Mr. President, I wish to submit a question to the Senator from Iowa. I ask Senator Grassley, is it accurate to say that my State of Kentucky will get an additional $92 million in Medicare funds if the Senator's amendment passes; if the…
Mr. President, I wish to submit a question to the Senator from Iowa.
I ask Senator Grassley, is it accurate to say that my State of Kentucky will get an additional $92 million in Medicare funds if the Senator's amendment passes; if the amendment fails, that money would go to California, Illinois, Massachusetts, and New York?
Thank you very much.
Mr. President, I would like 10 minutes.
Ten minutes for Senator Bunning.
The Senator can give whatever time he chooses to the other side.
Mr. President, I call up my amendment No. 531.
Mr. President, I ask unanimous consent that the reading of the amendment be dispensed with.
Mr. President, our economy is ailing--everybody knows that--and the symptoms are a sharp drop in consumer spending and a large rise in unemployment. As many of my colleagues have already observed, this bill treats the symptoms only and it does it so ineffectively.
There are some Democrats, even in the White House, who agree with this. Just the other day, one House Democrat said his leadership ``does not care'' what is in the bill; ``they just want to pass it and they want it to be unanimous.'' They don't care. That is just shameful.
The unemployment statistics we are seeing are just staggering. Never in our history have we seen job cuts at the rate and severity we are seeing today: over 500,000 losses per month for the last 5 months. Over 600,000 in losses were reported just last Tuesday.
This bill really does very little to help businesses keep people employed. It gives the poorest Americans $500 in cash and the prospect of a government job on a construction site, but it does not get to the heart of the problem in the private sector.
It is our responsibility on behalf of every child who will pay for this massive amount of spending in this bill to get the solution right, and we can do better, much better.
One of the best economists in this country--one who predicted this crisis in advance--said recently that he believes most U.S. banks are insolvent. Their equity has been wiped out due to the massive leveraged bets related to housing. Unfortunately, bank regulators, such as Tim Geithner, Ben Bernanke, and Alan Greenspan, failed to properly assess the danger to the economy presented by these irresponsible bets.
Many experts are now acknowledging what I have said for years: that currency manipulation by China and other countries fueled the credit bubble in the United States and Europe that drove up housing prices to unsustainable levels.
As a direct result, many households are now insolvent as well. They are carrying mortgage debts that exceed the value of their homes, and even with the $500 from the make work pay credit, they will not go out and spend it until the problem is addressed.
This amendment I am offering today will address a major injustice in the Tax Code that many taxpayers will encounter for the first time this year. This problem will drive the effective tax rates of many taxpayers to European confiscatory levels at the worst possible time. I am referring to the limit on capital losses.
Since the peak of the markets in 2007, investors have lost $7.5 trillion in wealth. More than half of this amount is in taxable accounts. If we do not adjust the limits, taxpayers will be unable to deduct real economic losses
from their income tax, and this will result in higher effective tax rates.
Two respected economists have recommended my amendment as a way to stimulate the economy. In an article in the Wall Street Journal titled ``Let's Stimulate Private Risk Taking,'' economists from Harvard University and the University of Chicago wrote that my amendment would stimulate risk taking by rewarding the downside of new investments and increasing the upside.
I ask unanimous consent to have this article printed in the Record.
Mr. President, since 2007, investors have lost $1.7 trillion in stock market values. Nearly half these losses are taxable accounts and their owners are subject to a $3,000 limit on capital losses.
The way this limit works is that no matter how much money you lose in stocks or real estate, you are only allowed to deduct $3,000 per year against other income. The remaining loss is ignored.
Given the state of the markets, millions of taxpayers have stock losses that far exceed $3,000. Nevertheless, the Tax Code will treat these people as though they earned much more during the year.
For an example, a family that earns $100,000 and pays $30,000 in Federal and State taxes has a tax rate of 30 percent. If the family loses $40,000 in savings and it is only able to deduct $3,000, it will push the family's effective tax rate up to 48.5 percent.
The $3,000 fixed limit on capital losses was last adjusted in 1976. Before the midseventies, the tax writers in Congress were not as knowledgeable about what inflation can do to savings as we are today. It was common for Congress to write dollar limits into the Tax Code without any thought of what inflation would do to its value in future years. Since 1977, inflation has eroded the value of the limit by more than 71 percent. My amendment would adjust the limit for inflation, increasing it to $15,000 for any losses incurred this year.
When I offered this amendment in the Finance Committee, Chairman Baucus committed to addressing the problem on a permanent basis sometime this year. I welcome this opportunity to work with him on this long-term overdue problem.
My amendment also reduces the cost of the bill by about $4.9 billion because I am also striking a remarkable provision that for the first time would allow corporations to use tax credits even if they have no income. This is nothing more than corporate welfare and Soviet-style industrial policy. Never before has this body endorsed a refundable tax credit for corporations. This one costs a staggering $10.9 billion. It is bad policy and the money should be spent on broad-based individual tax relief that will stimulate our economy.
I urge my colleagues to vote for this amendment to ensure that taxpayers do not experience an increase in tax rate in the depth of this recession we are now in.
I yield the floor.