Floor Statements

Thank you, Mr. Levin.

Mr. Speaker, at this very moment, the whole world is watching in on the United States Congress.

It is a sad day for the United States Congress. We in America, the preeminent military, economic, and cultural leaders in the world, are governing like we're a Third World country. It is a sad time for this body that we cannot come together. Sad is the American public who looks in at this and recognizes that it's theater, except that it's become the theater of the absurd.

In a frail recovery where Americans are already overburdened, what we have in front of us is a manufactured ideological crisis. Eighteen times the debt ceiling was raised for Ronald Reagan, eight times for George Bush, because they would never stand in this body to see a default on the full faith and credit of the United States. As the world looks in and we default on a global economy and we march towards defaulting on a national economy, the most ruinous thing is that we are defaulting on household economies.

What this body should be focusing on is dealing with this deficit and focusing, as Mr. Becerra said, on the real default that's taking place in Congress: the lack of job creation, the need to put people back to work so that we can restore the dignity that only comes when people are able to sit across their dining table and look at one another and know that they have the dignity that comes from a job.

We need not go through this ideological hostage situation. Why are we holding the American people hostage? Let's put America back to work. We're a better Nation. We're a better body than that.

Thank you, Mr. Speaker.

I want to start first of all by talking about the tenor of debate in this Chamber. Historically, we've had great debates in this Chamber. I think that the Speaker of the House, John Boehner, is an honorable man who cares deeply about this institution, and I think on both sides of the aisle we have very intelligent people who care passionately about their beliefs. We have a Nation that's in the midst of the worst recession since the Great Depression. It prevails on us as Americans to come together and face the problems that our Nation is currently dealing with.

You heard Representative Chu mention it earlier. Ronald Reagan did so at that time with a Democratic Speaker, Tip O'Neill. He did so by appealing to both Chambers about the need to come together, facing the daunting reality of defaulting for the first time on the country's full faith and credit and the impact that that would have on the global economy, on the Nation's economy, but I daresay, more importantly, on one's household economy. From my perspective as a Member here and going back home and listening to our constituents, I think that's the most important thing, is their household economies that are hanging in the balance here.

Washington can oftentimes provide great theater and great back and forth, but we do not want this to become the theater of the absurd as our constituents look on in the pain and agony of being out of work and wondering whether or not their government is going to be there for them.

So I hope that we're able to pass a clean debt ceiling, as Ronald Reagan did 17 times, the same kind of thing that was afforded Bill Clinton and George W. Bush seven times most recently, so that we can get on with the concerns that we care deeply about: whether it's dealing with the national debt and dealing with the issues of spending and making cuts that will strategically grow the economy, or whether it's dealing with investing in the American people and making sure that revenues that come in do so to put America back to work, like the creation of an infrastructure bank funded

by the private and public sectors working together to create those much needed jobs, but essentially putting America back to work.

I recently received a letter from one of my constituents, and I think this sums up the feeling of America. I want to read her words because they tell the story of all too many Americans:

``I'm worried, afraid for myself and all in my situation, and saddened. If I still have not been hired to work in the next few weeks, I will lose the financial ability to live in a room or an apartment and will lose the parts of my life that literally had to be placed in storage, most notably my family photos of my deceased parents, of my children, due to the lack of income or savings to pay the rental fees. I have no one who will take me in or who can afford to do this.''

She went on to say, ``How can you not agree that this is comparable to a natural disaster when individual lives are at stake and left as if to be swallowed by an abyss of dark uncertainty?''

These are the people of our country who we are sworn to serve. This debate is important on the floor. The debt ceiling could be lifted tomorrow, but the pain and agony of the American people are stated more eloquently by the people who are actually suffering, and when she says ``to be swallowed up by an abyss of dark uncertainty,'' that is a moral obligation for us. Rather than talking about staying here over the weekend to make sure we deal with the debt ceiling and all the machinations that are going on between the two Chambers, let's stay here till we put America back to work. That's what we should be doing: out-innovating, out-building and out-educating the rest of the world.

Madam Speaker, I rise to associate myself with the remarks of the distinguished gentleman from Maryland (Mr. Van Hollen).

Let me say that in his opening comments I think he has laid it out pretty well. Cut, cap and balance--one has to resist on our side the notion that this is cut, cap, and get rid of Medicare.

The public has had it with this theater of the absurd that's going on. They want Congress to come together, as our President has suggested, and do the most important thing that we can--create jobs for the American people.

At Augie & Ray's in my hometown, people ask me, what's going on? Seems like a light beer commercial where there is this endless quibbling back and forth, with people on both sides of the aisle who care deeply about their country but seem to do little about putting the Nation back to work.

We face a crisis with a debt ceiling, a debt ceiling that 17 times under Ronald Reagan was lifted without any bill being held hostage, and clearly not programs like Medicare and Social Security. This is a time for us to come together and reason in a rational process. There are no immediate tax impositions placed by the President--all of you who have been in negotiations understand and know that. In fact, this Congress, when we were in the majority, passed the largest tax cut for the middle class.

I continue to believe that the people in my home town have it right, that the issue is about jobs. We cannot take this Nation up to the precipice, up to the cliff again and risk endangerment of default. As Ronald Reagan said, this would be a catastrophe for this country to allow this to take place. We need to stay at the table and continue to negotiate around the idea of jobs, taking a look at those things strategically that can be cut that create jobs, and those revenues that can be enhanced to create jobs to put the American people back to work. That's what the American people want to see, the Congress that can come together.

I stand by our President and by this great chairman in making sure that we don't go through this theater of the absurd. You know that this is not a true balanced budget amendment. You know that in your heart. You have talented and good people on your side, as do we. Let's be about putting America back to work and create jobs. Let's not talk about defaulting on the Nation. We're defaulting on the American people. Let's talk about putting them back to work. That's what we need to do in this Nation.

Mr. Speaker, by direction of the Democratic Caucus, I offer a privileged resolution and ask for its immediate consideration.

Mr. Speaker, by direction of the Democratic Caucus, I offer a privileged resolution and ask for its immediate consideration.

Mr. Speaker, on June 16, 2011, I was not present for rollcall votes 437 through 459 due to an unavoidable family matter. If I had been present for these votes, I would have voted: ``aye'' on rollcall vote 437; ``nay'' on rollcall vote 438; ``aye'' on rollcall vote 439; ``aye'' on rollcall vote 440; ``aye'' on rollcall vote 441; ``aye'' on rollcall vote 442; ``nay'' on rollcall vote 443; ``nay'' on rollcall vote 444; ``nay'' on rollcall vote 445; ``nay'' on rollcall vote 446; ``aye'' on rollcall vote 447; ``nay'' on rollcall vote 448; ``aye'' on rollcall vote 449; ``aye'' on rollcall vote 450; ``aye'' on rollcall vote 451; ``nay'' on rollcall vote 452; ``nay'' on rollcall vote 453; ``aye'' on rollcall vote 454; ``aye'' on rollcall vote 455; ``aye'' on rollcall vote 456; ``nay'' on rollcall vote 457; ``aye'' on rollcall vote 458; and ``nay'' on rollcall vote 459.

Mr. Chair, I rise today in support of fully funding the CFTC.

According to Gene Guilford, Executive Director of the Independent Connecticut Petroleum Association, and former Reagan Energy Department Presidential appointee, gas prices should be $2.50. He goes on to say that 15 to 20 percent of the price of a barrel of oil is due to pure speculation.

Even big oil executives agree, Exxon Mobil CEO and President Rex Tillerson recently testified that the price of a barrel of oil without speculation should be between $60 and $70. According to an April 2011 analysis by Goldman Sachs, unregulated speculation adds over $20 per barrel to the price of oil.

In my home state of Connecticut, 4 million gallons of gas are sold a day. That means every day my constituents are spending an extra $6 million for speculation. In this fragile

economic time, I can think of many other important things Connecticut families can spend $6 million to buy instead of paying to support the greed of over speculations. With consistently some of the highest gas prices in the nation, Connecticut deserves better.

One of the ways to reduce the price of gas is to end excessive speculation. The CFTC has a job to protect American consumers and through the Wall Street Reform legislation passed last Congress, they were tasked with implementing rules the market has to follow including ending excessive speculation and setting position limits.

To carry these regulatory protections out, the CFTC needs funding. Republicans have not only written language to delay implementation of these protections, but now in the FY12 Appropriations bill they put forth legislation to cut the budget by 15 percent, 44 percent under the President's request. This is unconscionable, especially when CFTC is doing a good job.

Less than a month ago, the CFTC charged 5 oil speculators with manipulating the price of crude during the record high gas prices in the summer of 2008. The Republican funding cut to the CFTC sends a strong message to the industry to continue the status quo. Not only will the cut prevent the agency from hiring the technical experts needed to implement new regulations, but will also reduce the overall size from 670 employees to under 600 employees.

When President Bush left office, the CFTC oversaw a $40 trillion market. Today, the CFTC is tasked with overseeing a $300 trillion market. This is a 650 percent increase in the CFTC's responsibility, but at the same time their budget has only increased by 15 percent. It is irresponsible to take away funding leaving the agency stretched far too thin and inadequately prepared to deal with our ever more intricate market. Wall Street spent $34 million last quarter lobbying Congress in order to prevent implementation of new regulations, and it looks like their efforts have paid off.

The health of our economy is no game. I am outraged by the actions of my colleagues. I support my amendment to fully fund the CFTC and reject this appropriations bill.

Mr. Speaker, it is with a heartfelt sense of patriotism that I rise to celebrate the 150th anniversary of Flag Day, as well as the 375th anniversary of Hartford, Connecticut.

The concept of ``Flag Day'' actually originated in Hartford. Just before the outbreak of the Civil War in 1861, Hartford resident George Morris imagined Flag Day as an opportunity to promote the idea of a strong union in the face of a looming conflict. Later that year the Hartford Daily Courant newspaper endorsed Morris' idea, and in 1862 the General Assembly in Hartford made Connecticut the first State to recognize June 14th as Flag Day.

The great city of Hartford was founded 375 years ago by Reverend Thomas Hooker and has played an instrumental role in our Nation's history throughout the years. Whether it was laying the foundation for the United States Constitution or being the home to distinguished citizens such as Mark Twain, Harriet Beecher Stowe, and Sam Colt, Hartford's history has forever been interwoven with that of our great country.

Given that the City of Hartford has played such a historic role in shaping the United

States, it is no surprise that the idea of Flag Day originated there.

Mr. Speaker, June 14th of the year two- thousand and eleven will mark the two-hundredth birthday of author and impassioned abolitionist Harriet Beecher Stowe.

Stowe, a teacher hailing from Litchfield, Connecticut, became a central figure during the fight to end slavery in America after writing her seminal work, Uncle Tom's Cabin, which was completed in 1852.

The book's heart wrenching depiction of life for African-Americans held in bondage captivated a nation and inspired the public will to end the reprehensible institution of slavery. This treasure of American literature based on factual events helped change the course of our Nation's history by exposing the horror of slavery to the larger population and became a corner-stone of the abolitionist movement and a ``clarion call'' for freedom.

Today, the legacy of Harriet Beecher Stowe is carried on by the Harriet Beecher Stowe Center in Hartford, Connecticut. There, the Stowe Center carries on her passion and uses her story to inspire future generations to pick up the torch of social justice and carry forth the movement towards equal opportunity and justice for all.

I want to acknowledge and congratulate the wonderful staff from the Harriet Beecher

Stowe Center for their tireless work to continue to inspire the public will to eliminate racial disparities in America and the world. Happy 200th Birthday Mrs. Stowe.

Mr. Speaker, by direction of the Democratic Caucus, I offer a privileged resolution and ask for its immediate consideration.

Mr. Speaker, the passing of Clem Roy--an old friend of mine--happened so abruptly, and struck at the core of the notion we all have of our brief time on this planet, and the importance of friends and family, and what we mean to one another.

Faith teaches us that Clem is in a better place: at peace and without suffering, while we scramble to fill the void left by his passing with stories and memories of the friend we laughed with, argued and debated with, and with whom we shared in the ups and downs of the human comedy that is life.

Two Connecticut writers--both contemporaries of Clem's--Kevin Rennie of The Hartford Courant, and Mark Pazniokas of the CT Mirror, wrote excellent pieces about Clem that I am proud to submit for the Congressional Record at the same time that a flag will fly over the United States Capitol in Clem Roy's memory. These writers captured his essence.

The following are the articles as they appeared in The Hartford Courant and CT Mirror:

Lobbyist Clem Roy: A Sharp Operator With a Lot of Heart

(By Kevin Rennie--The Hartford Courant)

``You can read a bill and you can vote for a bill, but you

shouldn't do both.'' So goes the wisdom of an original in

Connecticut politics, Clem Roy.

A lobbyist for more than 30 years, Clem has been struck by

an aggressive brain tumor diagnosed a few weeks ago. In those

decades bivouacking in the Capitol village, he has fashioned

a distinct, colorful legacy in the gray world of state

politics.

You could tell the future by watching Clem. He was what

consumer analysts call an early adopter. The first cellphones

were bigger than bricks. Clem made his look like a natural

accoutrement to his careful look. Hard frame briefcases were

at the end of their run when Clem began carrying a Coach

leather backpack. He was right that keys and a thick wallet

wreck the drape of an elegant suit.

You could live by his compendium of aphorisms, which his

legion of friends have been sharing as they buck up each

other's flagging spirits. That is usually Clem's job.

Born in 1946 and raised in Bristol, Clem served in Vietnam

from 1966 into 1967. Really served, not just told people he

did on the way to a seat in the U.S. Senate. (Don't get him

started on that.) He returned to the United States and worked

for Robert Kennedy's 1968 presidential campaign.

He worked for a legislative committee in the late 1970s and

then, without a client, became a lobbyist. His foresight

expanded beyond technology and fashion. In 1981, he managed

Thurman Milner's successful campaign for mayor of Hartford,

helping Milner become the first black mayor of a New England

city.

For more than 30 years, Clem has been a source of pungent

opinions, smart insights and surprises. He represented

tobacco companies at a time when the same people who gasped

at the lighting of a cigarette supported making taxpayers

give drug addicts free needles. He brought a sense of

proportion to human weakness in its struggle against tiresome

Utopians.

He has had many clients and he can argue most briefs. He

knows how to create a diversion that unbalances an adversary

on one issue while working with them on a different one. In a

place where a governor's repetitive green ties pass for

fashion, Clem Roy does it all with high style, often

purchased from swank Louis, Boston.

Lobbying has been good to Clem. He can employ a gruff

demeanor and a memory for slights (not the worst thing), but

he has a secret. Shouldn't everyone? He is a secret

Samaritan.

When a friend was celebrating a milestone and her newly

married daughter could not afford to fly to Connecticut from

California, Clem bought her a ticket so she could surprise

her mother. The halls of government and Hartford Hospital,

where he now is, reverberate with such stories.

Clem believes mixing in mannered company can help lift

one's lot. A few years ago, he sent the residents of a

women's shelter to a salon, told them to get dolled up and

had them to delivered to his favorite haunt, Max Downtown.

There, compliments of Clem, they learned about what was once

called deportment while the staff raised their spirits and

enriched their knowledge of another part of the world.

A successful lobbyist needs a vigilant eye for detail and

relentless focus. Clem possesses those attributes and his

perceptions extend beyond the matter of the moment. He had an

urge to lift in ways that would escape others. An advancing

brain tumor did not keep him from doing one more good work.

A friend visited him in the hospital last week and thought

Clem might be fading in and out of lucidity when he started

going on about the women not having stools to sit on. Stools

were his final mission in the service of good works in

unexpected places.

It bothered him that the cashiers in the cafeteria at the

Legislative Office Building had to stand all day at their

registers. He wanted them to have stools. It's only fair. In

his personal distress, he would not let it go. On Friday,

stools were delivered to the LOB. He is, according to his

closest friend, at peace.

Clem Roy, Lobbyist and Bon Vivant, Dies at 65

(By Mark Pazniokas--The Connecticut Mirror)

Clem Roy, one of most delightfully idiosyncratic characters

ever to grace the halls of the state Capitol, died today at

Hartford Hospital, just weeks after being diagnosed with a

brain tumor.

Roy, 65, was a successful lobbyist with a largely business

clientele, but a much, much broader portfolio of interests

and causes.

He managed the 1981 mayoral campaign of Thurman Milner, the

first black mayor of Hartford. He was deeply interested in

the arts. He gambled, golfed and enjoyed cigars. Women tended

to find him charming, and not only the three he married.

The staff on the second floor of the Conklin Building at

Hartford Hospital had to wonder just whom they had as their

guest for the past few weeks. The stream of visitors included

legislators, a former governor and a prominent restaurant

owner.

The latter brought Roy's favorite steak, along with a

favorite waitress to serve it. As was his habit at the

restaurant, Roy was gracious to the wait staff, then crabbed

at the owner about how the meal was prepared. The owner was

delighted.

Roy grew up in Bristol. He served in Vietnam with the U.S.

Army, then got involved in politics, volunteering for Bobby

Kennedy's campaign in 1968. He was a committee clerk at the

Capitol more than 30 years ago, then became a lobbyist in an

era where the ethical and cultural norms were a tad more

relaxed.

His first lobbying client was a bank sent his way by the

chairman of the banks committee.

In later years, his business partner was Craig LeRoy, a

buttoned-down yin to Roy's yang. LeRoy is married with three

children, who saw their father's partner as an impossibly

colorful uncle. Roy and LeRoy each seemed to live a little

vicariously through the other.

Conversations with Roy were wild rambles. Topics might

include his system at slots, his vote for Barack Obama in

2008, or his resolve not to vote for him in 2012 over Obama's

absence from Arlington National Cemetery one Memorial Day.

Unforgivable in Roy's view.

He took no offense, however, when it once was noted in a

news story that Roy's clients included Big Tobacco and the

funeral industry. He repeated the line often.

Roy insisted he didn't talk to reporters. He did lobbying,

not PR. He reminded me of that every time we talked.

Mr. Chair, on Wednesday, May 25, 2011, my vote on rollcall vote No. 343 was incorrectly recorded as ``aye'', when I intended to vote ``no.''

Amendment No. 12 Offered by Mr. Hunter

Mr. Speaker, I submit the following:

Everett Corey, Directing Business Representative for the International Association of Machinists in Connecticut, Remarks From Monday, May 9,

2011

What a day! What a victory for Pratt & Whitney right here

in Connecticut! What a victory for American jobs and American

workers!

Thank you for giving me the opportunity to be part of such

a distinguished--and genuinely remarkable--group here today,

people who have changed the world through skill,

intelligence, dedication and perseverance despite the odds.

I'm referring, of course, to the employees of Pratt &

Whitney--who are, without a doubt--the greatest jet engine

makers in the world. And the best of the best are right here,

in the State of Connecticut. Thank you for all you do.

President Chenevert, President Hess--I want to thank you

for inviting the Machinists Union to participate in this

program. Congratulations to you both on these great

victories.

Members of the Connecticut Congressional delegation--we

know how hard you have worked to reach this result. We know

that you understand, it's all about jobs. You have worked

tirelessly on behalf of the people of Connecticut, and the

workers of Pratt & Whitney, and it's great to see all that

effort end up with two big wins--the Air Force tanker, and

sole sourcing on the F-35.

Congressman Norm Dicks--Thousands of workers here and in

Washington State, including thousands of Machinists Union

members, will have work for years ahead, thanks to your

efforts. On behalf of the International Association of

Machinists--thank you, Congressman Dicks.

Governor Malloy--what a great relief to have a Governor of

Connecticut who is so engaged, so smart, so tough and

determined. We know, that like us, your first thought in the

morning and your last thought at night is about jobs for

Connecticut. Well, here you go--how about 25 years worth of

work going forward? A great moment for state.

I thanked the entire Congressional delegation, because they

deserve it. But I have to extend a special, heartfelt thanks

to Congressman John Larson--who more than anyone, took on the

fight for both these contracts, worked countless hours,

pushed relentlessly--and brought home two enormous,

unbelievable wins. Congressman Larson--you truly are the man

who ``keeps the eagle flying.'' We thank you, we salute you--

Connecticut owes you a debt that words cannot express.

The other person who deserves special thanks, but who could

not be here today is Jim Parent, Assistant Directing Business

Representative of District 26 and chief negotiator for UTC

issues. Both management and labor here at Pratt, and people

across the state and around the country, have benefited from

the work of Brother Parent, on this and countless other

issues. This day is his, and we thank him. Jim will be

retiring in January, and we wish him well.

Let me end with two brief comments. First, to David Hess

and Louis Chenevert. We were proud to work with you in the

fight to get these contracts--and will continue to work with

you whenever and wherever we can jointly fight for work that

keeps jobs and grows jobs in Connecticut. We even have a

coalition called GrowJobsCT--we invite you to join, and we'll

waive the initiation fee.

Finally--Pratt & Whitney employees, hourly and salary,

sister and brother Machinists Union members--stand proud

today, and every day. It's your skills, your hard work, your

dedication--that keep this company thriving, and most

important, help defend our great country.

More than anybody--this victory belongs to you--and was

earned by decades of hard work. We salute you.

Congratulations!

Mr. Speaker, on Tuesday, May 3, 2011, I missed rollcall vote 283. Had I been present, I would have voted ``yes'' or ``aye.''

I want to thank Chairman Van Hollen and I want to thank Mr. Ryan for the conduct of this debate that's taking place. They are two exemplary examples of how debate and discussion should move forward and emanate here in the House of Representatives.

Harry Truman said, ``Every segment of our population, and every individual, has a right to expect from his government a fair deal.'' I rise in strong support of the fair deal that's being proposed by the Democratic side in this debate. I rise because it helps us out with jobs and the economy, and recognizes that we must deal with the deficit, but deal with it in a manner that makes sense.

In my hometown we go to a place called Augie & Ray's. In Augie & Ray's, they want to know, whose side are you on in this? When you take Medicare and end the program as we know it, and shift the burden of the deficit at a time when we need shared sacrifice to the elderly, it is just flatly unfair. The social contract that the governed, that the people have with their government is about shared sacrifice, but it's also about the guarantee.

This is not about charts and statistics and flow charts; it's about people at the end of the day who are impacted by the decisions that we make; not by some economist's theory, but about a guarantee from their government, a guarantee that if they pay in, at the end of the day they are going to receive the benefits they have worked so hard for all of their lives.

That guarantee shouldn't be two-tiered. That guarantee shouldn't cut off benefits immediately to some and postpone it for others. That's a guarantee we should be working to fix, not to end. That is the fundamental difference in what's going on here today.

My distinguished colleague, the leader, Mr. Clyburn, said let's recognize what's going on here, the extreme differences that have existed in this party since Roosevelt became President. An end of Social Security, an end of Medicare, an end to Medicaid, that has been the goal of the other side.

I stand in strong support of the Democratic alternative.