enjoying the freedoms and opportunities previously denied to them under the Taliban. In order for our efforts in Afghanistan to be effective, it is critical that we continue to provide the Afghan people with the tools and the training necessary for the development and sustainability of educational institutions, protection of human rights, and implementation of political reforms.

It is imperative that our efforts focus on educating and training the officials of the Afghan government at the local level as local officials have a better understanding of the needs of their citizens and will be better prepared to address those needs.

This amendment also seeks to ensure that girls complete secondary education so they will be better suited to pursue their post-secondary education. Without proper education of its women and a society more open to women who holding jobs, Afghanistan's political and economic development is doomed to failure.

Providing Afghan girls with proper education will give rise to a new generation of confident and educated women with skills to pursue careers that will open unprecedented opportunities for them and enhance Afghanistan's economic sector. I urge my colleagues to support the Jackson-Lee amendment.

Mr. Chairman, I yield back the balance of my time.

Mr. Chairman, I rise to claim time in opposition, although I am not opposed to this amendment.

Mr. Chairman, I rise in support of this amendment offered by our distinguished colleague from Texas (Ms. Jackson-Lee) supporting efforts to bolster women's political participation by protecting female legislators when they return to the provinces they represent.

This important amendment includes a sense of Congress stating that assistance provided to foreign countries and international organizations under this provision should be used in part to protect these female legislators.

It is no secret that Afghan women were brutalized under the Taliban rule. They were frequently beaten, raped, kidnapped and killed. They had no access to education nor health care and were routinely singled out for abuse simply because they were women. They lived in nightmarish conditions that few of us could even imagine.

Five years after the fall of the Taliban, the women of Afghanistan are making substantial progress in reclaiming their rightful place in society. They are working as doctors, lawyers, teachers, civil servants and in numerous other professions.

These women have overcome unimaginable obstacles, and they deserve our ongoing support as they work to build a new democracy. We must continue to work to ensure that they are not threatened, nor intimidated nor physically harmed by those who seek to bring Afghanistan back to the oppressive and brutal times experienced under the Taliban regime.

As part of the work that my daughter-in-law does in her military service in Afghanistan, Lindsay encounters many Afghan women and is impressed with the great progress they have made in such a brief time. Let us not go back in time.

Women legislators in Afghanistan are currently targets of attacks perpetrated by Islamic militant extremists. We must enhance the efforts in providing a safe and secure environment for these women to allow them to pursue their legislative duties and encourage future generations of women to seek leadership positions in Afghan society.

I urge my colleagues to support this amendment.

Mr. Chairman, I yield back the remainder of our time.

Mr. Chairman, will the gentleman yield?

Mr. Chairman, I rise in support of the amendment offered by the gentleman from Illinois (Mr. Kirk).

The search and the long hunt for Osama bin Laden and other major radical Islamic terrorists we want brought to justice in the Afghanistan-Pakistan region requires new ideas and new tools for law enforcement and those who are involved in this initiative. Mr. Kirk's amendment represents such an initiative, by improving our terrorist rewards program to reflect the reality of what we face on the ground.

Our terrorist rewards program has been a valuable and successful tool, and I urge my colleagues to adopt the Kirk amendment.

Mr. Chairman, I rise to claim time in opposition to this amendment.

The issue of providing compensation to Afghan civilians is one whose efficacy is not questioned. Our brave troops on the ground offer such support through the allocation of the Commander's Emergency Response Program funding and other avenues that allow U.S. forces to compensate civilians for the damage caused due to ongoing U.S. operations.

However, the manner by which my esteemed colleague from Ohio, my good friend, Mr. Kucinich, seeks to go about addressing this issue would establish an extremely troublesome precedent regarding our operations in and our policy toward Afghanistan.

Simply put, U.S. taxpayer funds, U.S. assistance for Afghanistan, should not be used to fund long-term compensation programs under the Post-Operations Humanitarian Relief Fund of the International Security Assistance Force for damage caused by foreign forces and not U.S. forces.

By contrast, the underlying bill acknowledges ongoing U.S. efforts to support war victims affected by U.S. operations and then calls for a feasibility study to be conducted in order to assess if there is a need to expand U.S. assistance to Afghan civilian war victims.

The Kucinich amendment, however, seeks to circumvent this necessary precursor, essentially prescribing a solution to this problem before the diagnosis is received, and, again, seeking to assign U.S. responsibility for the actions of others. The United States could work diplomatically with participant nations to ensure that they make proper and substantially greater contributions to this relief fund.

However, I find it to be outside of the parameters for the U.S. assistance to Afghanistan to cover the international forces where they have fallen short, thereby putting the onus on the United States to step up financially for damages that we have not created.

Mr. Chairman, I strongly urge my colleagues to vote against this amendment.

Mr. Chairman, I rise in support of the amendment offered by my distinguished friend from Nebraska (Mr. Terry).

This important amendment requires the U.S. Agency for International Development to give priority in awarding grants to nongovernmental organizations, to those based in the United States that have an established and cost-effective record in developing and administering such programs within Afghanistan.

In addition, it focuses on organizations that specialize in the teaching of the people of Afghanistan how to create and sustain quality economic and educational system. In this respect, U.S.-based organizations, with a proven track record of accountability and cost- effectiveness and the development and administration of such programs in Afghanistan, should be granted priority in the grant process.

This amendment is necessary, both as a means of ensuring accountability at all levels of the contracting process, and for proper oversight by Congress.

I thank my colleague and friend for introducing this important amendment, and I strongly urge its adoption.

Mr. Chairman, I rise to claim time in opposition, although I am not opposed to this amendment.

Mr. Chairman, I rise in support of the amendment offered by my distinguished colleague and my friend, the gentleman from Maryland (Mr. Van Hollen).

This amendment seeks to promote the empowerment of citizens at the local level in the decision-making process, including reconstruction and economic development.

One of the key elements necessary to achieve success in Afghanistan is enhancing and promoting citizen participation in the reconstruction and economic development efforts in that country.

Citizens making decisions is a critical part in a democratic society, and this will enhance Afghanistan's political and economic institutions. Local participation, local decision-making will allow the Afghan people to take charge of their own lives and make decisions based on the needs of their local communities.

In addition to ensuring security, fighting the illicit illegal narcotics trade, related terrorist activities, developing the infrastructure for a sustainable democratic central government, the economic situation must also improve if Afghans are to have confidence in their own future and if they are to build upon the progress they have achieved thus far.

A lack of success in the economic forum has the potential to undermine political developments. It could risk demoralizing the aspirations of Afghan citizens and could jeopardize their ability to actively shape their destiny.

The United States must work hard to ensure that Afghanistan is never again a haven for terrorists, a major source of narcotics, or a source of instability or oppression towards its citizens.

Again, I thank the gentleman from Maryland for introducing this important amendment. I strongly urge my colleagues to support it.

And before I yield the remainder of our time to my good friend and our fearless leader, Chairman Lantos, I want to thank the excellent staff that has been working on our Republican side with the Democratic side on forging this strong bill; and perhaps next time, Mr. Lantos, we will come to the floor wearing tie-dyed T-shirts and love beads and singing Kumbaya.

Mr. Chairman, I yield the remainder of our time to Chairman Lantos.

Mr. Speaker, I yield myself such time as I may consume.

I am very proud to join Chairman Lantos in introducing his bill, H.R. 1469, the Senator Paul Simon Study Abroad Foundation Act of 2007. The Act gives effect to key recommendations of the bipartisan, congressionally mandated report of the Abraham Lincoln Study Abroad Commission as well as the 9/11 Commission report.

The United States has an increasing need for foreign language expertise, cultural knowledge and better people-to-people diplomacy. We saw a dramatic example of this need, lamentably, after the events of 9/ 11 when we faced a sudden shortage of qualified speakers of Arabic, Farsi and other strategic languages. A study released last August by the Government Accountability Office indicated that serious language gaps remain within the State Department that can adversely impact State's ability to communicate with foreign audiences and execute critical duties. Study abroad by more American students in places other than traditional destinations in western Europe is essential to our Nation's security and future leadership in the world.

For these reasons, the gentleman from California's bill, H.R. 1469, aims to increase the number and diversity of American students studying abroad with an eventual goal of 1 million per year. It ensures that most of the increase occurs in nontraditional and strategically important destinations, such as China, the Middle East and the developing world.

This Act will establish the Simon Study Abroad Foundation, an independent U.S. Government corporation that can raise private sector funds to promote its work, freed from the large bureaucracies and short-term agendas of other U.S. agencies. By offering competitive grants to universities and educational consortiums based on its priorities, the Foundation will generate broader interest among American schools in study abroad programs, leveraging an impact far greater than a mere direct grant program for students.

To ensure maximum transparency and efficiency, the Foundation will be subject to oversight by an Inspector General and annual congressional reporting requirements.

I appreciate Chairman Lantos incorporating my proposals for those oversight mechanisms in the introduced text of the bill.

I also was pleased to consult with him regarding the small changes made to the bill after committee consideration. Three minor changes make explicit what was already implicit in the bill: Two of them confirm that the Foundation is a new and different approach not intended to supplant other exchange and direct-grant programs currently run by the State Department. The third makes clear that the Foundation should take care to fund only safe, high-quality study abroad programs. A fourth, substantive change aims to make the Foundation more

cost-effective by eliminating the compensation for board members that was part of the originally introduced text.

In sum, this Act, Mr. Speaker, represents a creative, forward- thinking initiative to protect American leadership and security in a fast-changing world. H.R. 1469 deserves our enthusiastic support.

Mr. Speaker, I reserve the balance of my time.

Mr. Speaker, as always, it's a pleasure to work with Chairman Lantos.

I have no further requests for speakers, and I yield back the balance of my time.

Mr. Speaker, I yield myself such time as I may consume.

Mr. Speaker, I rise in strong support of H. Con. Res. 152, which congratulates the citizens of Israel on the 40th anniversary of that nation's victory over those who sought to destroy it in the Six Day War and commemorates the 40th anniversary of Jerusalem's reunification.

Jerusalem has historically been a united city, one holy for Jews, Christians and Muslims alike. Last week I had the privilege to go on a congressional delegation to Israel with my distinguished colleague and friend from Florida, Mr. Wexler. There we visited the old city of Jerusalem and prayed at the ancient Temple's legendary Western Wall. At that site, and throughout the City of Jerusalem, people have freely beseeched God for centuries. But had Jerusalem still been divided, as it was from 1948 to 1967, the old city's holy places would have been off limits to us and to millions of others.

Therefore, I stand here today with particular appreciation for the religious freedom that Jerusalem's unity entails. It is unfortunate, however, that much of the world continues to refuse to recognize Jerusalem's unity and specifically its status as Israel's capital, a status which is both appropriate and a fact of reality.

The Jerusalem Embassy Act of 1995 states that it is a matter of U.S. policy that Jerusalem should remain the undivided capital of Israel and that the United States should move its embassy in Israel from Tel Aviv to Jerusalem. The resolution before us, H. Con. Res. 152, reaffirms U.S. policy in this regard, and I hope that the administration and our allies worldwide will move swiftly to recognize Jerusalem as Israel's capital and to move their embassies to that city.

I strongly urge my colleagues to support this important resolution, to clearly articulate that Jerusalem must remain the undivided capital of Israel.

Mr. Speaker, I reserve the balance of my time.

Mr. Speaker, I have no further requests for time, and I yield back the balance of my time.

Mr. Speaker, I yield myself such time as I may consume.

Mr. Speaker, I also rise in strong support of this resolution authored by our good friend, the gentleman from Illinois (Mr. Shimkus), which condemns the violence within Estonia, condemns the attacks on Estonia's Embassy in Russia that have taken place recently, and which expresses our solidarity with the government and the people of Estonia in the face of such violence and intimidation.

As the chairman has pointed out, the April 27 relocation by the Estonian government of a Soviet-era statue and memorial, located in the capital, led some ethnic Russians within Estonia and some Russians in Russia itself to undertake violent demonstrations and threatening intimidation. These events presented the rest of the world with the worrisome prospect that Estonia and other countries once held captive by the former Soviet regime would continue to be subjected to organized, threatening behavior by their neighbor, Russia.

Additionally troublesome is the possibility that such behavior might be supported by officials at high levels within the Russian government.

It is the view of the most impartial observers that in the days that followed the memorial's relocation, the Russian government quite obviously failed to adequately protect the Estonian Embassy in Moscow, which was threatened for some time by a mob.

In Estonia itself, government, commercial and media Web sites observed a series of suspicious and devastating cyber attacks, reportedly originating from within Russia in what appeared to be a very organized manner.

All of that followed very violent demonstrations mounted by some ethnic Russians within Estonia, demonstrations that required significant engagement by the police to halt.

Mr. Speaker, since regaining their independence with the fall of the Soviet regime, Estonia, as well as the other Baltic States, have worked hard to overcome the serious impact of that decades-long occupation, a period in which the native population in Estonia came close to becoming a minority, a minority in their own land, due to the actions of the Soviet government.

Many Baltic citizens were deemed to be threats to that occupation and they were shipped off to Siberia, some never to be seen again, while ethnic Russians were assigned by the regime to settle in the Baltic States.

But with renewed independence, Estonia, Latvia and Lithuania have had the opportunity to again take control of their future.

To their credit, they have worked with the Organization on Security and Cooperation in Europe and the European Union to find ways to address the presence of those who had been settled on their territories during the Soviet era, finding procedures to grant proper citizenship that, while tough in some cases, nevertheless provided a means for the large ethnic Russian minorities to participate in the civic life of those states whose independence was no longer questioned.

The European Union and the NATO alliance recognized the efforts by these Baltic States to constructively address the challenges and to implement general democratic and free market reforms.

That is why Estonia and other Baltic States are today members of both the European Union and NATO, and why those organizations have stood by Estonia in the face of the disproportionate reaction to the recent relocation of the memorial, that reaction appearing to have had its roots in Moscow.

Mr. Speaker, the Baltic States have more than earned their independence through decades of repression and suffering under a Communist regime.

It is important that through the adoption of this resolution before us today, authored by Mr. Shimkus of Illinois, we make it clear that we stand in support of Estonia and its independence in the face of threats and intimidation.

Mr. Speaker, I encourage my colleagues to join us in support of Mr. Shimkus' resolution.

Mr. Speaker, I yield such time as he may consume to the gentleman from Illinois (Mr. Shimkus), the author of the resolution.

(Mr. SHIMKUS asked and was given permission to revise and extend his remarks.)

Mr. Speaker, I have no further requests for time, and I yield back the balance of our time.

Mr. Speaker, I yield myself such time as I may consume.

I thank the gentleman from Arkansas (Mr. Boozman) for authoring the resolution before us; and I rise in support of his resolution, 412, which expresses gratitude to Her Majesty Queen Elizabeth II and His Royal Highness Prince Philip, Duke of Edinburgh, for their recent state visit to the United States and reaffirms the friendship that exists between the United States and the United Kingdom. Queen Elizabeth's visit reminded us of the shared values that underpin the unique friendship and partnership of the United States and the United Kingdom.

The extent to which the United States and the United Kingdom today share common goals in their foreign and defense policies as well is also quite remarkable. There is no other bilateral relationship that the United States has with another country that is routinely referred to as ``the special relationship.''

In the time that Queen Elizabeth has reigned, more than half a century, America and Britain have continually strengthened their partnership and collaborated on threats to world peace and security, both large and small. That important collaboration continues today, as President Bush noted in his remarks in the dinner he held at the White House in the Queen's honor, when he stated the following: ``together we are supporting young democracies in Iraq and Afghanistan . . . confronting global challenges such as poverty and disease and terrorism, and together we're working to build a world in which more people can enjoy prosperity and security and peace.''

Mr. Speaker, I should note as well the significance of how closely the economies of the United States and the United Kingdom are linked. The United Kingdom is the fourth largest market for exports, such exports totaling more than $36 billion in the year 2004 alone. Just as significant, the United States and the United Kingdom are each other's biggest foreign investors.

This resolution gives us an opportunity to reflect upon the strength and the value of a trans-Atlantic relationship that has proven critical to safeguarding the community of democracies in Europe and, indeed, throughout the world.

I encourage my colleagues to support this resolution, expressing appreciation to Her Majesty Queen Elizabeth and Prince Philip for their recent visit and the bonds that tie our two nations together.

Mr. Speaker, I yield such time as he may consume to the author of the resolution, Mr. Boozman of Arkansas.

Mr. Speaker, I have no further requests for time, and I yield back the balance of our time.

Mr. Speaker, I yield myself such time as I may consume.

I rise in strong support of House Resolution 422, which calls on the government of the People's Republic of China to use its unique influence and leverage to stop genocide and violence in Darfur.

I wish to thank my colleague from California, Ms. Barbara Lee, for introducing this important measure, and for all of the cosponsors who she has gathered and their strong and steadfast support of efforts to halt the humanitarian disaster which continues to unfold daily in Sudan.

I had the honor of traveling to the camps of the internally displaced persons in Darfur with Ms. Lee, and I thank her for her courageous leadership in this effort.

In July 2004, as my good friend from Tennessee stated, the House boldly declared that genocide was occurring in the Darfur region of western Sudan. Nearly 3 years later, the bombing, rape and murder continue.

Hundreds of thousands of people have been killed, and more than two million people have been forced from their homes by marauding militias and a callous government bent on total destruction.

And while I'm encouraged by the leadership of our United States Government and attempts to end this carnage, I cannot help but feel a profound sense of frustration. Where is the rest of the international community?

The U.S. Government has provided vital support for the African Union, the United Nations peacekeeping forces. We've led diplomatic efforts to find a political solution to the crisis. We've donated over $2.6 billion in humanitarian assistance for Darfur and Chad since 2005.

And just last week the President announced that he would impose tough additional sanctions against key individuals and businesses linked to human rights abuses in the region. Included among those businesses were five major petrochemical companies owned or controlled by the Sudanese regime, and an air transport company transferring arms to fighters in Darfur.

President Bush also announced that he had directed the U.S. Permanent Representative to the U.N. to seek passage of a Security Council resolution which would sanction the regime in Khartoum, expand and extend the arms embargo and impose a no-fly zone over Darfur.

These measures have been characterized as unhelpful by some, including the Sudanese regime's representatives here in Washington, as well as by Chinese officials.

And it's no wonder, Mr. Speaker. As the resolution before us indicates, China purchases up to 70 percent of Sudan's oil. It has $3 billion invested in the energy sector in Sudan, and it has exported at least $24 million in arms and ammunition and another $59 million in aircraft equipment to Sudan.

This continues, despite the Sudanese regime's insistence that it can use these funds and equipment for military operations in Darfur; that is, to continue the carnage against Sudanese civilians there.

Regrettably, the Chinese leadership appears unwilling to sacrifice its economic interests in Sudan for the sake of humanity. This is unacceptable, and it is also no surprise.

Beijing must take immediate steps to prevent further death, misery and destruction by compelling the regime in Khartoum to end these atrocities.

This means suspending economic cooperation with and stopping all military equipment sales to Sudan until the Sudanese regime stops its assaults on civilians in Darfur, allows the deployment of U.N. peacekeepers, disarms militias, and brings all rebel groups and high- level diplomats together to negotiate a political solution.

Through this resolution we are challenging China as well as other countries who have influence in Sudan to stand with the United States at the United Nations and press for immediate deployment of a robust peacekeeping mission in Darfur as authorized by Security Council Resolution No. 1706. We call on them to support and enforce a rigorous, multilateral sanctions regime against those individuals and businesses which are complicit in genocide. If China and other nations with influence in Sudan choose to look the other way, then we should reevaluate our relationship with those governments. It should be made clear that governments allied with Khartoum are complicit in a war on civilians and the immeasurable human suffering occurring in Darfur.

I strongly support Ms. Lee's timely resolution, and I take heart in the moral strength that has been demonstrated by this administration, this body, and the American people.

The people of Darfur have known too much suffering with the leaders of the world showing too much procrastination and China showing far too much negligence. The time for action is now. It is long overdue, Mr. Speaker.

I thank the gentlewoman from California for introducing this resolution.

Mr. Speaker, I reserve the balance of my time.

Mr. Speaker, I yield 2 minutes to Judge Poe of Texas, a distinguished member of our Foreign Affairs Committee.

Mr. Speaker, I am now pleased to yield 4 minutes to a leader in worldwide human rights efforts, Mr. Smith of New Jersey.

Mr. Speaker, I would like to yield such time as he may consume to Mr. Goodlatte of Virginia, with whom I had the honor of traveling to Darfur on Ms. Lee and Mr. Hoyer's trip to that area recently.

Mr. Speaker, I have no further requests for time, and I yield back the balance of my time.

Mr. Speaker, I yield myself such time as I may consume.

Mr. Speaker, I rise in strong support of House Resolution 430, which decries the unlawful imprisonment of dual U.S.-Iranian citizens by the regime in Tehran. As this resolution illustrates, Iranian intelligence officials have unlawfully detained, interrogated and imprisoned numerous dual U.S.-Iranian citizens, in particular Dr. Haleh Esfandiari, who works for the Woodrow Wilson International Center for Scholars.

The Iranian government incarcerated Dr. Esfandiari in Evin Prison in Tehran on May 9 of this year. However, as I noted, this is not an isolated incident by any means. The Iranian government also confiscated the passport of Radio Farda journalist Parnaz Azima, an American citizen, when she arrived in Iran to visit her ill mother in January earlier this year.

Iranian government officials have interrogated Ms. Azima and pressured her to collaborate with Iranian intelligence. Iran has also imprisoned a consultant for the Open Society Institute and a fourth American citizen who has chosen to remain anonymous and who has been unlawfully detained in Iran for 6 months.

Mr. Speaker, this cannot stand. The Iranian government's recent actions are particularly egregious in light of that regime's past involvement in the killing of Americans and its past incitement and support of the taking of 66 American citizens hostages at the U.S. embassy in Tehran on February 4, 1979, with 52 of those Americans held in captivity for 444 days.

In response, we must remain resolute in our condemnation of the Iranian regime for detaining innocent American citizens for political purposes and demand that the Iranian regime immediately and unconditionally permit all American citizens detained in Iran against their will to leave.

These threatening actions by the Iranian regime come amidst Tehran's ongoing support for Islamic militants in Iraq that are killing Iraqis and Americans alike, its arming and support for Hezbollah in Lebanon and Hamas in Gaza and its continued pursuit of nuclear capability in contempt of international demands that it suspend its enrichment activities. I therefore believe that the United States should suspend all contact with any agent, instrumentality or representative of the Iranian regime until Americans held hostage by Iran are released and other issues critical to the United States are addressed.

I strongly urge my colleagues to support this resolution.

Mr. Speaker, I reserve the balance of my time.

Mr. Speaker, I have no further requests for time, and I yield back the balance of my time.

Madam Speaker, I would like to take this opportunity to express my strong support for a Naval Reserve Officer Training Corps program at the University of Miami. The students at this prestigious university deserve the opportunity to engage in this tremendous program. Located in South Florida the university provides an ideal location to offer a quality program that can utilize many of the resources that are within close proximity. The success of Army and Air Force ROTC programs at the university are clear indicators of the interest and dedication the students have to serving our country in the Armed Services. A program at the University of Miami would be an incredible addition to the proud tradition of the Naval Reserve Officer Training Program, and so I request that my colleagues support this amendment.

I thank the gentlelady for the time.

Mr. Speaker, I think that the introduction of this legislation is very important, because it honors our Coast Guard, our Coast Guard Auxiliary and the National Safe Boating Council.

I would also like to take this opportunity to thank the brave men and women of our Coast Guard and our Coast Guard Auxiliary, including those that work at Coast Guard Sector Key West in my congressional district. They work night and day to keep our

Nation's waterways safe. Without their tireless dedication and outstanding service, we would not have such a superb safety record on our oceans, on our lakes and on our rivers.

Recreational and commercial boating is also a big part of life for my district, Congressional District 18 in Florida, and our citizens truly appreciate the hard work and the dedication of the Coast Guard patrolling our Nation's waters.

I will also once again express my deep appreciation for the remarkable work that our Coast Guard and Auxiliary does on behalf of the public as we celebrate the upcoming National Safe Boating Week, and I thank the gentlelady for introducing this legislation.