Floor Statements

Mr. Speaker, I rise today with my colleague from California, Ms. Eshoo, to honor the memory of Joseph A. Stewart, who passed away on December 6, 2013, after a full and enriching life looking out for others.

Joseph was born on January 20, 1941, in Newark, New Jersey. He attended Seton Hall University, earning a degree in classical languages. He received his MA and PhD in human relations and social policy planning from New York University.

His concern for the sick spurred a prolific career in health care that spanned more than 40 years, taking him everywhere from large academic medical centers to community non-profit hospitals.

The first administrator of Cooperative Care at New York University Medical Center, Joseph went on to hold academic appointments at Carnegie Mellon University and the University of Southern California.

Joseph was also actively involved in his local parish, where he mentored new ministers.

Monsignor Scott Daugherty of St. Anne and Holy Cross Catholic Church in Porterville, California, said Joseph ``was a great man, greatly respected by many.''

Similarly, Deacon Jim Deiterle said, ``He was a great man and had a great outlook on life. . . . He was so committed, so enthused with what he was talking about.''

Porterville Unified School District Superintendent John Snavely said of Joseph, ``What I admired about him is how quickly and how completely he embraced the community.''

Indeed, Joseph Stewart was a man who shared and spread every one of his passions--be it faith, education, or health care. He didn't just do a kindness for someone; he connected with them. He moved people.

Joseph will be remembered as a friend, an educator, a mentor, and a leader. He will also be remembered as a brother to Michael, and a father to David, Brian, Charles, and Catherine.

David serves as Policy Director in the Office of the Speaker, and has been a trusted advisor of mine for the last five years. Charles worked for the Senate Commerce Committee before assuming his current position as Communications Director for Ms. Eshoo nearly two years ago.

Both of these gentlemen are held in high regard by colleagues and members of this body. Their outstanding service to this institution makes clear that Joseph's legacy is in the best of hands.

To David and Charles, and to all their loved ones, we offer our prayers and those of the entire House of Representatives.

Let us also offer our deep appreciation for the service of Joseph Anthony Stewart, and for all the good he did in a life of purpose and accomplishment.

Mr. Speaker, let me thank Chairman Ryan and his Senate counterpart, Democrats and Republicans, frankly, on both sides of the Capitol who worked hard to bring this agreement together.

My colleagues, I think it is pretty simple. If you are for reducing the budget deficit, then you should be voting for this bill. If you are for cutting the size of government, you should be supporting this budget. If you are for preventing tax increases, you should be voting for this budget. If you are for entitlement reform, you ought to be voting for this budget. These are the things I came here to do, and this budget does them.

Is it perfect? Does it go far enough? No, not at all. I think it is going to take a lot more work to get our arms around our debt and our deficit. But this budget is a positive step in that direction. It is progress. It is doing what the American people expect us to do. It is coming together and finding common ground. Stick to our principles, but find common ground.

Again, I commend Chairman Ryan and Chairman Murray for their work, and I urge all of my colleagues to vote for this budget.

Mr. Speaker, the American people work hard, and they have got a right to expect their elected Representatives to do the same. House Republicans are listening. To date, the House has passed nearly 150 bills this Congress that the United States Senate has failed to act on. Many of them would help our economy and boost job creation.

Nearly 150 bills passed by this House have yet to be acted on by the Senate. These bills would do things like increase the supply of American energy and build the Keystone pipeline, roll back red tape and unnecessary regulations, provide for flexibility to working families, reform and improve job training programs, protect Americans from cyberattacks, help schools to recruit and keep the best teachers, delay the individual mandate and allow the American people to keep the health care plans that they would like, or to scrap the health care law that is wreaking havoc on our economy. Every single one of these bills has been blocked by Washington Democrats. The Senate and the President continue to stand in the way of the people's priorities.

Now we are trying to come to an agreement on the budget and on the farm bill, amongst other issues that are in conference. Chairman Ryan and Chairman Lucas have made serious good faith efforts to Senate Democrats. When will they learn to say ``yes'' to common ground? When will they start listening to the American people?

Mr. Speaker, the Honorable Thomas S. Foley, former Speaker of the House of Representatives, died on October 18, 2013. The House took several steps to honor the former Speaker. Following House tradition, the Speaker's chair on the rostrum was draped in black and the Speaker's gavel rested on a black pillow. Outside the House chamber, Speaker Foley's official portrait in the Speaker's Lobby was draped in black. On October 22, 2013, the House adopted House Resolution 383, expressing the condolences of the House upon his death. On October 29, 2013, a memorial service was held in Statuary Hall celebrating the life of Speaker Foley. The following is a transcript of those proceedings:

(The Honorable John A. Boehner, Speaker of the United

States House of Representatives)

Speaker Boehner: Ladies and gentlemen, let us begin today

by acknowledging a great friend of this institution, Mrs.

Heather Foley.

(Applause.)

Speaker Boehner: Mrs. Foley, thank you for giving us this

chance to try to express the depth of gratitude that we owe

to Tom.

An English poet once wrote, ``The noblest work of God is an

honest man.'' Well, Tom Foley was that and more. A leader

grounded in decency, in principle, he brought honor to

himself, to his family, and to this House. He did all these

things a public servant should do and, frankly, did many of

them better than the rest. Ask any of his peers and they will

tell you this, especially those who didn't share his

politics.

Listen to Bob Dole, who around the time Tom became Speaker

called him ``a man of total integrity.'' Or ask Alan Simpson,

who said, ``Tom can tell you to go to Hell and make you feel

good about going there.'' And Henry Hyde, as fierce a

conservative as they come, who said of the man, ``I wish he

were a Republican.''

There's also this from President George H.W. Bush, ``Tom

Foley represented the very best in public service and our

political system.'' One class act tipping his hat to another.

Yes, the span of Tom's service and his record is

impressive, as is the sequence of his rise: Ag Committee

chairman, majority whip, majority leader, and Speaker.

But it was his sense of fairness, his port-n-a-storm

bearing, that will always stand out for me. It's how he held

this institution together at a very difficult time, and it's

why those who come after us, who seek to know what it means

when we use that phrase, ``man of the House,'' or just what

it means to leave something behind, should look up the name

Thomas S. Foley.

Today, we gather in the old Hall, joined by Presidents,

Vice Presidents, Speakers, and so many of our colleagues and

diplomats that Tom served with and to reminisce about this

man's service and a toast to his life.

Welcome, and thank you all for being here.

(The Reverend Patrick J. Conroy, S.J., Chaplain of the

United States House of Representatives)

Reverend Conroy: God of Heaven and Earth, the work of Your

hands is made known in Your bountiful creation and in the

lives of those who faithfully live in Your grace.

Today we especially remember the life and work of Tom

Foley, son of the very proud city of Spokane. His commitment

to furthering education in his own district, Washington's

Fifth, is testified to by the Ralph and Helen Higgins Foley

Library at Gonzaga University, his alma mater. It is named in

honor of his parents, who clearly did something right in

raising such a son.

Tom Foley was a modest man whose impact on the public weal

beyond his district far exceeded any projection of ego

strength. May we all be inspired by his example to be men and

women impelled to improve the lives and prospects of our

fellow citizens while eschewing any honor or glory for

ourselves, and as he did, do our part to increase

understanding and respect across cultural divides.

Be present with us this day, O God, as we mark his life and

remember his legacy. Bless this gathering and comfort us as

we comfort one another in remembering a great American and a

genuinely good man.

Amen.

(The Honorable Norman Dicks, United States House of

Representatives, Sixth District of Washington, 1977-2013)

Mr. Dicks: Tom Foley was my friend, mentor, and colleague

in the House of Representatives.

I first met Tom Foley at the University of Washington Law

School in 1965 during his freshman term. He was a brilliant

young man with a warm and friendly smile. It was his

intellect and love for this country that made him an

outstanding leader.

He served as chairman of the House Agriculture Committee

and worked hard on the farm bill and food stamp legislation.

Bringing these two issues together allowed Chairman Foley to

build support in the House for both.

Tom believed in, and practiced, civility and

bipartisanship. His view was that, after the elections were

over, Democrats and Republicans should work together to deal

with the national legislative agenda.

Seeing Tom Foley's strong leadership qualities and belief

in getting things done for the American people, Speaker

O'Neill appointed Tom to be the majority whip. He was then

unanimously elected to be our majority leader and then our

Speaker in 1989.

As Speaker, Tom worked closely with Bob Michel, the

Republican leader from 1989 to 1995. They remained great

friends after they left Congress. Later, President Clinton

named Speaker Foley to be our Ambassador to Japan.

As a staffer to Senator Warren T. Magnuson, I worked with

Tom on the Spokane World's Fair in 1974. This project created

dramatic change for Spokane, the largest city in the Fifth

District.

Tom was so proud to represent the people of the Fifth

Congressional District for 30 years. He always thought this

was his most important responsibility.

It was a great honor for me that Tom Foley supported me in

my campaign to Congress in 1976. I was then privileged to

work with him and to receive his support as a Member of the

House, and I will always thank him for being such a good

mentor.

We will always remember the legacy of Tom Foley. He

believed in the Congress, and he believed that this

institution could produce positive results for the American

people.

His loving wife, Heather, supported him throughout his

career and took wonderful care of him during his long

illness.

May God bless you, Heather, and the entire Foley family.

(The Honorable Jim McDermott, United States House of

Representatives, Seventh District of Washington)

Mr. McDermott: Good afternoon. I am Jim McDermott. I am a

House Member from Washington's Seventh Congressional

District, which is mostly Seattle. I knew Tom Foley for more

than 40 years, and throughout that time, he was a wonderful

friend and a sage mentor.

In 1971, when I was a freshman State legislator, he took me

out to dinner in Seattle and suggested I run for Congress. I

was pleased by his regard for my career, but I knew better

since I was a freshman legislator. So I rejected it and ran

for Governor. I got creamed. Tom never said a word.

Chastened, I returned to the legislature, determined to

learn as much as I could about the realities of governing

effectively and the challenges of the legislative role.

When I finally ran for Congress in 1988, Tom was the

majority leader of the House. As I arrived for my first term

in 1989, Tom was about to become Speaker. I know now that he

was about to become the last Speaker of the whole House. He

believed that the Speaker was the Speaker for the whole

House, and he lived that to his very core.

Today many will note Tom's devotion to the House of

Representatives and his learned knowledge of the history of

this organization. Sitting down with Tom and letting him tell

stories, you learned enormous amounts. He appreciated the

role of the House in our balanced structure of government. He

knew well the challenge of maintaining that fragile balance.

So when he assumed the Speakership, he brought to it a

scholar's depth of understanding and a disciple's passion. He

led the House with fairness and comity, a style of leadership

we haven't seen--we recently have looked for it--but we have

not seen what Tom was able to do with both sides.

Tom understood that the House could not perform its

constitutional function without evenhandedness and respected

the role of the minority. Tom was a Democrat, no question

about it. He was very clear about why he was a Democrat. He

believed in the legitimacy and the value of government. He

knew that government's duty was to improve the lives of

Americans, and he saw it as a noble obligation and worthy of

one's very best efforts at any time.

When he became Speaker, he abandoned none of these

principles. He added to them a very nuanced appreciation of

the role of

Speaker, and his certainty that the leadership of the House

required not a flame-throwing partisan but a measured, steady

pilot enlightened by an unmatched knowledge of, and love for,

the House of Representatives.

Tom Foley's district was a sprawling, largely rural swath

of eastern Washington state; yet its essentially very

conservative voters reelected him for 30 years. They took an

urban internationalist and sent him back again and again.

They did so, and that was a persistent reaffirmation of his

unshakeable integrity, his superb legislative skills, and his

deep connection with the people of the Fifth District. He

always started his speech by saying, ``My highest honor was

to be elected Congressman from the Fifth District.'' I

believe that the voters recognized him as a great American.

We share that sense of wry Irish humor, but Tom's charm and

wit were all his own. He was an extraordinary person and an

irreplaceable friend. I am grateful to have known him.

Rest in peace.

(The Honorable John Lewis, United States House of

Representatives, Fifth District of Georgia)

Mr. Lewis: Mrs. Foley, bless you.

There was a great minister, scholar, and abolitionist who

lived in New England in the 19th century. His name was James

Freeman Clarke, and he once made this statement: ``A

politician,'' he said, ``thinks only of the next election; a

statesman thinks of the next generation.''

Speaker Tom Foley was a true statesman. He believed it was

an honor to serve the public good, and he brought respect for

the dignity of our democracy and the inspiration of our

mandate as a Nation to every moment of his service. He

believed it was our calling as Members of Congress to do what

we could to preserve and help create a more perfect Union

that has been in the making for almost 300 years.

In all of my years knowing Speaker Foley and seeing him on

the floor or in small meetings, I never heard this man, this

good man, speak or say a bad word about anyone. I just have a

feeling that he was one who believed, if you couldn't say

something good about someone, don't say anything at all.

As a leader, he believed he should build and not tear down,

reconcile and not divide. He stood for the principles of

diplomacy and mutual respect, even toward his opposition. He

did not subscribe to the politics of personal destruction.

He knew that his work as Speaker, as a representative of

the great State of Washington or as a legislator was bigger

than his own personal values and ambition. He wanted to leave

a record of accomplishment that would have a lasting impact

on our society for generations to come. When he left the

Speaker's chair, it was the end of an era, a period, in our

history.

Maybe, just maybe, his passing at this moment in our

history is just an elegant reminder of one simple truth: no

leader is greater than the cause he serves, and when our

lives are over, we will be remembered not for fame or

fortune, but for how we helped or how we harmed the dignity

of all humankind.

I will never forget this prince of a man who led by example

and struggled to turn the tide of partisanship in Congress

back to constructive debate on the great issues. Every

leader, whether in politics or in the larger society, but

every leader in America could do well to take a page from Tom

Foley's book.

(The Honorable Nancy Pelosi, Democratic Leader of the

United States House of Representatives)

Minority Leader Pelosi: Heather, Mr. President, Mr.

President, Mr. Vice President, Mr. Vice President, how

wonderful that Speaker Foley has two Presidents, two Vice

Presidents, and the good wishes of President George Herbert

Walker Bush that our distinguished Speaker quoted earlier. He

could never probably have imagined that when he came to the

floor on the first day to make his first floor speech. He

said, ``Public service is a free gift of a free people and a

challenge for all of us in public life to do what we can to

make our service useful for those who have sent us here.''

Few fulfilled that charge with more courage, more conviction,

more civility than he.

I take great pride in the fact that he's the first Speaker

to hail from west of the Rocky Mountains. He brought to

Congress a fresh perspective and a powerful voice that would

open doors of leadership to Members who represent the

diversity of our country.

His first campaign was legendary in its civility. Before

the election was even over, his opponent, Congressman Walt

Horan, released a statement calling the campaign the cleanest

he had ever seen in his 22 years in office. In that spirit,

when Tom Foley came to Congress and as Speaker Foley, he made

campaign finance reform a priority. He sent legislation to

the President's desk that would ensure that our democracy was

a government of, by, and for the people. Unfortunately, we

could not override the President's veto, but Speaker Foley's

commitment to a just democracy and fair elections serves us

as an enduring challenge to this day.

Known for his ability to build consensus, Speaker Foley

never compromised on the conviction to do right by the

American people. When tragedy struck at the Fairchild Air

Force Base Hospital in his district, this longtime defender

of gun rights saw the need for sensible gun violence

prevention laws. Speaker Foley brought that bill to the

floor. He helped enact it--those bans--knowing that it would

not be well received in his district. But he did what he

believed, and he did it with courage.

He matched that dedication to principle and courage with a

gift for diplomacy. Nearly 20 years ago, I was privileged--I

don't know why I was on the list, but I was invited to attend

a special dinner at the British Embassy to honor Speaker

Foley for his leadership. As fate would have it, President

Clinton, that was the day that you announced that you were

going to grant a temporary visa to Gerry Adams. Just a

coincidence.

Needless to say, the mood of the evening was tense. Speaker

Foley, with his characteristic grace, reasoned that this

step--no matter how disconcerting at the moment to them--was

crucial to delivering an ever-elusive peace to Northern

Ireland, Ambassador.

That remarkable ability to build bridges across great

divides would serve him well as Speaker and, later, as U.S.

Ambassador to Japan--something he took great pride in, as I

know you did, Mr. Vice President. His judgment was impeccable

and was respected, and many of us benefited from it.

For me, in September 2008, I attended a G-8 meeting of

heads of Parliament, or Speakers--whatever they're called in

their particular country. All of the participants were

invited to lay a wreath at the Hiroshima Peace Memorial. I

immediately called Ambassador Foley, as I called Vice

President Mondale, to ask what I should do. He replied, ``You

must participate. You will be the highest-ranking American

official,'' up until then, ``to lay a wreath at the memorial.

You cannot say no.''

Now, that may seem easy now, but at the time, that was very

strong judgment, as, again, the Vice President also gave me.

Such is the nature of a great man who believed, above all,

in the purpose of public service. It's about respect.

Diplomat, leader, Speaker--Tom Foley was the quintessential

champion of the common good. He spoke for the House he led

and the country he so loved.

In his farewell speech--I started with his opening speech--

in his farewell speech to the House, he said, ``Congress is

the place where we come together to speak the voices of

America and democracy, and it is the voice that is found to

echo resoundingly throughout the world.'' Throughout the

world.

Heather, I hope it is a comfort to you that so many people

mourn your loss throughout the world and are praying for you

at this sad time. To you, Heather, and to the Foley family,

thank you for sharing Tom with a grateful Nation. His voice

will forever echo in our hearts, to all who strive to make a

difference through public service.

As we count our blessings as a Nation, we know that God

truly blessed America with the life and leadership of

Speaker, Ambassador, and leader, Tom Foley.

(The Honorable Mitch McConnell, Republican Leader of the

United States Senate)

Senate Minority Leader McConnell: Thank you all for being

here. And, Heather, we honor you today. You were there all

along, guiding and accompanying Tom across all the peaks and

the valleys right to the end. We thank you for your spirit,

your generosity, and your example, which enlivened this

House, as well as your own, for many years. Welcome back.

Now, given Tom's famous equanimity, it is somewhat ironic

that he decided to run for Congress in the first place. He

actually did it in a moment of anger. The day was July 16,

1964. The Beatles had just returned to Liverpool after their

first U.S. tour. President Johnson had recently signed the

Civil Rights Act and was on his way to a landslide victory

against Barry Goldwater that November. And a 35-year-old Tom

Foley was having lunch at the Spokane Club in downtown

Spokane.

A gifted lawyer from a prominent local family and a trusted

aide to Scoop Jackson, Tom mentioned to the guys he was

eating lunch with that he was thinking seriously about

running for Congress--not this time, but the next time

around. At which point, one of his lunch companions bluntly

dismissed the idea out of hand and said:

``You'll never do it. You're like all young people. You

think the party's going to come to you with a Tiffany tray

and an engraved card and say, `Please, we humbly beg you, run

for Congress.' And that isn't the way it happens. People get

to Congress by wanting to run for Congress. You've got

excuses this year, and you'll have excuses next year and the

year after that.''

Well, Tom didn't like this little piece of armchair

psychology one bit, and he was determined to prove them

wrong. So he got up from the table, walked over to the

library across the hall, stuffed himself into a phone booth,

and called Western Union. Within minutes, a telegram had been

sent to Senator Jackson back in Washington saying that Tom

had just resigned his job and was headed to Olympia to file

for a run.

Then Tom called his bank and found out he didn't have any

money. His cousin Hank had to loan him the filing fee.

Oh, and the filing deadline was the next day.

So Tom had no cash, no plan, and virtually no time.

But he had the smarts. He had a sterling reputation. He had

the backing of Senator Jackson. And now, he had the

motivation.

And he did it, and for the next three decades, Thomas

Stephen Foley would devote his life to the people of eastern

Washington's Fifth Congressional District--with grace,

intelligence, wit, and a profound respect for others,

including his political adversaries,

and an abiding gratitude for the trust and confidence of the

people he was elected to serve, from Walla Walla to Northport

and all the wheat country and timber towns in between.

Tom always looked the part. Even his classmates at Gonzaga

High School called him ``the Senator.'' And I dare say that

if most Americans were asked to conjure up in their minds the

image of a Congressman, the man they'd like to see would be

him. To most people, it seemed as though Tom were born to

serve here. And in a remarkable 30-year congressional career,

he proved they were right. He proved that he didn't just look

the part, he knew the part, and he played it well.

Tom and I weren't on the same side on most issues. His

faith in government was, shall I say, a little more robust

than mine, but we shared a deep respect for the institution

and a belief that working with the other side, particularly

at a time of divided government, is no heresy when it enables

you to achieve some good for the Nation.

That kind of comity is sometimes viewed as old fashioned

around here, but that's never been true. The parties have

always disagreed, but it hasn't kept them from working

together from time to time to solve problems that we all

recognize.

Tom knew that. He practiced it. He took flak from time to

time for being a little too friendly with Republicans, but I

don't think he ever doubted the wisdom of his approach, even

in defeat. As Tom often said, ``The first vote you need to

earn is your own.'' It was a principle that served him very

well, and it's one that I think says a lot about what the

legacy of the gentleman from Spokane will be. We honor his

service and his memory.

May we draw all the right lessons from both. (The Honorable

Harry Reid, Majority Leader of the United States Senate)

Senate Majority Leader Reid: For 4 years, I served in the

House of Representatives with Speaker Tom Foley. During the

time I served there, he was the majority whip. I also served

with the man who would succeed Speaker Foley as leader of the

House, Speaker Newt Gingrich. Newt and I don't agree on too

much, but when he wrote in last week's Time magazine that Tom

Foley was a pragmatic man, a person of great integrity, and a

genuine patriot, I couldn't agree more with Newt.

This is what Speaker Gingrich wrote: ``I have nothing but

fond memories of serving with Tom Foley. We worked together

when we could, competed when we had to, and cooperated for

the national interest as far as possible.''

I, too, have fond memories of my time serving in the House

with Tom Foley. I offer my condolences to Heather who, as we

all know, had a strong voice in the House, at least when I

was there. She was tremendous, always there available to help

us; and she was his greatest influence politically in his

whole life.

Tom learned his practical style of politics from his

mentors, Senators Scoop Jackson and Warren Magnuson, who were

both from the State of Washington. Speaker Foley gained his

pragmatism from being a Member, as we've heard from Norm

Dicks and others, as a Member and then chairman of the House

Agriculture Committee, one of the Chamber's most bipartisan

committees.

But I credit much of Tom's down-to-earth demeanor to his

Western upbringing. You see, he was the first Speaker of the

House of Representatives to be born west of the Rocky

Mountains. He cut an imposing figure. He was a big man

physically and had this wonderful smile and great voice. He

was always gracious to young Members like me.

One day, when I reflect back, as we get a little older, and

we've all had that experience, or most of us, you can't see

like you used to, and somehow he didn't bring his reading

glasses with him. And he was desperate. He had to read there.

He was managing what was going on on the floor and he

couldn't see. So I was the first person he saw, and he said,

``Find me some glasses. I don't care where you get them.''

And I wanted to adhere to his wishes, so I didn't care where

I got them. Somebody left them laying on a desk, and I

grabbed them, and he was so happy to get those glasses

because, as has happened to all of us, he just couldn't see

and he needed to see. Well, it was my honor and pleasure to

find him some glasses to help him see that day.

But a vision as to where the country needed to go he always

saw clearly.

(The Honorable Robert H. Michel, Minority Leader of the

United States House of Representatives, 1981-1995)

Mr. Michel: Heather, members of the family and President

Clinton, President Obama, and all my former colleagues and

friends of Tom, all of you, it was my good fortune to have

visited Tom with my former right-hand man Billy Pitts a few

days before Tom died. I am so grateful to Heather for making

that visit possible.

We thought it was going to be just a visit of a couple of

minutes, and it ended up we were speaking for an hour about

the days gone by, not unlike so many others we had over a

relationship of more than 40 years. We both were able to say

our piece in an atmosphere of mutual respect, open-

mindedness, and, most of all, trust.

As I said in an article in The Post the other day, when Tom

became Speaker, he suggested that we get together once a

week, talk over the affairs of the House, one week in my

office and the next in his, something that had never been

done before. While we disagreed over policy and jousted with

each other politically, the meetings were highly productive

because underlying them was the faith and trust we had in

each other. We could talk about anything, knowing that our

discussions would remain private unless we decided otherwise.

I don't think there is anything more important in the

relationship between political leaders than trust.

Never was that bond tested more than it was in January 1991

when I implored Tom to bring to the House floor a resolution

that Steve Solarz of New York and I had introduced

authorizing then-President Bush to engage in military action

in Operation Desert Storm to drive Saddam Hussein out of

Kuwait. I was convinced that Tom opposed military

intervention, and I know that a good many of his caucus were

strongly opposed as well. It was an exercise of political

courage and personal decency for Tom to agree to bring the

resolution up for an open debate and recorded vote under

those circumstances, but he did.

We had one of the most spirited, but civil and informative,

debates in which I had been privileged to participate in all

my 38 years in Congress. We prevailed in the final outcome

that day, but I would have been proud of the House and proud

of our Speaker regardless, because the House demonstrated to

the world that it was truly a deliberative and democratic

body.

Tom and I always struggled to find common ground between

our two sides. When there were issues upon which we could not

agree, we could at least use common courtesy in the way we

conducted our politics. That isn't just good manners; it is

good politics.

But win, lose, or compromise, the way we argue can be as

important, in the long run, as the decisions we reach.

I so admired Tom's grace and civility. I also admired his

understanding and natural feel for the personality and the

distinctive culture of the institution. He was so dedicated

to its preservation and protection. Tom was chosen to lead

the House in a very difficult time. Through it all, he was a

gentleman of the House and a fair and honest broker and a

worthy adversary.

And maybe we both knew that our days were numbered. We were

too conditioned by our personal and political upbringing to

assume that we had the market cornered on political principle

or partisan superiority. We knew, too, that there would

always be a distinction and separation between campaigning

for office and serving in office. We were, I guess, pupils of

the old school.

Tom knew that a House Member has three essential jobs: to

deliberate, to debate, and to be effective. He knew that if

we wanted to be effective in the House, you just can't go

around shouting your principles; you have to subject those

principles to the test of open debate against those who do

not share those principles. But true debate is not possible

unless the Golden Rule is applied, which simply means that

you treat your fellow Members the way you, yourself, want to

be treated. Tom believed in that rule, and he practiced it

from the day he came to the House and all during his time as

Speaker of the House.

Tom Foley was proud to be a Member of this House. I share

that deep pride in this great institution, and I guess that

is one reason we were able to work together. We both saw the

House of Representatives not as a necessary evil, but as one

of the great creations of a free people.

On our last day in Congress, on November 29, 1994, Tom did

me the great honor of inviting me to the Speaker's podium to

preside over the House while he gave his farewell remarks

from the well. Incidentally, that was the first time in 40

years a Republican had been on that rostrum. When we stood

side by side at the podium on that last day of the 103rd

Congress, we knew that we were icons, I guess, of a bygone

era. As we visited for the last time 20 years later, I think

we felt good about that. We both took great pride in knowing

we had made things happen, that we found good ways to solve

difficult problems and make the House a working institution.

Now Tom takes his place among the great public servants

immortalized in this Hall of Statues. He is most worthy of a

presence here. I know, because of his great love for this

institution, that his spirit will dwell here forever. I only

hope that the legislators who now walk through here each day,

so consumed by the here and now, will feel his spirit, learn

from it, and be humbled by it.

That's what I have to say in honor of my dear friend, Tom

Foley.

(The Honorable William J. Clinton, 42nd President of the

United States)

President Clinton: Mr. Michel may be 90 years old, but he

has the spirit of a man half his age and the wisdom of one 10

times his age. We thank him for his remarks.

Heather, I thank you, and, Mr. Speaker, I thank you for

giving those of us who worked with, knew, and cared about Tom

the chance to be here today. I thank you, Heather, for all

you did to make his work possible and better.

Mr. President, thank you for being here, and Mr.

Vice President, Vice President Mondale, and all the others

who have spoken before me.

Shortly after I was elected President, I invited Speaker

Foley and Leader Gephardt to come to Arkansas to see me to

tell me everything I didn't know that was about to happen to

me, which Tom Foley proceeded to do in that calm, restrained,

balanced, lyrical way.

Tom told me not to be lulled by Bob Michel's friendliness,

that he was a very

tough adversary, but I could make a deal with him. He told me

not to be intimidated, Mr. Speaker, by your bellicosity

because you were a brilliant politician, but in the end, we

would find a way to do business. He turned out to be right

about both things.

His leadership made possible things that mattered to me a

lot. Being President is a matter of trying to do what you

promised to do when you ran, trying to respond to legitimate

impulses that are coming out of the political system across

the range, and trying to deal with the unanticipated

developments. And if you ignore any of them, you cannot

prevail. And if you can't work with the Congress, it's very

difficult.

Tom Foley, therefore, was pivotal in our landslide victory

for my economic plan and deficit reduction plan, because we

won by one vote in the House. And that runaway victory was

made possible by the Speaker and everybody else that voted

for it. But also, we just celebrated the 20th anniversary of

the Family Medical Leave law, the 20th anniversary of

AmeriCorps. They are now part of the pillars of our sense of

common citizenship.

Now, I have had Republicans and Democrats come up to me and

tell me what a difference the family leave law made for them;

young people who belong to both political parties who

believed in citizen service and participated in AmeriCorps.

He helped make those things possible, too.

And one of the things that I always appreciated about him

and marveled at how he could be brutally honest in the

kindest way.

It is true, as Leader Pelosi said, that he had a conversion

of sorts on the whole question of assault weapons because of

an experience he had, but he was very clearheaded. He told me

when we succeeded, in no small measure thanks to the

leadership of then-Senator Biden, and putting the assault

weapons ban back in the crime bill, he said, ``You can leave

this in here but there will be a lot of blood on the floor if

we pass this. Many of us will not survive.''

I will never forget the argument I had with him. I said,

``Tom, I'm from Arkansas. Both my Senators voted for this.

I'm still going to carry it next time.'' He said, ``Yeah.''

He said, ``In 4 years. It's the same thing with your economic

plan. People will see that it works and people will see that

they did not lose their guns and they still got to defend

their homes and go hunting and be in sports shooting

contests, but we all have to run before they know any of

that. We have enough uncertainty now. If you put this in

there, there will be a lot of carnage.''

And I thought he was wrong, but he was right. And he lost

that election by 4,000 votes. I would be a wealthy man if I

had a dollar for every time in the last 20 years I have found

my mind drawn to that conversation.

Was it worth his public service? We had 8 years of

declining violent crime for the first time in the history of

the country. We did prove that it did not interfere with

people's Second Amendment rights, but the price was high.

What I want to tell you is, appropriate today, that Tom

Foley, as nice as he was, as civil as he was, as much as he

loved his colleagues of both parties, was one tough guy. This

is a man who took up martial arts in his sixties. Now that I

am there, I respect it even more.

He risked the broken bones and the torn ligaments and

everything. He was tough and he walked clear-eyed into the

House, and we put those votes together and the crime bill

passed. And those of us who supported it at least think

America was much better off as a result. But he knew that,

even in the spirit of bipartisanship and compromise, being in

public service and making difficult decisions was inevitable

and not free, and he paid the price.

Before I came here, I read all the letters that Tom Foley

and I wrote to each other. That is a great thing about having

a library. Somebody will dig that stuff up for you. Now, here

is the one that means the most to me. It says the most about

him. He loved being in the House. It hurts to lose anytime,

but it really hurts if you're the Speaker, and he knew his

district, it turned out, way better than I did, at least

4,000 votes better than I did.

Bob Michel talked about what they did on November 29, 1994.

This letter was written to me on November 16, 1994, signed by

Tom Foley and Dick Gephardt and Bob Michel and Newt Gingrich,

asking that the administration send to the lame-duck session

of Congress the legislation to implement the general

agreement on terrorism and trade which established the World

Trade Organization which I believe has played a major role in

lifting more people out of poverty in extreme circumstances

in very poor countries, in the last 20 years, than anything

else.

He was, in short, dying inside, heartbroken, and he still

showed up for work, and he still believed that the purpose of

political service was to get the show on the road.

I will never forget this letter as long as I live. Dick was

hurt, too. He was going from majority to the minority, but

Tom Foley had lost his seat in a district he loved. I talked

to him about the wrinkles and curves of that district I don't

know how many times. But he was doing his job.

I asked him to go to Japan, just as I asked Vice President

Mondale to go to Japan, for a very simple reason. After our

wartime conflict, they became one of our greatest allies and

one of the greatest forces for democracy and security and

freedom and growth in the world. They had a tough time in the

1990s. They had their collapse well before we did, and I

always believed that the rest of the world was

underestimating the Japanese people, their brilliance, their

creativity, their technology, their resilience, and I wanted

them to know that America still cared.

And when Fritz Mondale was there and when Tom Foley was

there, they knew America cared.

So I leave you with this. I think they had a good time

there, and I think they enjoyed it. I know he did. There were

seven Japanese Prime Ministers in my 8 years as President. We

are not the only people that have turmoil. The best

politician was Prime Minister Obuchi. Tragically, as a young

man he had a stroke. He endured for 43 days after his stroke,

and when he died I suppose in a busy world full of things to

do, it was something of an anticlimax. I was appalled when I

was the only leader of a major country that came to his

funeral. But I flew all the way to Japan, spent 7 hours, so

that I could go. I liked him, I admired him, and I thought he

had set forth a direction that gave Japan the best chance

they had to succeed until Mr. Mori took office.

At the end of the funeral, young Japanese women appeared

with trays of flowers, and in the site, his ashes were on a

high wall that was totally made of flowers of the rising sun,

and every person there, beginning with his wife, went up and

bowed to his ashes and put a flower on the table until

thousands and thousands and thousands of flowers were there

creating a great cloud.

He was succeeded as Prime Minister by one of his close

allies, and the ally said this--Tom Foley and I stayed there

for hours and then we went home and watched the rest of it on

television until every person had put their flower there, a

testimony to the importance of citizenship and believing in

the institutions of your country. But the current Prime

Minister said this of his friend, ``I wonder if he ever

dreamed, and if my friend dreamed, I wonder what his dreams

were. Whatever they were, I hope they have all now come

true.''

I did not know Tom Foley well enough to know if he ever

dreamed, or if he did, what he dreamed. But I know when he

sat with me that day and watched that sacred experience, I

saw the well of common humanity we all share across all of

our interesting differences.

He gave his life to our country, and I hope his dreams have

all come true.

(The Honorable Barack H. Obama, President of the United

States)

President Obama: To Heather and the Foley family, to Tom's

colleagues and friends, President Clinton, Vice President

Mondale, former Speakers, and those who preceded me, I am

honored to join you today to remember a man who embodied the

virtues of devotion and respect for the institution that he

led, for the colleagues that he served alongside, and, most

importantly, for the citizens that he had the honor to

represent.

Unlike so many of you, I did not have the privilege of

knowing Tom personally. I admired him from afar. But like

millions of Americans, I benefit from his legacy. Thanks to

Tom, more children get a head start on success in school and

in life, more seniors receive better health care, more

families breathe easier because they know their country will

be there for them in times of need. And all of them--all of

us--are indebted to that towering man from Spokane.

I think, in listening to the wonderful memories that have

been shared, we get a sense of this man, and we recognize his

humility. He often attributed much of his success to good

luck--and he may have had a point. Leader McConnell told the

story about his first race. There were a couple of details

that got left out. On the way to Olympia to file the

paperwork for his first congressional campaign, apparently

Tom blew out a tire, so he and some friends hitchhiked to a

service station to get it fixed. And then, as they approached

the outskirts of the city, they ran out of gas, so they

pushed the car up the hill, coasting into town just before

the deadline. And Tom went on to win that race by a

resounding 54 votes.

So there's no question that there may have been some luck

of the Irish operating when it came to Tom Foley, as well as

incredible stamina. But what led him to make history as the

first Speaker of the House from west of the Rockies was not

luck. It was his hard work, his deep integrity, and his

powerful intellect, and, as Bob Michel so eloquently and

movingly stated, his ability to find common ground with his

colleagues across the aisle. And it was his personal decency

that helped him bring civility and order to a Congress that

demanded both and still does.

Which brings me to a final point. At a time when our

political system can seem more polarized and more divided

than ever before, it can be tempting to see the possibility

of bipartisan progress as a thing of the past--old school, as

Bob said. It can be tempting to wonder if we still have room

for leaders like Tom; whether the environment, the media, the

way that districts are drawn, and the pressures that those of

us in elected office are under somehow preclude the

possibility of that brand of leadership. Well, I believe we

have to find our way back there.

Now, more than ever, America needs public servants who are

willing to place problem-solving ahead of politics, as the

letter that President Clinton held up indicates, as the

history of the crime bill shows. We are sent here to do

what's right, and sometimes doing

what's right is hard and it's not free; and yet that's the

measure of leadership.

It's important for us who feel a responsibility to fight

for a cause to recognize that our cause is not advanced if we

can't also try to achieve compromise, the same way our

Founders saw it--as a vital part of our democracy, the very

thing that makes our system of self-government possible.

That's what Tom Foley believed. That's what he embodied.

That's the legacy that shines brightly today.

On the last day that he presided as Speaker, Tom described

what it should feel like to serve the American people in this

city. He spoke about coming to work in the morning and

catching a glimpse of the Capitol. And he said that it ought

to give anyone a thrill, a sense not only of personal

satisfaction, ``but very deep gratitude to our constituents

for the honor of letting us represent them.'' And Tom never

lost that sense of wonder.

It's interesting--as I read that passage, what he wrote,

the first time I visited Capitol Hill, Tom Foley was Speaker.

I was a very young man and I was doing community work, and I

remember seeing that Capitol and having that same sense of

wonder. And I think now about Tom Foley being here, doing

that work, and inspiring what might have ultimately led me to

be interested in public service as well.

When we're standing outside these magnificent buildings, we

have that sense of wonder and that sense of hope. And

sometimes the longer you're here, the harder it is to hang on

to that. And yet Tom Foley never lost it--never lost that

sense of wonder, never lost the sense of gratitude. What a

privilege he felt it was to serve. And he never forgot why he

came here--on behalf of this Nation and his State and the

citizens that he loved and respected so much.

And so, as a country, we ought to be grateful to him. And

to Heather and to the people of the great State of

Washington, thank you so much for sharing Tom with us.

God bless Tom Foley. God bless the United States of

America.

Speaker Boehner: Mr. President and to all of our speakers,

thank you for your testimonials.

In keeping with tradition, at this time, I would like to

ask Leader Pelosi to join me as we present Mrs. Foley with a

flag flown over the Capitol on the day of the Speaker's

passing and a copy of House Resolution 383, a resolution

expressing the House's sincerest condolences.

(Presentation made.)

(Mrs. Heather Foley, wife of the Honorable Thomas S. Foley)

Mrs. Foley: Thank you, President Obama and President

Clinton. I so appreciate you coming to honor and celebrate

Tom's life.

Thank you, Norman Dicks and Jim McDermott, our wonderful

friends. Let me acknowledge Congressman Lewis and former

Congressman and Republican leader Bob Michel, who have both

always been great friends to Tom and me.

And of course, I thank Senator Harry Reid and Senator Mitch

McConnell for traveling a long way from the Senate to the

House to remember my husband.

Also, I want to thank the Special Envoy from Japan,

Minister Masahiko Komura and Ambassadors Sasae, Anderson, and

Westmacott, plus the diplomatic delegations, for coming.

I owe a special debt of gratitude to Speaker Boehner for

making this memorial service possible. Without his caring and

competent staff, this event would not have happened.

When my husband was Speaker, we had about one person who

handled this kind of work. The Speaker has been most gracious

and helpful, and I applaud him for that.

I want to say a few words about my husband. As you probably

know, I worked for him for years as an unpaid staffer. I did

not plan to do this when I married him in 1968. I was sort of

wooed into being a volunteer for just a little while to see

how things go, and I remained for the full time he was here.

I should say that I stayed here unpaid, and that it was a

great adventure. Every time I thought of leaving, he would

suddenly assume a new position, and it was a great good

fortune of my life to be along for the ride and to see what

happened next.

Early on, I discovered that my husband was a wonderful

teacher. David Barner has written the nicest note about this,

and I think he was right on the mark. I can look back and say

that his father taught him about fairness, patience, and all

the virtues everyone has mentioned today.

There was a story that Tom's father, who was a superior

court judge, could sentence you to death and you would thank

him. But when I think back, and what I thought at the time is

I'm not sure where his good judgment came from, how he

understood the limits of power--and there are enormous limits

to power--that we must all work together and how much courage

he often displayed when defending what he believed was right.

Some of it must have been the result of his Jesuit education

and his experience as a debater.

A friend of his is here who knew him and debated with him,

and he told me that at 16 he was just a wonderful, great man,

even though he was just a young man at that time. I never

knew really exactly why he always knew the right thing to say

and do. Perhaps it was his honesty and his resolve to keep

his word. I don't know.

I think back on our almost 45 years together, and I think

of the long, long meetings that perhaps best displayed his

ability to reason with people. One of them was in the late

1960s at Shadel Park High School in Spokane. Tom had accepted

the challenge of a man whose name I think was Virgil Gunning

who was opposed to any form of gun control, and he claimed

that Tom was for every form of gun control. So Tom agreed to

appear at this forum in this local high school, and Virgil

ran ads in the newspapers and was able to attract--I think he

also ran them on the radio and television--an audience of

about 700 people. Tom stood on the stage for 5\1/2\ hours and

answered all of Gunning's allegations with reasons that I

never would have thought of. There were endless questions in

the audience. There were bumper stickers waved about the

Hungarians limited their guns and that's why they lost their

freedom, something to that effect.

I can remember Tom saying that he was not for repealing

laws that limited a citizen's use of cannons and rockets,

that he didn't think you were entitled to have a missile silo

right there in the backyard of your house.

At first, the audience was hostile, but at the end, Gunning

made a fatal mistake. He asked everyone to stand up and then

he pleaded for money to pay for the hall and the ads, and

people who were already standing, they just walked out.

I had spent a good deal of my life overseas at this time,

and I was mesmerized to watch this. It wasn't like, you know,

dealing with the Pakistanis or going to school there or

living in Greece or Egypt, as I had done. It was something

very different.

I learned over the years, and I was able to see Tom reason

with all kinds of people and with all kinds of interesting

arguments. He could always see another side to something. I

got to see him in action with Presidents and politicians on

both sides of the House and both sides of the Capitol. He was

somehow able to walk others through their demands and show

them where they were asking too much and where they might be

right. He was not afraid to take a position that a

constituent or a colleague might oppose and explain why.

I can remember the Pacific power administrator who came to

get more goodies being told that it was time that the Pacific

Northwest perhaps limited its demands and look in other

directions to get more power. I'm sure they are still here

asking for it, but anyway. But at the time, they agreed.

He was a man of principle. He was not afraid to compromise.

He believed there was honor in compromising. When he nearly

lost the election in 1980, he did not retreat to the life he

enjoyed as chairman of the House Agriculture Committee, as

many would have done. Instead, he became Democratic whip and

started his climb up the leadership ladder.

I was appalled. I had gotten used to his position as

chairman, and I was on good terms with the staff. Suddenly,

all of these people were going to lose their jobs. We

couldn't take all of them with us to the whip office. The

budget was not that large. So I got used to it, and then he

moved up the ladder again and again.

It would have been the easy thing to stay as chairman of

the Agriculture Committee, and I should have known that this

extraordinary man was destined for extraordinary things. I'm

afraid I've kept you too long. Thank you so much for coming

to salute the life of a great man.

Thank you.

Reverend Conroy: Dear Lord, as we close our time together,

send Your Spirit of peace and consolation upon us, who mourn

the loss of the honorable former Speaker of the House, Tom

Foley.

He was a glowing example, an icon of what it means to be a

man for others. His decades of service to his home State of

Washington, and to our great Nation, will be long appreciated

by those whose lives are forever blessed by his life's work

and dedication.

May Your angels come to greet our beloved Tom, and may

those who mourn him here be consoled with the knowledge that

for those who love You, everything is turned to good.

Amen.

Madam Speaker, I have heard from many of my constituents over the last couple of weeks who are struggling mightily under the President's health care law.

Ed from Hamilton is one of them. He and his wife recently retired but aren't old enough yet for Medicare. Their health care plan is being canceled. It is being replaced with one that will cost $500 more per month. Now think about that: $500 more per month every month for their new health care plan.

Then there is Brian from West Chester, my hometown. He runs a small business, just like I used to. Brian has been told that his health care premiums are going to double. If that happens, Brian said to me he might have to close his doors. That means his workers are going to lose their plan and lose their job.

Now, these are just two stories from my district in Ohio, and there are millions more of them all around the country. Premiums are going up. People are losing their coverage, and small businesses are being terrified.

The President's health care law is hurting a lot of our constituents. If he is serious about helping them, he can start by making good on his promise and supporting the Keep Your Health Care Act.

I would encourage every Member to help keep that promise and vote for this important bill.

Mr. Speaker, our message in the House has been pretty clear. We want to reopen our government and provide fairness to all Americans under the President's health care law.

This law had a big rollout last week. It has been called an ``inexcusable mess,'' a ``rolling calamity,'' ``consumers will face dramatically higher rates,'' ``many remain locked out,'' ``surprise, premiums just went up,'' ``instead of making it easier for people to get health insurance, it will be a lot tougher.'' What a train wreck.

How can we tax people for not buying a product from a Web site that doesn't work? How can you give big businesses a tax break and leave hardworking families out in the cold?

This is why we need to sit down and have a conversation about the big challenges that face our country.

Mr. Speaker, my colleagues over the last 10 days have been through quite a bit. We sent four bills to the United States Senate to keep our government open and to protect the American people from the harmful effects of ObamaCare. Each of these requests was denied by the United States Senate.

After the fourth effort, we asked to go to conference and sit down and resolve our differences to keep the government open and to provide fairness to the American people under ObamaCare. The Senate Democrats once again said no.

The President had us all down to the White House last week, only to remind me that he was not going to negotiate over keeping the government open or over the looming need to increase the debt limit.

The President's refusal to negotiate is hurting our economy and putting our country at risk.

This morning, a senior White House official said that the President would rather default than to sit down and negotiate. Really? I am going to say this again: a senior White House staffer this morning said that the President would rather default on our debt than sit down and negotiate.

Now, the American people expect when their leaders have differences and we are in a time of crisis that we will sit down and at least have a conversation. Really, Mr. President, it is time to have that conversation before our economy is put further at risk.

Mr. Speaker, my colleagues, I have to say, I'm disappointed in the actions of the United States Senate this morning by rejecting the bill passed by the House last night.

The bill we passed in the House last night would have funded the government through December 15 and would have provided fairness to the American people under ObamaCare. No exemptions, no exceptions. Let's treat everyone the same.

And last night, they not only rejected that, but they also rejected our call to sit down and resolve our differences under the Constitution, which makes it clear that if the two Houses disagree, that we should sit down and discuss and try to resolve those matters. My goodness, they won't even sit down and have a discussion about this.

Our country has big problems. Today, our government has big problems. The only way these problems are going to be resolved is if we sit down amicably and keep the American people in mind and come to an agreement.

Mr. Speaker and my colleagues, as I travel around my district and travel around the country, the American people are worried about their jobs. They are worried about their incomes rising because they are all under pressure. The economy is not growing.

Why isn't it growing?

One of the issues that is standing in the way is ObamaCare--the fact that nobody knows what the rules are. Employers are scared to death to hire new employees and are cutting the hours of many of their current employees.

And for what reason?

This law is not ready for prime time.

The House has done its work. We passed a bill on Saturday night--and sent it to the United States Senate--that would delay ObamaCare for 1 year and would eliminate permanently the medical device tax that is costing us tens of thousands of jobs that are being shipped overseas.

The Senate decided not to work yesterday.

My goodness. If there is such an emergency, where are they?

It's time for the Senate to listen to the American people--just like the House has listened to the American people--and pass a 1-year delay of ObamaCare and a permanent repeal of the medical device tax.

Let me thank my colleague for yielding.

The American people don't want a shutdown, and neither do I. I didn't come here to shut down the government. I came here to fight for a smaller, less costly, and more accountable Federal Government. But here we find

ourselves in this moment dealing with a law that's causing unknown consequences and unknown damage to the American people and to our economy, and that issue is ObamaCare.

For those of you who don't recall, it was passed in the middle of the night, 2,300 pages that no one had ever read, and it's having all types of consequences for the American people, our constituents; having all kinds of consequences for employers. As a result, over the last couple of years, the President has given his friends in the labor unions some 1,100 waivers to this law.

This summer, the President decided, well, we're not going to enforce the employer mandate. Big employers around the country are all upset about having to make sure they provided health care for their employees, causing big problems. The result of all this is you've got employers all over the country who can't hire people and who are cutting the hours of their workers. It's having a devastating impact. Something has to be done. So my Republican colleagues and I thought we should defund the law for a year. We thought we should delay it for a year. Our friends over in the Senate don't seem to want to go down that path.

But I'm going to tell you what, this is an issue of fairness. How can we give waivers and breaks to all of the big union guys out there, how can we give a break to all of the big businesses out there, and yet stick our constituents with a bill that they don't want and a bill they can't afford? That's what this fight is all about.

I talked to the President earlier tonight: I'm not going to negotiate. I'm not going to negotiate. We're not going to do this. Well, I would say to the President, this is not about me and it's not about Republicans here in Congress. It's about fairness for the American people.

Why don't we make sure that every American is treated just like we are? But, no, under the law and some decision, there's this idea that we're going to get some exemption. No, we're not going to get an exemption.

So the bill before us is very simple. It funds the government, and it says let's treat our constituents fairly. No more mandate for the next year that you have to buy insurance that you can't afford. No more mandate that Members of Congress get some so-called ``exemption.'' Those are the only two issues here. All the Senate has to do is say ``yes'' and the government is funded tomorrow. Let's listen to our constituents, and let's treat them the way we would want to be treated.

Mr. Speaker, I rise today to congratulate and recognize the Ohio Judicial Conference on the celebration of their 50th anniversary.

For 50 years, the Ohio Judicial Conference has worked to maintain the coequal status of the judicial branch of government in relation to the legislative and executive branches while furthering its goal of informing the public about the judicial system. Furthermore, they have worked to provide leadership to those involved in the Ohio judicial system and uniformity in the application of law. The Ohio Judicial Conference holds values such as stewardship, service, and communication in high regard, and these values have enabled the success which the organization enjoys today.

On behalf of the United States Congress, I proudly recognize the Ohio Judicial Conference. They have put forth a great deal of effort into their cause and have been rewarded with much success. I look forward to seeing what the next 50 years will hold for this organization.

Mr. Speaker, I rise today to recognize America's victory at the Battle of Lake Erie during the War of 1812.

On September 10, 1813, Commodore Oliver Hazard Perry led the American Navy into battle against the British Navy. At the beginning of the battle, Perry hoisted his battle flag which read, ``Don't Give up the Ship.'' Commodore Perry along with 557 patriots succeeded with a significant victory which ensured America's control of Lake Erie for the remainder of the war.

200 years later, we are recognizing this battle near Put-In-Bay for securing the Northern Frontier. We gather at Lake Erie to celebrate Commodore Perry's victory, the impact this battle had in the War of 1812, and the long-lasting peace between nations.

We remember that freedom is never free and that many have made the ultimate sacrifice, so that we may enjoy the freedoms our forefathers envisioned. Their service and dedication to country breathes life into the fabric of our nation.

On behalf of the United States Congress, I proudly salute Commodore Perry, the American Navy, and the American people on the Battle of Lake Erie Bicentennial Celebration.

Let me thank my colleague from California--the chairman of the committee--and his whole committee for their hard work on this issue, and a special thanks to the chairman emeritus of the committee, my colleague from Florida (Ms. Ros-Lehtinen), on whose efforts we are building today.

I also want to thank the committee chairs and the members who have worked so hard to get this bill to the floor today.

Mr. Speaker, I rise in support of H.R. 850, the Nuclear Iran Prevention Act. This legislation recognizes a stark

truth, and that is that Iran is a global menace, and this bill empowers the President to act decisively to address it.

We know Iran is the world's most aggressive sponsor of terrorism, extending now into Syria, Libya, Lebanon, even into our hemisphere. We know that Iran is attempting to build an illicit nuclear weapons capability in willful defiance of both the U.N. Security Council and the IAEA, and we know the Supreme Leader and the Ayatollahs remain committed to the destruction of Israel, one of our dearest allies.

The United States, especially its Congress, has a duty to respond to Iran's actions, not to its rhetoric, so this bill seeks to reduce Iran's oil exports by an additional 1 million barrels a day, which would be a two-thirds reduction from its current levels. We are also looking to target human rights violators, to close loopholes on access to hard foreign currency, and we will give the President the authority to restrict significant commercial trade with Iran. These strong and targeted sanctions will ensure that the administration has both the political and the economic tools to deal with this regime.

Because the American people are not interested in allowing Iran another shot at running out the clock on negotiations while it marches toward developing a breakout of nuclear capability, I will cast my vote for this measure, and I would urge all of my House colleagues to join me.

Mr. Speaker, members, officers, and staff of the House, it was 15 years ago today that Officers Jacob J. Chestnut and John M. Gibson of the U.S. Capitol Police gave their lives in the line of duty, defending the Capitol against an armed gunman.

In the decade and a half since their sacrifice, the memory of their heroism has never dimmed. The sacrifices they and their families made will never be forgotten by this institution or by the people of the nation we serve.

At 3:40 p.m., the House will observe a moment of silence in memory of these officers. At that time, leaders of the House and the Senate will gather with their families for a wreath-laying ceremony at the Memorial Door.

We give thanks for all the brave men and women of the Capitol Police force who honor the legacy of Officers Chestnut and Gibson on a daily basis through their service and commitment to protecting our nation's greatest symbol of freedom and democracy.

Mr. Speaker, I was interested today to hear that the President was going to give a speech about the economy. After all, Republicans have a plan for growth and jobs. We've been focused on that plan, and we certainly welcome the President's ideas.

But the White House says not to expect any new proposals in this speech. The President himself said it isn't going to change any minds. All right, so exactly what will change? What's the point? What's it going to accomplish? I've probably got the answer: nothing. It's a hollow shell. It's an Easter egg with no candy in it.

If the President wants to help, he ought to approve the Keystone pipeline that has bipartisan support here in the House. He ought to work with the bipartisan majority to delay the health care bill to give the American people, their families, and individuals the same break he wants to give to big businesses. And he ought to stop threatening to shut down the government unless we raise taxes. Because Americans aren't asking, Where are the speeches? They're asking, Where are the jobs?