Mr. Speaker, ten years ago Congress, with the leadership of the Bush Administration, enacted the bipartisan President's Emergency Plan for AIDS Relief (PEPFAR), an initiative which the Institute of Medicine in a Congressionally-requested…
Mr. Speaker, ten years ago Congress, with the leadership of the Bush Administration, enacted the bipartisan President's Emergency Plan for AIDS Relief (PEPFAR), an initiative which the Institute of Medicine in a Congressionally-requested February 2013 report called ``globally transformative.''
In its 10 years, PEPFAR has saved lives, improved health care delivery systems and, as the IOM concluded, provided a ``lifeline'' that restored hope to areas devastated by the epidemic. Over the course of its existence so far, PEPFAR has spent $46 billion to expand access to prevention, treatment and medical services. Through its contributions, new infections in sub-Saharan Africa, one of the hardest-hit areas, have dropped by 25 percent.
PEPFAR is a success story. It is part of the global effort to prevent, treat, and, soon I hope, find a cure so that we can end AIDS. We should celebrate PEPFAR's decade's worth of achievements, while we must also recommit to its goals. For, as the IOM report stated and all of us know, ``substantial unmet needs remain across HIV services'' both here and abroad.
PEPFAR itself is part of an ongoing effort to respond aggressively and effectively to HIV and AIDS. I would like to draw my colleagues' attention to an article by Dr. Allan Brandt from the June 6, 2013 New England Journal of Medicine, outlining the ways that the effort surrounding HIV/AIDS has reshaped our vision of global health--both what is needed and what is achievable.
As we pause today to recognize the 10th anniversary of PEPFAR, it is also important to recognize the enormous work of AIDS activists and providers who have been leading this fight for decades. Their work, as Dr. Brandt's article details, has had consequences that go far beyond combating AIDS--as critical as that is--
to shape the way we think about the right to medical care, health care justice, and our global relationships and responsibilities. It has also focused on the need to make essential medicines available--a matter of much attention in the ongoing Trans-Pacific Partnership trade discussions--and to build robust networks of medical professionals and community health workers.
Today, PEPFAR continues to partner with countries that rely on the United States to show leadership in meeting ongoing needs and challenges. While we can celebrate its successes today, we cannot be complacent. The fight against AIDS is a fight for global health, and it is one that we must continue to support.
[From the New England Journal of Medicine, June 6, 2013]
How AIDS Invented Global Health
(By Allan M. Brandt, Ph.D.)
Over the past half-century, historians have used episodes
of epidemic disease to investigate scientific, social, and
cultural change. Underlying this approach is the recognition
that disease, and especially responses to epidemics, offers
fundamental insights into scientific and medical practices,
as well as social and cultural values. As historian Charles
Rosenberg wrote, ``disease necessarily reflects and lays bare
every aspect of the culture in which it occurs.''
Many historians would consider it premature to write the
history of the HIV epidemic. After all, more than 34 million
people are currently infected with HIV. Even today, with
long-standing public health campaigns and highly active
antiretroviral therapy (HAART), HIV remains a major
contributor to the burden of disease in many countries. As
Piot and Quinn indicate in this issue of the Journal (pages
2210-2218), combating the epidemic remains a test of our
expanding knowledge and vigilance.
Nonetheless, the progress made in addressing this pandemic
and its effects on science, medicine, and public health have
been far-reaching. The changes wrought by HIV have not only
affected the course of the epidemic: they have had powerful
effects on research and science, clinical practices, and
broader policy. AIDS has reshaped conventional wisdoms in
public health, research practice, cultural attitudes, and
social behaviors. Most notably, the AIDS epidemic has
provided the foundation for a revolution that upended
traditional approaches to ``international health,'' replacing
them with innovative global approaches to disease. Indeed,
the HIV epidemic and the responses it generated have been
crucial forces in ``inventing'' the new ``global health.''
This epidemic disrupted the traditional boundaries between
public health and clinical medicine, especially the divide
between disease prevention and treatment. In the 1980s,
before the advent of antiretroviral therapies, public health
officials focused on controlling social and behavioral risk
factors; prevention was seen as the only hope. But new
treatments have eroded this distinction and the historical
divide between public health and clinical care. Clinical
trials have shown that early treatment benefits infected
patients not only by dramatically extending life expectancy,
but by significantly reducing the risk of transmission to
their uninfected sexual partners. Essential medicines benefit
both patients and populations, providing a critical tool for
reducing fundamental health disparities. This insight has
encouraged the integration of approaches to prevention and
treatment, in addition to behavioral change and adherence.
The rapid development of effective antiretroviral
treatments, in turn, could not have occurred without new
forms of disease advocacy and activism. Previous disease
activism, for example, had established important campaigns
supporting tuberculosis control, cancer research, and the
rights of patients with mental illness. But AIDS activists
explicitly crossed a vast chasm of expertise. They went to
Food and Drug Administration meetings and events steeped in
the often-arcane science of HIV, prepared to offer concrete
proposals to speed research, reformulate trials, and
accelerate regulatory processes. This approach went well
beyond the traditional bioethical formulations of autonomy
and consent, As many clinicians and scientists acknowledged,
AIDS activists, including many people with AIDS, served as
collaborators and colleagues rather than constituents and
subjects, changing the trajectory of research and treatment.
These new models of disease activism, enshrined in the Denver
Principles (1983), which demanded involvement ``at every
level of decision-making,'' have spurred new strategies among
many activists focused on other diseases. By the early 2000s,
AIDS activists had forged important transnational alliances
and activities, establishing a critical aspect of the ``new''
global health.
Furthermore, HIV triggered important new commitments in the
funding of health care, particularly in developing countries.
With the advent of HAART and widening recognition of HIV's
potential effect on the fragile progress of development in
resource-poor settings, HIV spurred substantial increases in
funding from sources such as the World Bank. The growing
concern in the United Nations and elsewhere that the epidemic
posed an important risk to global ``security'' elicited new
funding from donor countries, ultimately resulting in the
establishment of the Global Fund to Fight AIDS, Tuberculosis,
and Malaria. In 2003, it was joined by the U.S. President's
Emergency Plan for AIDS Relief (PEPFAR), which, with
bipartisan support, initially pledged $15 billion over 5
years. Since PEPFAR's inception, Congress has allocated more
than $46 billion for treatment, infrastructure, and
partnerships that have contributed to a 25% reduction in new
infections in sub-Saharan Africa.
HIV has also attracted remarkable levels of private
philanthropy, most notably from the Bill and Melinda Gates
Foundation. HIV funding led to new public private
partnerships that have become a model for funding of
scientific investigation, global health initiatives, and
building of crucial health care delivery infrastructure in
developing countries. These funding programs have fomented
contentious debates about priorities, efficiency, allocation
processes, and broader strategies for preventing and treating
many diseases, especially in poorer countries. Nonetheless,
they offered new approaches to identifying critical resources
and evaluating their effect on the burden of disease. The
success of future efforts will depend on maintaining and
expanding essential funding during a period of global
economic recession, as well as new strategies for evaluating
the efficacy of varied interventions.
AIDS also spurred another related debate that continues to
roil global health about the cost of essential medicines.
Accessibility of effective and preventive treatments has
relied on the availability of reduced-cost drugs and their
generic equivalents. A recent decision by the Indian Supreme
Court upheld India's right to produce inexpensive generics,
despite the multinational pharmaceutical industry's claims
for stronger recognition of patents.
Another central aspect of the new activism was an
insistence that the AIDS epidemic demanded the recognition of
basic human rights. Early on, lawyers, bioethicists, and
policymakers debated the conditions under which traditional
civil liberties could be abrogated to protect the public from
the threat of infection. Such formulations reflected
traditional approaches to public health and the ``police
powers'' of the state, including mandatory testing,
isolation, detention, and quarantine. Given the stigma
attached to HIV infection at the time, as well as ungrounded
fears of casual transmission, affected people often suffered
the double jeopardy of disease and discrimination. As a
result, Jonathan Mann, the first director of the World Health
Organization's Global Program on AIDS, explained, ``To the
extent that we exclude AIDS infected persons from society, we
endanger society, while to the extent that we maintain AIDS
infected persons within society, we protect society. This is
the message of realism and of tolerance.'' Mann argued that
HIV could never be successfully addressed if impositions on
human rights led people to hide their infections rather than
seek testing and treatment. Only policy approaches that
recognized and protected human rights (including the rights
to treatment and care, gender equality, and education) would
permit successful clinical and population-based
interventions.
These complementary innovations are at the core of what we
now call ``global health'' which has demonstrated its
capacity to be far more integrative than traditional notions
of international health. It draws together scientists,
clinicians, public health officials, researchers, and
patients, while relying on new sources of funding, expertise,
and advocacy. This new formulation is distinct, first of all,
in that it recognizes the essential supranational character
of problems of disease and their amelioration and the fact
that no individual country can adequately address diseases in
the face of the movement of people, trade, microbes, and
risks. Second, it focuses on deeper knowledge of the burden
of disease to identify key health disparities and develop
strategies for their reduction. Third, it recognizes that
people affected by disease have a crucial role in the
discovery and advocacy of new modes of treatment and
prevention and their equitable access. Finally, it is based
on ethical and moral values that recognize that equity and
rights are central to the larger goals of preventing and
treating diseases worldwide.
For more than the past decade, major academic medical
centers, schools of public health, and universities have
created global health programs and related institutes for
multidisciplinary research and education. Thus, the
institutionalization of this formulation is not only
affecting services worldwide, but also changing the training
of physicians, other health professionals, and students of
public health. When the history of the HIV epidemic is
eventually written, it will be important to recognize that
without this epidemic there would be no global health
movement as we know it today.