Floor Statements

I ask for the yeas and nays, please.

Mr. President, service is at the heart of the Americans ethos. We take inspiration from those who have answered the call to serve, whether in defense of our Nation abroad or in strengthening our communities at home. Finding common cause through service is how we will overcome the major challenges of our time, from recovering from the COVID-19 pandemic to addressing inequality to strengthening civil society and democratic institutions to leaving a healthy, resilient planet to future generations. That is why I am proud to join Congressman John Larson of Connecticut in introducing the America's Call to Improving Opportunities Now, ACTION for National Service Act. Our legislation calls for a historic expansion of the number of service opportunities and an increased investment in those who serve.

The ACTION for National Service Act will honor our national value of service, while addressing the barriers that limit citizens' opportunities to serve. Our legislation will set us on a path to 1 million national service positions within 10 years. It will increase the educational award so that an individual completing 2 full years of service will earn the equivalent of 4 years of the average in-state tuition at a public college or university. Indeed, those who are willing to serve should not be left to carry a heavy financial burden of student loan debt. The ACTION for National Service Act will also ease other financial barriers to service by increasing the living allowance and eliminating the tax liability for the education awards and living stipends. The bill calls for a robust outreach effort to ensure that all young people will know about the many opportunities to serve their country and their communities. It will mobilize a Civilian Climate Corps to address the urgent needs of hardest hit communities. Finally, the ACTION for National Service Act calls for elevating the Corporation for National and Community Service to a Cabinet-level Agency and establishes a National Service Foundation to leverage private sector resources to support national service activities.

Mr. President, it is time we reinvigorate the social contract we have with each other. Americans have a deep tradition of service, starting with the dedicated men and women of our Armed Forces and including all those who have served in AmeriCorps, Senior Corps, and the Peace Corps. However, as more Americans desire to serve, it is important that they be given the opportunity to do so. It is just as important to invest in the education and professional development of those who have sacrificed and given so much to our Nation. Developing the talents of our most committed citizens pays lifelong dividends. Our investment in the GI Bill not only honors our servicemembers but also enriches our Nation. Similarly, the education awards for those who have served through our national programs have economic impacts beyond the individuals who earn them. That is the new deal that the ACTION for National Service Act offers.

All AmeriCorps members take a pledge to get things done for Americans, to make communities safer, smarter and healthier, and to bring us together. It is a pledge we all should commit ourselves to.

I would like to thank Senators Coons, Baldwin, Brown, Blumenthal, Gillibrand, and Klobuchar for joining me as original cosponsors of the ACTION for National Service Act and to urge our colleagues to join us in working for its passage so we can ensure that all who aspire to serve have the opportunity to do so.

Mr. President, service is at the heart of the Americans ethos. We take inspiration from those who have answered the call to serve, whether in defense of our Nation abroad or in strengthening our communities at home. Finding common cause through service is how we will overcome the major challenges of our time, from recovering from the COVID-19 pandemic to addressing inequality to strengthening civil society and democratic institutions to leaving a healthy, resilient planet to future generations. That is why I am proud to join Congressman John Larson of Connecticut in introducing the America's Call to Improving Opportunities Now, ACTION for National Service Act. Our legislation calls for a historic expansion of the number of service opportunities and an increased investment in those who serve.

The ACTION for National Service Act will honor our national value of service, while addressing the barriers that limit citizens' opportunities to serve. Our legislation will set us on a path to 1 million national service positions within 10 years. It will increase the educational award so that an individual completing 2 full years of service will earn the equivalent of 4 years of the average in-state tuition at a public college or university. Indeed, those who are willing to serve should not be left to carry a heavy financial burden of student loan debt. The ACTION for National Service Act will also ease other financial barriers to service by increasing the living allowance and eliminating the tax liability for the education awards and living stipends. The bill calls for a robust outreach effort to ensure that all young people will know about the many opportunities to serve their country and their communities. It will mobilize a Civilian Climate Corps to address the urgent needs of hardest hit communities. Finally, the ACTION for National Service Act calls for elevating the Corporation for National and Community Service to a Cabinet-level Agency and establishes a National Service Foundation to leverage private sector resources to support national service activities.

Mr. President, it is time we reinvigorate the social contract we have with each other. Americans have a deep tradition of service, starting with the dedicated men and women of our Armed Forces and including all those who have served in AmeriCorps, Senior Corps, and the Peace Corps. However, as more Americans desire to serve, it is important that they be given the opportunity to do so. It is just as important to invest in the education and professional development of those who have sacrificed and given so much to our Nation. Developing the talents of our most committed citizens pays lifelong dividends. Our investment in the GI Bill not only honors our servicemembers but also enriches our Nation. Similarly, the education awards for those who have served through our national programs have economic impacts beyond the individuals who earn them. That is the new deal that the ACTION for National Service Act offers.

All AmeriCorps members take a pledge to get things done for Americans, to make communities safer, smarter and healthier, and to bring us together. It is a pledge we all should commit ourselves to.

I would like to thank Senators Coons, Baldwin, Brown, Blumenthal, Gillibrand, and Klobuchar for joining me as original cosponsors of the ACTION for National Service Act and to urge our colleagues to join us in working for its passage so we can ensure that all who aspire to serve have the opportunity to do so.

Mr. President, last week, I came to the floor to warn that we are moving closer to a yearlong continuing resolution, or a CR, that would have devastating implications for every Federal Agency-- particularly the Department of Defense.

We are 5 months into the fiscal year. Soon, the House will send over another stop-gap measure so we can avoid a shutdown for a few more weeks. When the short-term funding bill expires, the fiscal year will be halfway over. We need to get this work done.

As outlined last week, Democrats put a deal on the table months ago that gave Republicans what they wanted--more funding for defense than the $22 billion increase that President Biden sought and less money for nondefense programs than he requested. This should have been an easy deal for them to accept. Indeed, the defense funding number that Democrats are willing to agree to is the number that Republicans on the Armed Services Committee proposed this summer and that was incorporated into the National Defense Authorization Act. But even with that defense number in hand, our Republican colleagues continue to draw out negotiations, pushing us closer to a full-year continuing resolution that would fund defense at a level that is less than President Biden initially requested and about $37 billion lower than the level set out in the NDAA.

I think that is important. If the Republicans continue to reject a sensible agreement on an Omnibus appropriations bill, they will end up with a defense number that is less than what President Biden sent up, and what he sent up was harshly and vigorously criticized by the Republicans as being not only ineffectual but also somehow undermining our defense.

So it is very clear that we have to move quickly to make a full-year CR an impossibility and that we have to move and vote for an Omnibus appropriations bill. A CR for the full year will shortchange our military. It will disrupt the efficient operations of the Federal Government in the midst of international tension, the ongoing COVID-19 pandemic, and a fragile economic recovery.

Let me focus on the Navy and Marine Corps for a moment. Like the other services, they would be hard hit. A full-year CR would lead to a shortfall of $4.4 billion from the level the President requested.

Even worse, the Navy estimates the impact could total more than $14 billion of misaligned funds because a CR prohibits any new starts and production rate increases. The military personnel accounts alone would be $1.6 billion below what the Navy needs, and that is the pay and benefits for our men and women in uniform. The Navy's Active-Duty end strength would be reduced by 23,000 sailors of its planned accessions. Almost half of the permanent change-of-station moves would be cut, and the Navy Reserves would also face a substantial reduction in its end strength.

A full-year CR could leave the training and readiness accounts for the Navy and Marine Corps about $2.5 billion short of what they need. This shortfall would reduce the services' flight operations by 10 to 20 percent for all units for 6 months. Reductions in ship operations will put training certifications for one carrier strike group and two expeditionary strike groups at risk, thereby impacting fiscal year 2023 deployments.

This shortfall would impact the scheduling of ship maintenance availabilities for five Virginia-class submarines and two aircraft carriers--

something that will ripple through the industrial base in future fiscal years.

For the Marines, maintenance availabilities for 12 of their landing craft would be deferred, including 6 landing craft air cushions and 6 landing craft utility. These deferrals would potentially impact their ability to support operational needs around the globe. If we don't keep our ships and amphibious vehicles maintained, they will not be ready nor reliable when they are needed in operations, thereby risking the safety of our servicemembers and impeding their ability to perform the mission.

These are just some of the operational impacts the Navy and Marine Corps would face under a yearlong CR.

A CR will also prevent the Navy from effectively modernizing and reinvesting in new programs. The Department of the Navy would not be able to execute 10 new procurement programs and 10 new research and development projects.

Additionally, 20 programs would not be able to increase their production rate as planned in the budget request. Perhaps most importantly, the CR would provide insufficient funding for the continued construction of SSBN-826, the first boat of the Columbia- class ballistic missile submarine program, which is replacing the aging Ohio-class submarines.

The Columbia-class program is vitally important to maintaining our strategic nuclear deterrence. I have seen the boat currently under construction in Rhode Island, the state-of-the-art hull cylinders and missile tubes. It is a formidable vessel, and it needs to stay on track.

A yearlong CR would also affect the advance procurement funding for the second, third, fourth, and fifth of the submarines of this class. Effectively, we would be disrupting the unavoidable replacing of aging Ohio-class submarines with the new Columbia class. All this would mean down the road eventually is just more expensive submarines.

We are already on a tight schedule to deliver SSBN-826 to meet the requirements of Strategic Command. Chief of Naval Operations Admiral Gilday has said that the Columbia class is the Navy's ``number one modernization priority'' and that it ``is a program with zero margin for delays.''

The impacts aren't limited to our undersea fleet. Under a yearlong CR, the Navy also wouldn't be able to purchase three additional surface ships--two of the TAGOS ocean surveillance ships and one ship to shore connector--and the Navy won't be able to start procuring materials in advance for the new frigate and the TAO fleet oiler.

The Marines will not be able to buy 7 more F35 Joint Strike Fighters, 20 more of the amphibious combat vehicle, nor additional quantities of the joint air-to-ground missile and Hellfire missiles. Instead of procuring six MQ-9A Reaper UAVS, the Marines will get zero.

There are many impacts to new research and development projects that cannot be started under a CR, and the Navy is very concerned about the shortfall in funding for the Conventional Prompt Strike Program. This missile, which is being jointly developed and produced with the Army, will provide Navy ships and Virginia-class submarines with a hypersonic weapon capability that is critical to our Nation's ability to deter conflict with China and with Russia. In order to make up this shortfall under a CR and keep this program on pace, the Navy would have to divert funding from other important R&D programs. It is one step forward and two steps back and in some cases may cause delays that are unrecoverable.

The Navy and Marine Corps also won't be able to start 17 military construction projects--new facilities that our sailors and marines need to do their jobs safely and effectively. This includes, among others, $321 million for two projects in North Carolina, $288 million for three projects in Virginia, $14 million for a project in Minnesota, $49 million for a project in Michigan, $558 million for eight projects in Guam, and $50 million for a project in Japan. This will clearly affect our ability to have a forward-operating presence in the Indo-Pacific region and to confront what the Secretary of Defense has called the pacing threat--China.

These are just some examples of the varied impacts and challenges the Navy and Marine Corps would face if there was a yearlong CR. I would encourage my colleagues to read the full testimony of the Chief of Naval Operations, Admiral Gilday, and the Commandant of the Marine Corps, General Berger, which they submitted to the House Appropriations Subcommittee on Defense.

These statements can be found online on the House Committee on Appropriations website at https://appropriations.house.gov/events/ hearings/impact-of-continuing-resolutions-on-the-department-of-defense- and-services.

In short, a yearlong CR will make us less competitive with our adversaries and less able to respond to the rapidly changing global landscape, and these are some things--these efforts are not something the Defense Department can do on its own. We need to fund our diplomats and our law enforcement and all Agencies of the Federal Government.

Indeed, we cannot afford to shortchange nondefense priorities. A CR will not adequately fund our Defense Department nor our domestic Agencies. Stating the obvious, we are still in the midst of the COVID- 19 pandemic. Are we truly willing to fund the NIH and the CDC and other public health Agencies at last year's levels? Are we willing to tell school systems to make do with the same funding levels for critical programs like title I? Are we going to cut funding for housing rental assistance? Are we willing to shortchange law enforcement, including the Capitol Police?

We need to get our work done. That begins with reaching an agreement that provides the funding Americans need on both sides of the ledger. A full-year CR is not an acceptable solution. I am hopeful that agreement is near. But no one should believe those who claim to support our national defense while threatening a yearlong CR, and no one should claim that our domestic needs are somehow unworthy of support as well.

I yield the floor.

I suggest the absence of a quorum.

Mr. President, today I am pleased to introduce the Improving Trauma Systems and Emergency Care Act with Senator Moran.

Nationally, trauma is the leading cause of death in the United States for individuals aged 44 and younger, and according to the Coalition for National Trauma Research, trauma accounts for 41 million emergency room visits and 2 million hospital admissions across the country each year.

For anyone who experiences sudden, major injuries in a car crash, a house fire, and any other dangerous incident, timely and effective trauma care can make a significant difference. The Nation's trauma and emergency medical

systems are designed to provide that expert care. These systems respond quickly and efficiently to get seriously injured individuals to the appropriate trauma center hospital within the ``golden hour,'' the time period when medical intervention is most effective in saving lives and preventing permanent injury. Achieving this standard of access requires maintenance and careful coordination between organized systems of trauma care.

We must continually improve and invest in this essential component of our healthcare system. In 2014, President Obama signed the Improving Trauma Care Act into law, legislation that I introduced to add burn injuries to the definition of ``trauma care'' and ensure that burn centers are eligible for funding under trauma and emergency care programs.

The legislation we are introducing today takes another important step by authorizing $24 million each year for pilot program grants to strengthen coordination and communication among trauma systems, improve access to trauma care, and facilitate clinical research. The legislation would also require the Assistant Secretary for Preparedness and Response at the Department of Health and Human Services, HHS, to support States in improving emergency medical services and trauma care during a public health emergency. Lastly, the legislation would allow HHS to award grants to improve trauma care in rural areas.

I am pleased to have the support of the Trauma Center Association of America for this bill, and I urge our colleagues on both sides of the aisle to join us in cosponsoring this legislation and working toward its expeditious passage.

Mr. President, today I am pleased to introduce the Improving Trauma Systems and Emergency Care Act with Senator Moran.

Nationally, trauma is the leading cause of death in the United States for individuals aged 44 and younger, and according to the Coalition for National Trauma Research, trauma accounts for 41 million emergency room visits and 2 million hospital admissions across the country each year.

For anyone who experiences sudden, major injuries in a car crash, a house fire, and any other dangerous incident, timely and effective trauma care can make a significant difference. The Nation's trauma and emergency medical

systems are designed to provide that expert care. These systems respond quickly and efficiently to get seriously injured individuals to the appropriate trauma center hospital within the ``golden hour,'' the time period when medical intervention is most effective in saving lives and preventing permanent injury. Achieving this standard of access requires maintenance and careful coordination between organized systems of trauma care.

We must continually improve and invest in this essential component of our healthcare system. In 2014, President Obama signed the Improving Trauma Care Act into law, legislation that I introduced to add burn injuries to the definition of ``trauma care'' and ensure that burn centers are eligible for funding under trauma and emergency care programs.

The legislation we are introducing today takes another important step by authorizing $24 million each year for pilot program grants to strengthen coordination and communication among trauma systems, improve access to trauma care, and facilitate clinical research. The legislation would also require the Assistant Secretary for Preparedness and Response at the Department of Health and Human Services, HHS, to support States in improving emergency medical services and trauma care during a public health emergency. Lastly, the legislation would allow HHS to award grants to improve trauma care in rural areas.

I am pleased to have the support of the Trauma Center Association of America for this bill, and I urge our colleagues on both sides of the aisle to join us in cosponsoring this legislation and working toward its expeditious passage.

I ask for the yeas and nays, Mr. President.

Mr. President, we are 4 months into the fiscal year, and our colleagues on the other side of the aisle have still not agreed to a deal to fund the Federal Government, including the Department of Defense. In a matter of days, we will face the prospect of a long-term continuing resolution or government shutdown if an agreement on overall funding levels cannot be reached.

From the moment President Biden submitted his budget request, Republican leaders said his proposed $12.6 billion increase for defense was not enough. So, on a bipartisan basis, we worked to raise that number to a level proposed by the ranking member of the Armed Services Committee and supported by every Republican on the committee as well as the 88 Senators who voted for the final National Defense Authorization Act.

But even with that defense number in hand, our Republican colleagues continue to draw out negotiations on a top-line funding number for the Federal Government. In doing so, they risk pushing us into a full-year continuing resolution that would fund defense at a level that is less than President Biden's initial request.

Let me say that again. They were deeply critical of the President's proposal. They worked and we worked with them to get a robust increase in defense spending, and now they are prepared to accept a number even below President Biden's request.

Make no mistake, a full-year CR will short-change our military, and it will disrupt the efficient operations of the Federal Government in the midst of international tension, the ongoing COVID-19 pandemic, and a fragile economic recovery.

As my colleague from Ohio just pointed out, we are in a serious confrontation on the Ukrainian border between Russian forces and Ukrainian forces. And we have indicated that we want to help. A big part of that help would come from the Department of Defense, but it would be very difficult with a continuing resolution to marshal the help and support to our colleagues and our friends in Ukraine.

As I noted, the outlines of a reasonable agreement for both defense and nondefense funding have been evident for some time. Indeed, the National Defense Authorization Act, which passed on a bipartisan basis in December, set a funding level for defense that is 5 percent higher than last year's enacted level. It reflects the level proposed by Ranking Member Inhofe. And, as chairman of the Senate Armed Services Committee, I fully supported that funding level and cosponsored Senator Inhofe's amendment to authorize the increase.

For his part, Senator Leahy has adopted the NDAA defense funding levels in the bills that the Appropriations Committee introduced in November. He accommodated that increase by reducing funding for domestic programs by $22.5 billion from the level in the administration's request.

So Democrats have agreed to increase defense funding and to reduce nondefense funding from the levels requested by the President. In doing so, Democrats proposed a budget that funds defense activities at a level that is higher than nondefense activities.

Let me underscore that point, because GOP leaders often say there should be parity between defense and nondefense spending. Senate Democrats have proposed spending bills that have $777.5 billion for defense and $753 billion for every other discretionary program--the VA, education, agriculture, FBI, Department of Homeland Security, and so on. Democrats have offered our Republican colleagues nearly everything they have asked for, but they won't take yes for an answer.

As we drift toward the full-year CR, our colleagues on the other side of the aisle are reacting with nonchalance to the impacts on defense.

Let me remind my colleagues what a full-year CR will mean for national defense. It will mean that defense spending would be about $37 billion lower than the levels set out in the NDAA and lower than the funding levels requested by President Biden--yes, those levels they criticized so aggressively that President Biden suggests. If they pursue this path of a CR, the numbers for defense will be less than the President's initial request.

It means military personnel accounts will be funded $5 billion below what the Department requested. A CR means DOD will have to cannibalize other accounts in order to provide the pay raise and other benefit increases that our servicemembers rightfully deserve.

It means the Pentagon may have to delay or suspend permanent change- of-station moves and accession of troops--again, all of this in the context, as my colleague from Ohio pointed out, of a major crisis in Europe and a growing concern about Chinese activities in the Pacific.

It means training and readiness accounts will fall about $5.3 billion short of what the Department requested. And the key to the morale of soldiers--among one of the most important keys--is that they are well trained and they are prepared. We owe it to them to give them that training and ensure they are prepared.

It means the military healthcare account will be short over $1 billion.

A CR also means that we will be tied to funding priorities from a year ago, even though circumstances have changed markedly. For example, our military engagements with Afghanistan and Eastern Europe are vastly different from last year. Funding will be trapped in the wrong accounts and the Defense Department will not have the flexibility to move it where it is needed.

A CR will prevent the Defense Department from effectively modernizing and reinvesting in new programs. Because new program starts are not allowed under a CR, the Department of Defense will be forced into funding legacy systems that are outdated and inefficient. Meanwhile, important new initiatives and acquisitions would be delayed.

We won't be able to fund three additional ships and seven more Joint Strike Fighters in the Navy's 2022 budget. The Marines would have to delay procurement of the MQ-9A Reaper UAV, and the Amphibious Combat Vehicle.

The Space Force would have to cut two of the five planned national security space launch missions, and the Air Force would have to delay the Ground-Based Strategic Deterrent Program and the long-range standoff weapon.

DOD also won't be able to start over 100 military construction projects--new facilities that our servicemembers need to do their jobs safely and effectively. This includes, among others: $32 million in Air Force corrosion and simulator projects in Florida, $55 million for a joint operation center at Fort Polk in Louisiana, $56 million in total projects for Wisconsin, $75 million in total projects for Georgia, $94 million in total projects for Michigan, $161 million in total projects for Texas, $186 million in total projects for California, $251 million for a runway extension at Joint Base Elmendorf-Richardson in Alaska, $251 million in total projects for South Dakota, and $321 million in total projects for North Carolina.

Finally, a CR will disrupt DOD's partnerships with outside partners in the private sector and academia, and with our allies, because they inject uncertainty, instability, and additional costs to R&D and acquisition processes.

In short, a yearlong CR will make us less competitive with our adversaries and less able to respond to the rapidly changing global landscape, which was illustrated so eloquently by my colleague from Ohio. It would be a self-inflicted wound at a dangerous time for the country and our international partners.

The impact will not only be felt on the defense side of the ledger. As the COVID-19 pandemic continues to produce new and potentially dangerous strains, we risk losing $5 billion in research at the NIH and $2.4 billion in funding for our public health infrastructure, including funding for the CDC, BARDA, and the National Disaster Medical System.

And a CR would sacrifice $3 billion in new investments in mental health, and

one of the obvious outcomes of this pandemic is the mental health challenge that is facing all Americans, and particularly young Americans.

We risk losing a proposed $400 increase in the maximum Pell grant, just as schools and students are trying to finalize financial aid packages. Too many students have put off their college education due to economic hardship and uncertainty during the pandemic. This Congress should not make matters worse by withholding student aid.

A CR would also be a slap in the face to the Capitol Police, who have been stretched to the limit in the aftermath of the January 6 assault on the Capitol. It would deny the department needed funding to hire new officers, for overtime and retention payments, as well as resources for officer wellness and mental health support.

Chairman Leahy has bent over backward to engage our Republican colleagues. Four months into the fiscal year, we need them to reach an agreement. Otherwise, we risk a full-year CR in which everybody loses-- most of all the American people.

I yield the floor.

I suggest the absence of a quorum.

Mr. President, for the Committee on Armed Services I report favorably the following nomination lists which were printed in the Records on the dates indicated, and ask unanimous consent, to save the expense of reprinting on the Executive Calendar that these nominations lie at the Secretary's desk for the information of Senators.

Madam Vice President, the right to vote is sacred, the heart of any democracy. And in a proud, though painful tradition, successive generations of Americans have fought to expand and protect that right and ensure that we as a country live up to our democratic ideals. Many risked their safety and even gave their lives in the fight for the right to vote. From Frederick Douglass to Lucy Burns, from Dr. Martin Luther King, Jr., to John Lewis, and countless other unnamed and unknown patriots, Americans have long taken it upon themselves to make their Union more perfect.

It is because of the sacrifice and unyielding activism of those brave Americans that the 14th, 15th, 19th, 23rd, 24th, and 26th Amendments were ratified; the Indian Citizenship Act was passed; the Chinese Exclusion Act was repealed; and in 1965, the landmark legislation of the Voting Rights Act was enacted. That transformative law, along with its bipartisan renewals over the following decades, helped set us on a path to representation across the Nation that better reflected the diversity of the American people and better ensured the right to vote.

We cannot allow these hard-earned advances to be reversed.

Yet, as we speak, instead of preserving the right to vote, Republicans are finding new and insidious ways to make it harder to cast ballots. Why else would they oppose secure, effective, verifiable mail-in ballots? What other reason is there for curtailing early voting and weekend voting? These regressive new laws sprouting up across the country are clearly meant to discourage voters, particularly people of color, young people, people with disabilities, and the working class. That is not just malicious; it is an assault on America's ideals.

In this moment of crisis, only Congress can step in to repair the breach by passing the Freedom to Vote: John R. Lewis Act. We cannot wait for others to act. Chief Justice Roberts ruled that Congress needs to change the Voting Rights Act to preserve its protections for millions of Americans.

At the State level, at least 19 States passed laws restricting access to voting in 2021, and a number of States have begun to allow partisan actors to interfere with election processes or even reject election results entirely. Blatant gerrymandering is diluting the voice of minorities and election procedures are being tampered with as nonpartisan safeguards fall to the wayside.

In the face of this dire onslaught against our democracy, the Constitution is clear that Congress has both the power and the responsibility to restore the protections of the Voting Rights Act and to ensure greater election integrity in our country.

And this isn't a case of so-called red States and blue States. Every State needs to do more to preserve access to the ballot box, and the bill before us ensures that Federal elections in every State will be more secure and more accessible to voters. It sets standards that every State can meet and provides the resources for them to do so.

Considering the magnitude and urgency of the need for election reforms, I am dismayed by Republicans who have spent months blockading a discussion of these bills on the Senate floor while also refusing to negotiate over any specifics.

Sadly, we have been here before. In 1890, then-Representative Henry Cabot Lodge introduced a Federal elections bill that would reinforce the 15th Amendment and combat the wave of laws disenfranchising Black voters in the South. Though it passed the House, a weeklong Senate filibuster by Southern Democrats and some Western Republicans led to the defeat of the legislation in 1891. Imagine--where would we be if voting rights legislation had existed in the 1890s instead of having to wait until 1965? How many thousands of lynchings that took place in those 75 years may have been avoided if Black voters could have had a voice in who was their sheriff, their judge, their mayor, their Representative, their Senator, their President? How many generations of Black children would have had running water, proper books, and qualified teachers in their schoolhouses?

I hope and believe that history will not repeat itself in such a gruesome fashion. But I do believe that the impact of the current disenfranchisement will be felt acutely in minority communities, by seniors and those with disabilities, and among young people. Without a voice, their legitimate claims for opportunity and equality will be muted, and huge discrepancies in income, education, and opportunity will be perpetuated.

We have tried negotiating with the other side. We have offered an open debate to the other side. We have held hearings and taken to the floor to outline the dangers of these State voting changes to our democracy, but the other side continues to say ``no'' to a debate and ``no'' to a vote.

While many of my colleagues on the other side voted to certify the 2020 election and some even voted to impeach the former President for his role in the January 6 assault on the Capitol, by blocking this bill, they are abetting the former President and his unelected media allies in spreading the lie that an election that brought more Republicans to the House of Representatives was somehow ``stolen.'' That claim was false then, and it is false now.

In allowing falsehoods about the election results of 2020 to proliferate, in celebrating and minimizing the horrors of January 6, Republicans have chosen a path of seeking short-term wins, not realizing that when democracy loses, we all lose.

I have a deep respect for Senate rules and precedent, and I have a strong skepticism when I hear suggestions of changing those rules. I know that what goes around can come around, so what may seem beneficial in the moment can become deeply detrimental in the future.

The filibuster has its place, but at a certain point, the right of every eligible American to exercise their right to vote takes precedence because you cannot have a democracy if your citizens cannot vote. It is that simple.

For that existential reason, I will vote to change the rules for the purposes of this bill and enforce rule XIX so that Senators must actually take to the floor and make their case to the American people rather than hide behind procedure when it comes to voting rights.

Our future as a democracy depends on the willingness of this body to do the right thing and protect voting rights by passing the Freedom to Vote: John R. Lewis Act. I implore my colleagues: Let's do the right thing, and let's do it now.

Mr. President, a year ago, thousands of supporters of then- President Donald Trump--marching under banners supporting secession, conspiracy theories, and White supremacy--violently stormed the U.S. Capitol and breached the Senate and House Chambers in the hopes of overturning a free and fair election in which 7 million more Americans voted for President Biden. There was, of course, no proof and no truth to the claims of aberrant voting that Mr. Trump invented in order to fuel the mob.

The assault on the Capitol was an attack on the United States and on democracy itself. We have the brave men and women of the U.S. Capitol Police to thank for defending the country against what can accurately be called an insurrection, and while the assault failed that day, thanks to the efforts of these officers and their partners from neighboring jurisdictions, an insidious campaign against our democracy continues through the baseless lies and antics of the former President and his associates.

Mr. Trump set the events of January 6 in motion when he refused to say that he would accept the results of the November 2020 election, and he continued to value his ego over our democracy when he urged the mob to march to the Capitol and disrupt the election certification process. He repeatedly lied that the election he lost by 7 million votes had somehow been stolen, when the facts and the courts demonstrated that was clearly not the case.

Stoked by his vitriol, Mr. Trump's supporters used pipes and flagpoles to brutally beat police officers. Some of the attacks were also directed at or were planned to be directed at our own Members in both the House and the Senate, and anyone who refused to subvert the election was a target of the insurrectionist mob. That included Mr. Trump's own Vice President, Vice President Mike Pence. Mr. Trump, who lit the fuse and stood by, his actions sent a demoralizing signal to billions around the world as they watched his supporters assault the Capitol.

One year ago today, the U.S. Capitol Police, Federal, State, and local law enforcement partners, and the National Guard physically cleared the Capitol Building and grounds. The House of Representatives impeached Mr. Trump for his actions. Yet most of my Senate Republican colleagues made the tortured arguments that his actions were reprehensible but not technically impeachable. As a result, the democratically defeated former President continues his rhetorical assaults through lies and misinformation. He would rather rip our country apart and undermine our elections and democracy rather than to accept the will of the American voter.

The bipartisan House Select Committee on the January 6 Attack on the U.S. Capitol is working tirelessly to get to the truth of that day. It is methodically collecting and following the evidence despite there being a lack of cooperation from Mr. Trump and his inner circle. The committee must continue to be transparent, and we must all continue to call out the repeated lies of Trump and his enablers.

Every American, regardless of party affiliation, who believes in the right to vote and in upholding the Constitution, should want the truth about January 6 to come out. Congress must rise to the occasion. The stakes could not be any higher. Because of the former President's actions a year ago and his relentless lying since then, a significant minority of Americans now indicates that violence is an acceptable way to resolve political disagreement. We cannot afford to have such a sentiment persist. Together, we must accept the truth, restore trust in one another, and take steps to improve political discourse.

One step we must take is to honor the officers of the Capitol Police, not just with our words but with real support. Last year, we passed a supplemental appropriations bill that provided over $107 million in additional funding, including roughly $35 million for overtime, retention bonuses, hazard pay, and student loan repayments for officers. It also provided critical funding to address the trauma experienced by our officers and helped support their mental health needs. But we can't stop there. We have to continue in this fiscal year, 2022, to support our police and to continue to support those who protect us.

I am afraid, if we don't quickly resolve our differences, that we could fall into the state of a continuing resolution, which would actually deny our police--the Capitol Police--and our security forces the tools they will need not only to protect us and protect themselves but also to sustain their morale and their mental health. So I hope we can make progress, at least on that point, of reaching a budget agreement on behalf of the men and women who protect us and who literally, on that day, gave their lives for us.

Now, in addition to that, we have a critical role to play when it comes to safeguarding the rights of the American voter. We have before us the John Lewis Voting Rights Advancement Act and the Freedom to Vote Act ready for passage. We have the opportunity, and the time is now. I continue to urge my colleagues, both Republicans and Democrats, to work together to swiftly pass these critical voting rights bills

that are needed to protect our elections and our democracy.

We must bolster the security, accessibility, and transparency of our elections in order to mend the wounds of January 6 and begin to heal as a nation, indivisible, with liberty and justice for all.

I yield the floor.

Mr. President, I rise today to pay tribute to GEN Raymond Odierno, one of the greatest commanders of his, or any other, generation of American military leaders.

Ray served the Army and the Nation with great distinction. He attended West Point, and following graduation, he went on to serve nearly 40 years in the Army, retiring as a four-star general.

Ray's service took him around the world, from Germany and Albania to Kuwait and Iraq. He reached the heights of his career as the commander of all coalition forces in Iraq and a tenure as the 38th Chief of Staff of the U.S. Army.

Throughout his distinguished career, Ray was an inspirational force to the men and women he commanded and the leaders he advised. His character, professional skills, and abiding love and respect for those around him made him a preeminent soldier. His steadfast loyalty and commitment to his fellow soldiers and veterans was unwavering.

I was privileged to have worked extensively with Ray. His courageous leadership in so many demanding jobs leaves me with great admiration and gratitude.

We were both West Pointers and both had the privilege of serving in the Army, so we shared many things in common.

I recall first meeting Ray in Iraq when he commanded the 4th Infantry Division. I was immediately struck by his presence, his keen insight, and the mutual and profound respect he shared with his troops. His example of selfless service, dedication to his mission and his soldiers, together with his personal integrity and decency, sustained and inspired all who served with him.

I also had the privilege of working closely with him while he served as Chief of Staff of the Army. He proved an innovative and resourceful leader who continued to focus on soldiers and their families as he maintained an Army on the most robust deployment schedule in our lifetime.

Ray's love for his country was surpassed only by his love of family-- his wonderful wife Linda and their three children; Tony, Katie, and Mike; and their beautiful grandchildren.

I offer the Odierno family my deepest condolences on his passing and thank them for sharing Ray with us for so many years.

The Odierno family's military tradition runs deep and strong. Ray's father was an Army sergeant in World War II. And his son, retired Army Captain Tony Odierno, also graduated from West Point. Tony served with distinction in Iraq before he was wounded there and came home and found other ways to serve. I know that legacy of service will continue and manifest itself in many different ways.

Ray Odierno was a powerful, inspiring person. He dedicated his life's work to serving others, and his was a life well-lived. He will be missed by all who have had the privilege to know him and to serve with him.

I am proud to honor the legacy of GEN Ray Odierno, and I know the Members of the Senate will join me in recognizing the incredible contributions he made for our Nation.

And in words familiar to all West Pointers:

And when our work is done,

Our course on earth is run,

May it be said, ``Well done; be thou at peace.''

GEN Raymond Odierno, well done. Be thou at peace.

I yield the floor.

I suggest the absence of a quorum.

Mr. President. I rise today to honor one of our Nation's most distinguished and honorable military and diplomatic leaders, Colin Powell.

Few American leaders have served their nation more, from combat overseas as a young officer to the heights of military command and diplomacy on the world stage. Colin Powell will and should hold a renowned place in our country's history.

Throughout his life, Colin Powell was the epitome of selfless service and courageous leadership. He gave everything he had to America--and then some. And he always did what many profess but few do: He took responsibility.

Colin Powell was a trailblazer for countless Americans. He paved much of the way on his own. Raised in the South Bronx as the son of Jamaican immigrants, he joined ROTC at the City College of New York and went on to serve with incredible bravery in Vietnam, sustaining wounds on two tours and saving the lives of many fellow soldiers. Colin Powell's remarkable skill as a military commander was clear to everyone around him, and he rose quickly through the ranks, eventually becoming National Security Advisor to President Ronald Reagan and, later, Chairman of the Joint Chiefs of Staff for President George H.W. Bush.

The ``Powell Doctrine,'' as his theory of warfare would become known, guided the United States to its most decisive military victory since World War II through Operation Desert Storm. Colin Powell insisted that war should be the last resort in any national conflict, but, when necessary, it should be focused, overwhelming for the enemy, and controlled with clear objectives. We would do well to remember that vision today.

Colin Powell reached the summit of his career when he was named Secretary of State for President George W. Bush. Once again, he served his country selflessly and demonstrated his innate decency and integrity.

A distinct honor of my life was the opportunity to work with and learn from Colin Powell in the years afterward. I made a point to call him when I was named chairman of the Senate Armed Services Committee. His advice was deeply appreciated. Indeed, both in and out of uniform, he advised generations of Presidents, diplomats, military leaders, and lawmakers with wisdom and candor. Colin did not shrink from the truth, and he will be remembered as one of our Nation's most thoughtful strategists.

Perhaps most importantly, to the countless Americans who looked up to him, Colin Powell leaves a legacy of courage and integrity. He was the first leader of color in many of the land's highest offices, including National Security Advisor, Chairman of the Joint Chiefs of Staff, and Secretary of State. He was beloved by his troops, respected by his peers, and trusted more than any other American of his day.

Colin Powell was resolute and honorable throughout his life and career, and America is fortunate to have benefited from his leadership. I offer my sincere condolences to Alma and his wonderful family, whom I know he loved deeply and fiercely.

May we all strive for the wisdom, courage, and humility that Colin Powell imparted upon this great Nation.

Mr. President, I rise to express my support for the fiscal year 2022 National Defense Authorization Act. I am pleased, as we all are, that we will be voting soon on passage.

I would like to thank Ranking Member Inhofe for his leadership and his thoughtfulness on this bill. He has been an excellent partner throughout this whole process.

Our Nation faces an enormous range of security challenges, and it is more important than ever that we provide our military men and women with the support they need to keep Americans safe.

To that end, this bill makes great progress. It addresses a broad range of pressing issues, from strategic competition with China and Russia, to disruptive technologies like hypersonics, AI, and quantum computing, to modernizing our ships, aircraft, and vehicles. It provides our servicemembers with the resources and support they need to defend our Nation, while at the same taking care of their families.

Importantly, this bill authorizes a well-deserved 2.7-percent pay raise for both military members and the DOD civilian workforce. It also increases parental leave to 12 weeks for all servicemembers and creates a new 2-week bereavement leave benefit for both military and Federal civilian employees.

I want to especially note that this bill includes historic, sweeping reforms to the Uniform Code of Military Justice and how the military investigates and prosecutes sexual assault and other offenses, including murder, manslaughter, kidnapping, and many other crimes. Just as my Senate colleagues, the President's Independent Review Commission, and survivors advocate groups have called for, this bill takes prosecutorial power away from the chain of command for these cases. Our bill creates ``special trial counsel,'' highly specialized prosecutors who will have exclusive, binding, and final decision-making authority over whether to prosecute these offenses. This is a sea change for the military justice system, and I am grateful to my colleagues in both Chambers and on both sides of the aisle for working together to achieve this historic reform for the well-being of our military women and men.

Indeed, we listened to survivors, advocates, and experts because we owe it to our servicemembers to get this policy right. The world is as dangerous and complex as it has ever been. We depend on the military to answer the call in these challenging times, and we owe it to them to ensure the policies we enact on this matter and others preserves this Nation's military power and cohesion. I respect those who might see this matter differently, but this bill makes our country and our troops more secure because we listened to advocates and experts to reach a compromise with the House of Representatives.

This year's defense bill also makes excellent progress toward meeting the challenges of long-term strategic competition with China and Russia. It invests in the people, platforms, infrastructure, and game- changing technologies that will define the future. It extends and modifies the Pacific Deterrence Initiative, or PDI, and reiterates the Senate's intent to improve our force posture in the Indo-Pacific, increase readiness and presence, and build the capabilities of our partners and allies to counter the increasing aggression of China.

Similarly, this year's bill authorizes the continuation of the European Deterrence Initiative, or EDI, in recognition of the vital need to support our allies and partners in Europe as we work toward the shared goals of deterring Russian aggression, addressing strategic competition, and mitigating shared security concerns.

With respect to our services, we have taken steps to improve their capabilities and their ability to fight and win. Across the Army, Navy, Air Force, Marine Corps, and Space Force, this bill makes significant efforts to improve the readiness of our aircraft, ships, vehicles, missiles, and weapons systems. It authorizes significant increases in military construction projects, modernizing our nuclear triad and missile defense systems, and investing in cutting-edge technologies such as artificial intelligence, microelectronics, advanced materials, 5G, and biotechnology.

And with regard to our withdrawal from Afghanistan, we must capture the lessons of the last two decades to ensure that our future counterterrorism efforts in Afghanistan and elsewhere continue to hold violent extremists at bay. To that end, I am pleased that this bill includes the Afghanistan War Commission Act, an amendment spearheaded by Senator Duckworth.

This bill was originally crafted by the Armed Services Committee after a series of thoughtful hearings, discussions, and debates on both sides of the aisle. Through the committee markup process, we considered more than 300 amendments and ultimately adopted 143 amendments. Senator Inhofe and I introduced this bill to the full Senate with the intent of adding more amendments on the floor. Although we were not able to come to an agreement to debate and vote on several amendments on the floor, we were ultimately able to adopt amendments from Senators on both sides of the aisle in the final legislation.

Over the past several weeks, the Senate and House Armed Services Committees have worked around the clock to come to an agreement on this final version of this bill. I am proud of the improvements we made throughout this process, and I was pleased to see the House vote last week in an overwhelmingly bipartisan fashion, 363 to 70, to pass the bill. We have produced a strong NDAA that both parties and both chambers can support, and the President will be able to sign.

I would like to take this opportunity to recognize the phenomenal staff who have made this bill possible. I want to specifically recognize the director for the Democratic staff, Elizabeth King, and the director for the Republican staff, John Wason. They have led their staffs and collaborated admirably with bipartisanship, diligence, and utmost professionalism.

I would also like to thank members of the Armed Services Committee staff: Jody Bennett, Carolyn Chuhta, Jon Clark, Jenny Davis, Jonathan Epstein, Jorie Feldman, Creighton Greene, Gary Leeling, Kirk McConnell, Maggie McNamara Cooper, Bill Monahan, Mike Noblet, John Quirk, Andy Scott, Arun Seraphin, Cole Stevens, Soleil Sykes, Keri Lyn Michalke, Hailey Becker, Patrick Shilo, Alison Warner, Leah Brewer, Debbie Chiarello, Joe Gallo,

Leslie Ashton, Cami Pease, Brittany Amador, Griffin Cannon, Nate Green, Brandon Kasprick, Sofia Kamali, Tom Maggiacomo, and, once again, staff director Elizabeth King.

From my personal office, I would like to thank Neil Campbell and Elyse Wasch.

Also, let me thank the floor staff and the leadership staff. Gary Myrick, Tricia Engle, Dan Tinsley, Brad Watt, Stephanie Paone, Nate Oursler, Rachel Jackson, and Liza Patterson. You have been part of this process for the last several weeks, and you have done a remarkable job. We thank you for that very, very much.

I would like to thank Senator Inhofe again for his partnership throughout this process, and I would thank Chairman Smith and Ranking Member Rogers from the House Armed Services Committee for their collaboration as well.

Finally, I urge all of my colleagues to vote for this excellent bill.

I yield the floor.

Mr. President, the yeas and nays are requested.

Mr. President, for the Committee on Armed Services I report favorably the following nomination lists which were printed in the Records on the dates indicated, and ask unanimous consent, to save the expense of reprinting on the Executive Calendar that these nominations lie at the Secretary's desk for the information of Senators .