Floor Statements

Mr. President, West by God Virginia.

Mr. President, in a moment, I am going to be asking for unanimous consent to pass the EXPLORE Act, a package of outdoor recreation legislation.

Let me just say this to you. This is something that we all agree on, both sides of this wonderful institution of Congress, because the House and the Senate are in agreement, there were changes that need to be made. We all agreed to get that done, but the bill we have before us is the House's version without--without--the changes that we have agreed to. And the reason for that, the House has already passed theirs.

And I understand my dear friend is going to be speaking on this, too, in the objection part of it. But I just would like for everyone to understand we have a chance, truly a chance. And I have, as chairman of the Energy and Natural Resources Committee--we have made a focus of supporting our public lands and the outdoor recreation economy, which is the fastest growing element of our economy in every State.

We all have beautiful venues in our States. We have all been able to take advantage of that, starting with the John Dingell Act and working all the way up to the Outdoor Recreation Act, and now the EXPLORE Act. It gives a chance for the vendors in those parks to be able to offer a true experience, and that is really what it is all about. I have no objections around all 50 States.

One of the first things we did was pass, as I said, the Dingell Act. We did the Land and Water Conservation Fund. Just a year later, we passed the Great American Outdoors Act, which permanently funded the Land and Water Conservation Fund and provided nearly $2 billion per year for 5 years to address the deferred maintenance backlog on our Federal recreational lands--most of our parks, our wonderful, beautiful parks.

The same year we passed the Great American Outdoors Act, Senator Capito and I passed legislation designating New River Gorge National Park and Preserve in our home State, which, on the east coast, is now one of the most visited parks that we have. It is close to most of the population in the country. Since the designation 4 years ago, visitation has jumped more than 40 percent. People want to get out and enjoy this beautiful country that we all own.

A year later, in 2021, Senator Barrasso and I introduced the America's Outdoor Recreation Act, which is the basis of the EXPLORE Act. It basically gives you the ability now to really do it. We reported that bill out of the Energy and Natural Resources Committee on a bipartisan basis. We tried very hard to pass that bill by the end of 2022, but ultimately we had some disagreements with the House. However, Senator Barrasso and I were not ready to give up. We reintroduced the bill and were again able to report it out with a bipartisan voice vote.

Congressman Westerman, who is with us today in the Chamber--and we appreciate having him over here--to his credit, introduced the EXPLORE Act last year, which includes nearly every provision of my bill and Senator Barrasso's bill, along with some additional House priorities.

My and Senator Barrasso's staff immediately got to work with the House to iron out the differences between the two bills, and we have had bipartisan, bicameral agreement on the negotiated text for more than 6 months. We have tried for months to get that passed, but it has been blocked along the way. This late in December, we are simply out of runway. Time is running out on us.

I am willing to pass the House version without those negotiated changes so it can be sent straight to the President's desk because we are accepting what has already been passed in the House, with the agreement with the House that every one of those changes will be done-- every one of them. It is the only path we have available to us. This is our last shot to get this important legislation.

So, Mr. President, notwithstanding rule XXII, I ask unanimous consent that the Senate proceed to the immediate consideration of H.R. 6492, which was received from the House and is at the desk; that the bill be considered read a third time and passed; and that the motion to reconsider be considered made and laid upon the table.

Thereupon, the Senate proceeded to consider the bill (H.R. 6492) to improve

recreation opportunities on, and facilitate greater access to, Federal public land, and for other purposes.

Mr. President, these are the relationships that we all should have. This is the good will, knowing that we want the TAKE IT DOWN Act. We have Senator Barrasso here, who has worked so hard on this--his staff, my staff, your staff.

I can assure you, we are behind you a thousand percent. We going to get that done. I just pray to God that the House will accommodate what you are asking for because that bill is so important, the TAKE IT DOWN Act.

You and I cosponsored a bill yesterday that is very important and are working on that. But your graciousness on this, knowing how important it is--you have your vendors in your State--this allows us to finally get into our parks and maintain them, maintain our outdoor activity. It gives the vendors the ability now to get things permitted so they can offer the services people have been clamoring for, and we saw the demand that was coming during the pandemic.

This is really, really good news for our country.

I just want to thank you, my dear friend Senator Cruz from Texas. God bless.

Merry Christmas to all.

Madam President, I rise to congratulate all of my colleagues for passing a piece of legislation that is going to make the whole country happy and a beautiful place.

The Senate passed a bill that I sponsored with my friend Senator Capito to name a 2,700-acre parcel of land in the Monongahela National Forest after Mrs. Patsye Crites.

I want to thank my colleagues here in the Senate for agreeing to this bill, as well as express my support for the completing of a land sale to put this land in the hands of the Forest Service and preserve it for the public in perpetuity.

Earlier this year, the Forest Service reached an agreement with John Crites and his family to purchase this spectacular land along the Blackwater River, which we call the Blackwater Canyon.

This is what we call Lindy Point, and it is unbelievable. And the foliage just bursts alive, like a kaleidoscope of colors. It is just gorgeous.

It is one of the most beautiful pieces of property, I think, anywhere in the country. Of course, I am a little personal on that. You can see, just one glimpse behind me, within an already popular area, hikers and outdoorsmen from across the country. And down in the valley, there is Blackwater River, which has great fishing, as far as trout fishing. We enjoy that very much.

The purchase agreement for this property will be a huge win for the Mountain State and the Nation by ensuring that people are able to enjoy more of wild and wonderful West Virginia, as well as support our booming tourism economy.

Let me take a moment to describe how this agreement and the naming came together.

This land was privately owned by John Crites and his family and his wonderful wife of 54 years, Patsye. The entire Crites family have been incredible stewards of this land, and I can think of no better way to honor their work than to name the track after Patsye, who truly loved the outdoors and this remarkable canyon, in particular.

Unfortunately, Patsye passed away in 2018. But she was an incredible--an incredible--West Virginian and represents some of the best qualities in our Mountain State of the great people we have and what they have to offer.

Patsye and John were leaders in responsible forestry and hardwood production in our State for more than 50 years--unbelievable contributions to the State of West Virginia. Her business acumen, however, never came along with a hard heart. Everyone who ever met Patsye or knew Patsye knew her as gentle, warm, and an extraordinary loving person.

Senator Capito and I, the Forest Service, and the local community all agree that this parcel should be named the Patsye Crites Forest.

I cannot think of a more fitting tribute to this exemplary West Virginian.

Once again, I want to thank my colleagues for agreeing to pass this bill, and I urge the House to follow our lead.

I want to especially thank the Crites family--John and his children and his grandchildren--for making sure that generations to come will be able to visit the Patsye Crites Forest and enjoy it just as she did.

I yield the floor.

Madam President, I ask unanimous consent to enter into a colloquy with my friend, Senator Cruz from Texas.

Mr. President, I rise today on behalf of the 476,000 West Virginians who rely on Social Security benefits. Majorities of our seniors in every State rely on Social Security benefits, and we know that we are in trouble.

The Senate is considering the Social Security Fairness Act, which would repeal the windfall elimination provision and government pension offset from the Social Security benefit calculation, providing relief for many public employees who have been adversely impacted.

Now, make no mistake: We have a problem. We all agree. The status quo is unfair, and it penalizes millions of hard-working Americans--whether it is teachers, firefighters, police officers, among others. But we also have an obligation to honor our promises to ensure that Social Security is going to be there for the people who have paid into it and have earned it and also for those generations who come afterward.

We can fix this problem without blowing a hole in the Social Security trust fund. This is a $200 billion pricetag, and we can fix that without having any--any--effect on our budget; but it is just unbelievable that no one seems really concerned about what we have in the debt we are facing.

One of my first meetings here and hearings I had gone to--and this was in early 2011--was for the Armed Services Committee.

I asked Admiral Mike Mullen--I said: Chairman Mullen--the Chairman of the Joint Chiefs of Staff--what is the greatest threat facing America?

And I am thinking I am going to hear about the military powers from around the world. He never hesitated one second.

He said: The debt of the Nation will bring us down first.

The debt of our nations has brought down every--every--major society in history, and that is exactly what we are on track to do.

We have a fiscal crisis in this country right now, and no one is talking about it. On either side of the aisle, we are not talking about it. In fiscal year 2013, our Federal spending was less than $3.5 trillion. In fiscal year 2023--10 years later--it is $6.1 trillion. That is a 75-percent increase. No one can withstand that. Last year's total revenues were $4.4 trillion, which left us with a deficit of $1.7 trillion--the largest deficit in U.S. history since the pandemic.

We have been spending more than we bring in every year for the last 22 years, and the debt that has resulted from it is absolutely crippling. Most Americans couldn't even last 22 paychecks, let alone 22 years of spending more than they have brought in. Years of fiscal irresponsibility have brought us to the crisis we are in today, which is more than $36 trillion of national debt. That breaks down to $104,000 for every man, woman, and child in this great country of ours--a $104,000 liability on every human citizen in the United States of America.

It is terrifying to think that at the end of the fiscal year, we are going to spend more on paying just the interest--just the interest--on our debt than we do to defend our country. This is the crisis we are facing, and we are going into this blindly.

It passed overwhelmingly, with cloture, 72 votes. It is unbelievable that no one is even thinking about what we can do and how we can do it better. There is a problem, and we can fix the problem.

The government makes tough choices. I don't need to tell you all that. But, however, as matters stand, we are now choosing to ignore the fiscal crisis again. If this thing hits the wall, that means it increases 6 months. It advances the insolvency of Social Security 6 more months.

We are trying to figure out how we can save Social Security, and we are not doing a thing for the people and fixing the problem we have that is within our means to do so.

Our amendment would replace the WEP-GPO with a proportional benefit formula, ensuring the public workers receive their appropriate benefits, which we recognize has been denied. We recognize that.

The Social Security trust fund is currently projected to become insolvent in 2033--2033, less than 10 years. We lead the country with the highest percentage of our population receiving Social Security benefits. There are a tremendous amount of people in Texas depending on it the same as my State of West Virginia. We need to make sure retirees are receiving their fair share, and we cannot do it at the expense of all beneficiaries and future generations.

I urge my colleagues to listen to my colleague here, my friend, the Senator from Texas, and how he has come

about putting this together, working together, knowing that it is something that can be done. It is a heck of a fix. We would hope that you would all support this amendment and be able to basically make a responsible--fiscally responsible--fix to a very serious problem that we have: keeping the solvency of Social Security for generations to come and taking care of the generation that now is basically depending upon it.

With that, I yield the floor to my friend.

Would the Senator yield?

Let me just say that I think what happened is we have a bill that is hard to vote against. It really is. And I understand why there were 73 Senators who voted for it.

Senator Cruz has had this and worked diligently for many years on this, to fix the WEP. The bottom line is, it never came to committee here. It came out of the House and came right to the floor.

Now, whether they thought it was a feel-good vote or whatever, the only thing I am saying is, it is not a responsible position for us to take with the debt that we are carrying now and complicating it by adding more and more on.

We all talk about the fiscal responsibilities. Every one of us have fiscal responsibilities in our home--every one of our family members, every one of our constituents. We seem to have no constraint here whatsoever. And we saw that $200 billion pricetag on this.

Is there a better way? You can be against something if you don't have a better way of fixing it. We basically have posed this piece of legislation because we can fix the inequities done.

That can be done and taking care of the people who got left behind and got shortchanged. We identify it. The bottom line is, we have a fix for it. Let us fix it.

If you wanted to fix it and have a good bill, you should have put it in committee. If it is not, it is going to be done next year with a commitment from the majority party. Let it be fixed, but don't throw another $180 billion on top of it as debt--it is just irresponsible-- and then tell your grandparents or your aunts and uncles who are depending on that Social Security check, like almost 500,000 West Virginians, that, you know, sorry, in 2032 now--maybe almost 6 months to a year earlier--you are going to have a 20-percent cut in your Social Security payment.

So if they are getting a thousand dollars a month, they are going to get $800 in the next check. Why did it happen? How come? How can you let this happen?

We can fix that. We really can. All we are asking for is a consideration of this body to fix it and fix it right, take care of the inequities, take care of the people who have been shortchanged, but also take care of the people who are depending on this Social Security to be solvent.

Madam President, in reserving the right to object, I have no substantive concerns with these bills. However, we have dozens and dozens of other bills that have been reported out of the Energy and Natural Resources Committee. Senator Barrasso and I have been very clear about our intentions to put together and pass a public lands bill, which consists of about 150 bills. All of these reported bills have gone through the same process in a weighted package. These two bills would be part of that. This week is our last chance to reach agreement on and to finalize that package.

I cannot, in good conscience, start deconstructing this package that so many of our colleagues have worked so hard on for so long and have waited for today while we are continuing to negotiate on it. We have just finished large meetings, and we will continue the meetings throughout tonight and tomorrow.

So, for now, I have to preserve the option to get a package agreed to, and I object to both Senators' unanimous consent requests.

Madam President, I ask unanimous consent that the Senate proceed to legislative session and be in a period of morning business, with Senators permitted to speak therein for up to 10 minutes each.

Madam President, I have three requests for committees to meet during today's session of the Senate. They have the approval of the Majority and Minority Leaders.

Pursuant to rule XXVI, paragraph 5(a), of the Standing Rules of the Senate, the following committees are authorized to meet during today's session of the Senate:

Madam President, I understand that there is a bill at the desk that is due for a second reading.

Madam President, in order to place the bill on the calendar under the provisions of rule XIV, I would object to further proceedings.

Madam President, I ask unanimous consent that the Committee on the Judiciary be discharged from further consideration of S. 5060 and the Senate proceed to its immediate consideration.

I ask unanimous consent that the bill be considered read a third time and passed and the motion to reconsider be considered made and laid upon the table.

Madam President, I ask unanimous consent that the Committee on Homeland Security and Governmental Affairs be discharged from further consideration of H.R. 5301 and the Senate proceed to its immediate consideration.

I ask unanimous consent that the bill be considered read a third time and passed and that the motion to reconsider be considered made and laid upon the table.

Madam President, I ask unanimous consent that the Senate proceed to the immediate consideration of H.R. 5646, which was received from the House and is at the desk.

I further ask that the bill be considered read a third time and passed and that the motion to reconsider be considered made and laid upon the table with no intervening action or debate.

Madam President, I ask unanimous consent that when the Senate completes its business today, it stand adjourned until 10 a.m. on Thursday, December 12; that following the prayer and pledge, the Journal of proceedings be approved to date, the morning hour be deemed expired, the time for the two leaders be reserved for their use later in the day, and morning business be closed; that following the conclusion of morning business, the Senate proceed to executive session to resume consideration of the Marzano nomination; further, that the cloture motion with respect to the Marzano nomination ripen at 11:30 a.m.; finally, that if any nominations are confirmed during Thursday's session, the motions to reconsider be considered made and laid upon the table and the President be immediately notified of the Senate's action.

Madam President, if there is no further business to come before the Senate, I ask that it stand adjourned under the previous order.

Mr. President, I rise to speak of my dear friend who is departing too early.

I am going to wait until he gets done with all of the congratulatories that he deserves.

I rise again to congratulate my dear friend Mitt Romney, whom I have gotten to know very well and became a very close friend to. His wife Ann and their family and Gayle and I have become very close to each other and enjoyed our company.

I have followed Mitt's career from afar for a long time. I watched the success that he had as he came up through the business ranks very successfully. I watched that. I observed the Olympics, which was going to be embarrassing to the United States of America if someone didn't step forward and take care of the mess that it had gotten itself into, and lo and behold, Mitt Romney did that. I was so thankful as an American and also admiring of his skills to pull this all together because I know it is a difficult task working with that Olympic Committee. I watched his Presidential campaigns, which I thought were absolutely electrifying, and I enjoyed it because I could see in his heart that public service was what it was all about.

But my first encounter with Mitt was as a former Governor. We were both Governors together at the same time. I was coming in in 2004, and he was going out in 2006. He did this unbelievable thing about giving healthcare to everybody in his State, and it was just absolutely something phenomenal. So I called. Governors have a certain bond. It doesn't matter who you are or where you are from or if you have never met before in person. There is a bond.

I said: Mitt, tell me about this healthcare plan you have.

And he said: Joe, I was able to do this, this, and this--because he mentioned some of the good people who were smart and able to put it together. But I know one thing: Anybody who sits in that position, when you have good people around, someone has to assemble all of that material and put it in force, and Mitt was able to do that.

And I told him. I said: Mitt, I don't have the economy that you have in Massachusetts, and I would love to do something for my State.

I don't know if you remember this or not.

He said: Joe, there might be a way to work through your public employees' insurance agency and let the small businesses buy in for group.

And we were able to do something that had never been done before that helped an awful lot of small businesses and people who had no insurance to get insurance because of Mitt. I remember that vividly.

Then he comes to the Senate, and that is when my personal relationship began. I had admired him from afar for a long time, and we just clicked.

But I have got to say this: He was involved from day one. On day one, he hit the ground running, and Mitt brought so much institutional knowledge and so much, basically, support that he could bring to any conversation. He could bring you the contents; he could bring you the graphs; he could bring you everything that you wanted and even a lot more that you didn't want. He just engulfed us with all of this.

And I am thinking--one day, when we were working with the bipartisan infrastructure bill--Mitt, I don't know if you recall--you kept telling us what wouldn't work because you had better facts than we had, and you were right, but we were trying to take your facts and work with them and put them in the situation we were in--back and forth, back and forth, back and forth.

And here was Mitt. He comes in, and he says: Here is why. Here is what you should do. Here is why. Here is what needs to be done.

And he would explain everything to us, and I am thinking: We are never going to get through this. We are just not going to get through this.

One day, we just made the final decision: We are going to do this.

He comes in, and he says: I like it.

I am thinking: What the heck did we just go through? He just beat the living crap out of us for about 30 days, showing us how--giving us a roadmap of how to do something and thinking that he wasn't going to agree with it. And, you know, his basic comment was this: This is better than what we have got. We are moving the ball forward.

That, to me, is the clarity of purpose. The clarity of what he came for is to move the ball forward and to make it better, to try to make a more perfect Union. We knew we couldn't be perfect.

And Rob was in there, working it back and forth, and everybody was moving. When we finally got to the end, Mitt says: This is good. Could it be better? Sure, but it is good. Let's go.

That was the signal we needed, and it moved from there.

Mitt, being a freshman 6 years, I have been here longer--maybe I should have left 6 years ago--but I am just telling you that you have made my life so much better in the Senate. I enjoyed it--my relationship, of course, on both sides of the aisle, working together, and bringing people together. But it has been just an absolute pleasure and joy having you as a Member of the U.S. Senate, the most deliberative body in the world, the strongest body in the world, and the body that is supposed to make common sense out of things that sometimes don't make reason. This body is much better off, and this country is much better off because of your service here, and it is going to be missed.

Most importantly, I am a better person. I know that Gayle and I are much more enriched because of your and Ann's friendship, and we appreciate that more than you know.

I wish you only the best in the future. I wish you the best as far as what you are going to do, and I hope you don't change your phone number because we still need your advice no matter where we may go.

God bless, my friend. Enjoy.

Mr. President, my friends and colleagues, today I rise with a full heart and an overwhelming sense of gratitude. It has been the honor of my life to represent my great State of West Virginia and this great country of ours.

Fourteen years ago, I walked in this building not knowing what to expect. I had just left the best public service job of my life as the Governor of my great State of West Virginia. Everything I knew about the Senate I had heard and learned from Robert C. Byrd. Though I was stepping into his seat, I knew I could never, ever fill his shoes. But I truly believed that I could continue to bring our commonsense West Virginia values to Washington and do even more for our great State and our country. I really believed that in my heart.

Throughout my life as a public servant, I had seen the power of good people coming together to solve tough problems. Sometimes we thought it was impossible, but we did it.

Now as my time here comes to an end, I want you to know my belief in the potential of this institution and each and every one of you that represent it remains as strong as ever. I have said this, I believe in you probably more than you believe in yourself at times.

You don't come into politics looking for fame or fortune--or at least you shouldn't. You come in because you believe you can make a difference in

helping your neighbor, your community, and the country that has given you so very much.

I was not elected to take a side. I was elected to represent all sides. The only side I ever truly believed in is the American side, which I believe we all belong to. And that is why I entered public service all those years ago. It was not a dream of mine to be a politician or be in public service. But I can say with a clear conscience that I have always tried to serve the people first, putting country before party, principle before politics.

Each and every one of us are products of our environment. We are who we are because of who raised us, where we were raised, and how we are were raised. It never should leave you. It never has.

I was raised in Farmington, just a small coal mining town in West Virginia, where we learned early on the best way to get ahead was roll up your sleeves and get to work. Pretty simple. My grandparents were born in Czechoslovakia on my mother's side and Italy on my father's side. They all came to the country in search of this American dream they heard about. They were thrown into survival mode early on. And they wanted a better life for themselves, but, most importantly, for the generations to follow.

They all taught me the value of a good education combined with hard work and the importance of helping others. Always be conscious of your surroundings and the people around you. From them I learned a core principle: You have a moral obligation to help those who can't help themselves. Very clear.

Able-bodied people who fall on hard times don't need a continuous handout. What they need is a hand up to get back in the fight of life. I believe the greatest gift you can give someone when they are struggling is a job. It is not just about earning a paycheck; it is about dignity and purpose and the hope that goes with it.

I have always believed that this was true for government too. Government is not designed to be your provider. It is designed to be your partner--and the best partner you ever had.

The most effective government programs are the ones that people get to work. They give them a sense of purpose and help them build a better future. During the Great Depression--and all of us who know our history--do you ever remember the Federal Government sending anybody a check? Not one time did we ever hear of FDR sending checks out. He sent hope and opportunity. And we rebuilt America. We did it. We put people back to work. That is really what it is all about. Government is there to help you during difficult times. There are Americans out there today--many, many Americans all over our great country--that need a second chance. They really do. And we should give it to them. That is our responsibility.

For example, in 1946, the Federal Government intervened to stop a nationwide coal strike because it was destroying our economy coming out of the north. Something had to be done. In exchange for returning to work, the United Mine Workers of America received a guarantee from the Federal Government that their pensions and their healthcare benefits that they had worked for and earned would be guaranteed for them for their life.

Over the next 60 years, Congress had to step up to make good on this promise as individual coal companies' bankruptcies threatened to take away all they earned--everything.

In 2019, after Murray Energy declared bankruptcy, the entire system was on the verge of collapse. And nearly 100,000 coal miners--not just from my State but all over the country--and their families were about to lose everything, nothing to look forward to. Every one of us stepped up. Democrats, Republicans worked together to make sure we fulfilled the promise that the government made 60 years ago.

But somewhere along the way, government stopped being a partner and started being a provider. It is not good for people who end up trapped in a system of dependency and poverty, which we all have some in our States--some have it way more than others. It is time to put the relationship between government and the people back in its proper place.

When I started in the West Virginia State House of Delegates, I was 1 of 100--1 of 100. I went to the State senate and became 1 of 34. Then I became secretary of state. Then I became Governor of the State of West Virginia. At every step, I asked myself one simple question: How can I be in a position to help more people in my State--1 of 100 and 1 of 34 and 1 of 1?

Then I had the opportunity to go to the Senate to really do something extraordinary for the whole country, helping millions of people. That question has been my compass that eventually led me here to the U.S. Senate. And that is exactly why we are all sitting here, I believe. And when asked what my politics is, I never have hesitated to tell you, I am fiscally responsible and socially compassionate. It is the way I was raised. Again, you go back to your childhood--where you were raised, how you were raised, and who raised you. That was it. Take care of yourself and help others when you can.

As secretary of state, I launched a program called SHARES, Saving History and Reaching Every Student. No one had heard anything about this. We had to do something because our voter turnout was low, and I was secretary of state. I had to get an insurgence there. So we came up with this program.

First, we went into the schools because they weren't teaching it. Democracy and education, everything that is needed to be done in the schools wasn't being done. What we had done then, we would go in there and we taught every high school--every person in West Virginia who was 17 years of age who would turn 18 on or before the general election could vote in the primary at 17 years of age.

Then we had a contest. Jennings Randolph was the father of this contest. We put his name on it. What we did then is we gave out certificates and schools of excellence if they got everyone--100- percent--registered.

Let me tell you what happened there. Once we got all the kids involved and got them wanting to go vote--now that they knew they could at 17 years of age and they were going to be 18 before or those who had already turned 18--they started taking their parents back, their grandparents back, their aunts and uncles. Our voting percentages went up tremendously just to get them enthused. I said: We can't get the old dogs back in the barn--in the house, but we can teach those old dogs new tricks. It wasn't about who won or lost. We wanted them to register. We never told them how to register or what party to be in. I saw firsthand what we could accomplish.

So when I tell you it wasn't exactly my plan to join the Senate, when Senator Byrd passed away in 2010, I had to make one of the toughest political decisions in my life. But I saw an opportunity to serve more people and tackle bigger challenges. That weighed on me heavily. Our State was in good shape. We worked hard. I had been there 6 years as Governor. We worked together tremendously. I thought, man, we can really do something together. We will come here and work together.

I have to admit to you, it was a harder transition than I expected. Coming here to Washington was so humbling. It really was. I came in thinking, OK, here we go. We are going to work together, just like we did in West Virginia, to solve the Nation's problems now--not West Virginia problems, but the Nation's problems.

But it didn't take long for me to see that the divisions here went pretty deep. One of my first conversations with Harry Reid--Harry's conversations weren't very long, so it was short. He asked me to fundraise for Democratic candidates to run against sitting Republican Senators--which, I guess, both sides, that is just the way it is. I didn't know that.

Where I come from, they take you behind the barn, and we will have a little conversation.

I told him: Harry, I am not going to raise money to attack my friends and colleagues just because they have an R by their name. How do we expect to work together when I am working against them when they are in the cycle? I am not going to do that.

Of course, I didn't win a popularity contest with Harry either, but it sure felt like the right thing to do. Equally important, it felt necessary. If the Senate was going to work on behalf of the people, we needed to treat each other

with respect. I have tried to do that with everybody.

I don't look at anybody sitting here who I feel is not my friend. I feel very strongly about that. I signed an ethics pledge on this floor to never campaign against a sitting colleague. I have other colleagues sitting here who feel the same as I do. I am looking for more signatures. I want to keep working on that. I think it would be wonderful if we just controlled ourselves and wouldn't campaign against each other. I am a little bit persistent. I am going to give it everything I have for the next however many days I have, and I'll still be around even a little after that.

Despite all that, we achieved remarkable things the past 14 years. We set a new standard for Wild and Wonderful West Virginia. My colleague Senator Capito and I worked on so many things together. I appreciate her very much. The New River Gorge became a national park. We just agreed to acquire 2,700 acres of the Blackwater Canyon, which is the most beautiful venue. We have been trying 20 years to make this happen. It is finally coming to fruition.

The whole country can enjoy something. You can't believe how pretty it is. We are anxious to share West Virginia with everybody.

We maintained West Virginia's status as an energy powerhouse. The Mountain Valley Pipeline is flowing. Companies like Nucor, Berkshire Hathaway, and Form Energy have brought new facilities to West Virginia and thousands of new clean energy jobs.

Success in West Virginia is part of a larger American story of energy innovation and independence. We have always been a powerhouse in energy, whether it be coal or natural gas. Now we have wind and solar, battery storage, and everything in between.

In 2023, America produced more energy than ever. I want you to hear this. In 2023, we led the world in energy production: 38 trillion cubic feet of natural gas was produced; 4.7 billion barrels of crude oil, which is a record; 11 billion cubic feet daily of LNG; 238 million megawatt-hours of solar; and a record 6.4 gigawatts of new batteries installed on the grid. Nowhere in the world does that happen but here because of all of us.

You can't eliminate your way to a cleaner environment. You heard me say this so much. You can't eliminate--just quit using stuff. You have to innovate through technology. That is why we funded the development of regional hydrogen hubs and made sure one of them would be in the Appalachia region. It needed to be there because that is where the powerhouse is. This is one time California and West Virginia agreed on the same thing. We are both from hydrogen hubs, and it worked out well.

As I have always said, when you hit a pothole, it doesn't care if you are a Republican or Democrat. It is going to bust your tire.

And we needed to do something about infrastructure. We really did. By focusing on investing in roads, bridges, airports, pipelines, and broadband in the bipartisan infrastructure law--which we all should be extremely proud of--we not only created jobs, but we strengthened the very economic foundation of this Nation. We had deferred maintenance for over 30 years and done nothing about it. But we got to do the job that needed to be done. And we did it together.

In West Virginia, we secured over $1.2 billion in broadband to make every resident have access to internet by the end of this decade. We have some tough terrain to work in. And they are going to get it, thanks to so many of you all sitting right here.

We also secured funding to finish Corridor H. It has only been on the books since 1964. We think we are going to get it done. We have been working a long time with this.

With the Chips and Science Act, the United States is bringing semiconductor supply chains back home. We are creating good-paying jobs supporting American innovation, manufacturing, and advancing our national security.

West Virginia, like so many States, is one of the most patriotic States in the Nation. We are home to many veterans and servicemembers today. To honor our veterans, like each one of you, we fought to expand veterans' access to healthcare and prevented the closure of VA facilities in West Virginia.

Every day, we work to improve the lives of West Virginians. Together, we protected health insurance with preexisting conditions. We brought down healthcare costs, including $35 for insulin for seniors and established a multifaceted strategy to combat the opium epidemic. That is one thing that we have to conquer and we have to cure. It is just unbelievable what it has done to our country and each one of your States.

Lastly, since day one in the U.S. Senate, I have worked to protect-- and I want to repeat this--I have worked, and I believe with every bone in my body and every fiber in me and every ounce of blood that I have, to preserve the bipartisan foundation of this Senate, and that is the 60-vote threshold of the filibuster. I believe in that with everything in me. I do.

Each of these victories required Senators to come together from both sides to find solutions. These were bills that just made common sense, and when each side could take a little step to find common ground, powerful things happened.

But with the successes, I have seen more than my share of missed opportunities: legislation that was overwhelmingly supported by the American public, bills that would have significantly improved the lives of millions of Americans, immigration reform, background checks for guns, balancing the budget--too many opportunities to fix what is broken in America that have slipped right through our fingers--not because of any disagreements we might have had or substantial disagreements; these opportunities were missed because the politics got in the way of doing our job, stopped us from doing it.

I am not saying that dealing with politics is easy. It is not, and it is messy at times. I have had my share of tough votes, and at times, I felt like the whole Senate was united in being upset with me. So maybe we did. Maybe we were able to bring you together. I don't know. I tried.

Anytime I was confronted with a tough decision--I know you have heard me say this--I relied on where I came from, how I was raised, and who raised me. I would just tell them: I can't explain this back home. It doesn't make sense. I can't vote for it. I am just sorry. Please don't be upset. It is who I am.

And you all have been tolerant at times.

If it didn't make sense, as I said, I couldn't vote for it.

The stark reality is that we face some serious challenges today. In one of my first hearings in the Armed Services Committee, I asked former admiral Mike Mullen, the Chairman of the Joint Chiefs of Staff-- I asked the general: What is the greatest threat facing our country?

I had been a Governor. I had not been in Armed Services. I had just gotten there. And I think I see my Senators shaking their heads--they were there with me. We asked that question, and I was chomping at the bit. What is he going to tell me? He never hesitated, never missed a minute. He said: Our national debt, which is more threatening than any other country's military might, will take us down first. The national debt will take us down, as it has most developed nations in the world.

That went through me like--I don't know--just like wildfire.

So let me just tell you: Today, our national debt is $36 trillion. And I know there are Senators here who feel the same as I do. That breaks down to $104,000 for every man, woman, and child in America. This is not sustainable--not sustainable. This is something you all have to cure, and I know you will.

It is terrifying to think that by the end of this fiscal year, the United States will spend more on paying interest on our debt than we will to defend our country or help Americans everywhere--more on the debt than anything else.

Our current immigration system is broken. Our southern border is a disaster. It is plain and simple: We must secure our border and support legal immigration. You can't do one without the other; you have to be able to move forward.

American leadership means standing with our allies and standing up against

authoritarianism. We must continue to support both Israel and Ukraine as they fight to protect democratic values.

We have four countries of major concern we talk about--I think we are all in agreement--China, Russia, Iran, and North Korea, all of which are basically challenging the international rules-based order, and they simply do not share our values. No matter what we do or what we say, no matter what we try to entice them with, it is not going to happen. They don't share our values.

Lastly, inflation is driving our high cost of living, and it has to be addressed. We can't kick this can down the road any longer. But there is nothing we can't solve if we just start working together.

You may not know this, but one of my favorite memories from this place didn't happen in the Senate Chamber; it really happened on the boat. A lot of things happened on the boat.

Anyway, I had invited, like I have done a lot, Senators down. We had Senators coming down one day. They were walking down, and Tom Harkin, a very progressive Senator from Iowa, a good friend, was there. He said: Joe, it is the first time I have been on the Potomac River. I have been here for 30 years and have never been on it.

I said: Good, Tom. Come on, sit down, have a little beverage, and we will get things going here.

About that time, he saw Ted Cruz walking down the ramp to get on the boat. He said: Joe, I don't think I can do this.

I said: What?

He said: I don't think we can be on the same boat together.

I said: Come on, Tom, give it a shot.

Ted got on the boat with Tom, and before you knew it, they started talking. I don't know what they were talking about. It probably wasn't politics. But by the end of that day, the next day, they started working on some amendments together and doing legislation.

That is just the power of sitting down and listening and getting to know each other, and we don't do that much here. It is hard for us to get together. We know that. We need more of that in Washington. I hope you all make an effort to visit with each other, spend a little bit of time.

I am not going anywhere, gang. The boat is still going to be there. You all call me whenever you want to come down. We will get together whenever you want.

Many of our differences pale in comparison to the disagreements between the Founding Fathers in 1789, but they understood what was at stake, and they were willing to put their differences aside to build something extraordinary. We need to recapture that spirit today.

To my colleagues, I will leave you with this challenge: Every day ask yourself, what have I done for my country today? What have I done? Not for your party, not for your donors, but for your country. After all, that is why we are here. That is the purpose of us being here.

We have to stop demonizing each other. We have to argue over ideas-- that is fine--but not personalities. You can argue over ideas but not personalities. We are all elected, and we all should be respected for that.

George Washington warned us about the dangers of political parties dividing our country over 200 years ago, and we are living in the world he feared today.

The easiest vote to take here is no. We all know that. You can retire pretty handsomely here if you just vote no on everything, because, you know why, there is never going to be a perfect bill. You can always find something wrong. You don't have to explain ``no''--you don't-- because half the country is mad at everything anyway.

So you can get by with a ``no'' vote, but if you want to get something done, that is not the purpose of being here. Find another job. This is a place where you have to take tough votes, and let's get things done.

The political process has taught us that Americans want to be for something. They want to be for something--something that captures the hearts and captures the minds of people to give them something to live for. It is not enough to just run against something or someone; be for something.

As I look around the Chamber and I think back on the good times and bad times, I want you to know I still believe in this system. I really do. I believe in the purpose of what we have and basically the challenges we have before us. I believe in the institution of democracy and the need to cherish it.

We have created something pretty special here in America, and no one ever thought it could be done, especially for 240 years. And we still can do great things. We can have a military--that is still peace through strength--while also having compassion. We can have financial stability and prosperity while still helping Americans and people around the world in need. We can do all that.

You hear people talk about the American dream like it is some kind of a myth, like it is gone; we don't have it anymore. I want to tell you this: I am standing here, as many of you are here, because of that American dream. You don't hear people chasing the China dream or the Russian dream. I never heard anyone say: Oh, I am thinking about that China dream or that Russian dream. That is because the American dream is unique. There is nothing like it. Think about it. Look around. There is nothing like what we have got. It is about freedom and opportunity and the belief that if you work hard, you play by the rules, you can build a good life, and it is the only dream that allows you to control your own destiny, the only dream that you can control.

Thomas Jefferson once said, ``I like the dreams of the future better than the history of the past.'' Think about that. ``I like the dreams of the future better than the history of the past.''

I believe in our future, I believe in the American people, and I believe that when we come together, great things are going to happen.

We are better because we put around us all these wonderful people, these staff, as I look around. None of us could do it without them. I don't need to tell any of you how we feel about our staff. I have staff that is currently with me, and I have staff that have moved on, and I can only say: Thank you. I love you.

With that, they are the backbone. They do all the hard work, and they know that. I try to say thank you as much as I can. I am not good at it as much as I should be, but I think they know in my heart how I feel about each and every one of them. I hope so.

I am also here with the most important assets of my life--my wife Gayle up there and my family. I have my children, I have my grandchildren, I have my brothers and sisters, my brothers-in-law and sisters-in-laws--I have everybody here. I just appreciate and love you all so much.

Really, without our family and the support of our family, we couldn't do it. They put up with so much.

I always wondered why my Uncle Jimmy--my Uncle Jimmy was really a character--why he was missing at so many of the functions we had at the holidays. He was always out politicking somewhere. They had to have him here or there. I said ``My goodness, we are more important than that,'' and then I found myself 35 years old, getting into the same thing I condemned him for--not being around. It is a calling. It really is.

So to my wife and to all of you, I want to say thank you. I love you, honey, and I love all of you.

I love all my staff and all of you. I know you are going to do great things.

Any of you all looking for good staff, there are some good people sitting around here that you are going to maybe want to talk to.

As I told you, the boat is still going to be docked here. Anytime you want to have a gathering, please call. I will be there. We will put it on for you. We will have a good time. We will have the dancing and the music and all.

Chuck said some nice comments on the floor, but he left out one thing. Every time we have been on the boat, one thing we do at the end--do you remember? Lee Greenwood, ``Proud to be an American.'' We all hug each other in a circle. That is what it is all about. That is more of what the country needs right now. It needs more of us together, listening to each other, respecting each other, working together.

So I would like to say this: God has blessed me and blessed you with the opportunity to do something for a lot of people. They are counting on us. And I think the challenges before you are going to be more daunting than ever

before. But, again, I said I believe in you more than you believe in yourself. I know you are up to the challenge. I know you will do the job. I really do. I believe that. I am going to be rooting, screaming, and hollering for my team. This is my team. All the D's and the R's and the I's--you are my team, and I love each and every one of you.

Thank you for giving me the honor of a lifetime to serve in I think the greatest deliberative body the world has ever known and ever will know--the United States Senate.

God bless the State of West Virginia, and may God continue to bless the United States of America.

(Applause.)

Mr. President, I want to thank each and every one of my colleagues--all of you. And it has been an honor of a lifetime. It truly has been. And it is something that I will take with me for the rest of my life. And my family will too. But I really mean this: I think there are so many good people who are serving here and who have served here and will continue to serve in honor and dignity and respect and making sure that we do the job we were elected to do.

With that, let me just say to all of you, thank you for the kindness you have showed me, the friendship. And I am not a ``big dog'' person. So I need each one of you all to be my friend, and I appreciate that so much.

Mr. President, before I forget, I want to ask unanimous consent to have printed in the Record a list of all my staff for the last 14 years.

Again, I say thank you. God bless you for the opportunity and experience of a lifetime. And I love each and every one of you.

(Applause.)