Mr. Speaker, I am going to be starting this hour on behalf of my colleagues from the GOP Doctors Caucus. Congressmen and Drs. Murphy and Gingrey are our two cochairmen. We make up a group of 10 M.D.s and 4 other professional health care…
Mr. Speaker, I am going to be starting this hour on behalf of my colleagues from the GOP Doctors Caucus. Congressmen and Drs. Murphy and Gingrey are our two cochairmen. We make up a group of 10 M.D.s and 4 other professional health care workers, including a dentist, a psychologist, an optometrist. We have been meeting on a very regular basis throughout this debate. Perhaps this weekend we will have a culmination of quite a debate. And what a debate it has been all year.
As I tell folks often, I ran in my election in 2008, my first election, on health care reform. I am a physician, a family physician of 30 years. I have enjoyed the practice of medicine. I still practice medicine when I go back to my district. And for this 30-year period I have learned a lot about the economics of health care, things that are so important. I have been through all phases. In the early days of Medicare, when we didn't have a lot of the restrictions and restraints that we have today; during the HMO days, where we had capitated care and the so-called gatekeeper; during the days when the CLIA laws came out that more or less outlawed laboratories for doctors' offices; of course the SGR days, sustained growth rate that we have been dealing with for the last 10 years. I have seen it all, and so have my colleagues. In fact, among us we have over 400 years of clinical experience. I would include our two physicians from the Senate in that group.
What I want to talk about this evening is a little bit of background, and also we will kind of get into where we are with the latest situation. One of the observations that I made early in my practice was that oftentimes economics actually controlled the decision-making more than the actual health care itself.
I will give you a good example. I had a patient who required monthly blood tests to check his clotting factor because he was on anticlotting drugs because of chronic deep venous thrombosis. And I could not for the life of me get him to get those blood tests on a regular basis, not because he was afraid of needles, but simply he didn't want to pay the price. However, once we were brought under an HMO, health maintenance organization, and all of a sudden he didn't have nearly the out-of- pocket expenses that he would have had, not only did he want to have the blood tests, but he wanted to have many other tests as well, things far beyond anything that I could conceive would be a benefit to him. So for him it was a value issue. Since he wasn't paying and somebody else was paying, well, let's utilize as much as we can so I get my money's worth for what I am getting.
One of the things I like to tell people when I speak to groups is think of health care consumption like a credit card. If I were to give you a credit card that has a limit of $10,000 on it and I said to you, buy whatever you need, but nothing that you just want. I often ask the crowd, ``What would you buy?'' And of course people come back with, well, I would buy probably a new shotgun to go hunting, or camo, or perhaps some physical fitness equipment, or a treadmill, something of that nature. Things that maybe I am not willing to pay out of pocket for, but if it's your money, then I'm willing to pay it.
This, Mr. Speaker, is really the core of the problem when it comes to cost. There are two areas of our economy in which cost has gone up more rapidly than inflation. One is education and the other is health care. And it just happens that those are the two areas in which a third party, in the case of education it is the government who pays for that, and in the case of health care it is both government and private insurance that pays the main balance of the bills.
So from that I have observed that if ever we are going to deal with increasing coverage, which is really what this is all about, how do we increase coverage, in order to do that we are going to have to find a way to lower the cost. I have agreement among all of my colleagues on the Republican side to just that. In order to have more coverage, we have got to lower the cost. And we have to do it fundamentally.
This bill that is before us that we may vote on within the next 3 days, it has a lot of things in it. It has 3,000 pages, it has over a hundred mandates and boards. It has three specific boards of unelected bureaucrats who make decisions about what doctors are going to be paid, what is going to be in your insurance policy, many things about your life that you would otherwise have control of. But the one thing it does not do, Mr. Speaker, is it does not address cost.
And so I can say to you that fundamentally if we are going to at some point in time address cost in health care, there is one of two ways: either we look at it on the doctor-patient level, where the doctor and the patient, who make the majority of decisions that impact cost, we either give them incentives and we also give them some responsibility, some accountability for cost, in which case if that cost is lowered as a result of accountability for them, then it lowers it for the entire system. That has been proven to work time after time.
For instance, as soon as health care insurance began to cover more and more out-of-pocket expenses, we began to see over the years the cost of insurance going up far faster than the inflation rate. In recent years, we have come up with a tool to counteract that,
and that is health savings accounts. I instituted that with my small businesses, which are apart from my medical practice, approximately 6 years ago. And it was considered to be sort of revolutionary. And there was a little angst among employees, what is this going to be like? Because our deductible is going to go up. But I committed to them that the incremental increase in what the policy costs would be, I am going to put it in their tax-free account which they can use for any health care purchase they like.
Despite their reticence at first, they quickly came on because what they found is that now instead of being free utilizers of health care and running costs up because it's a use-it-or-lose-it proposition, now they have money in the bank; and if they make good, wise, savvy consumer decisions, they can choose generic drugs instead of brand name and save hundreds of dollars. They can shop around costs for certain procedures, certain doctors. It works very effectively. In fact, I would love to see that in health care reform at some point. It is not contained in this bill.
We could even do that for Medicare and for Medicaid, put money in the bank on their behalf. Not out of pocket, mind you, but it is the insurance money or the Medicare money that goes in there to be spent on their behalf. Because if they are saving money for themselves, they are saving it for the system at large.
What we are going to see here with this bill if it comes to law is just the opposite. Nothing to commit the doctor and the patient into controlling cost. In fact, in many ways it lowers the out-of-pocket expenses to a point where the patient behavior, the consumer behavior is unaffected by cost. And yet the consumer and the doctor are making those choices.
Now, there will be, of course, layers and layers and layers of bureaucrats who will be controlling from Washington how things are paid. No question about it. And they will be attempting to control people's lives, what they eat, how they eat, what they weigh, whether they smoke or whatever. But unfortunately, there is no way that Washington, D.C. can micromanage human behavior. Attempts will be made with this bill, there is no question about it, but it will not work.
So then there will have to be plan B. How will we save money? And what we found in every case, whether it is Tennessee, which attempted this some years ago, Massachusetts, which has attempted this much more recently, Canada, the United Kingdom, most Western European countries, Australia, every one of them, this is what has happened. The plan works nicely at first. People get less out-of-pocket cost. They can go to the doctor they want. Everything works beautifully. But then all of a sudden the costs begin to explode and they go far beyond anything that has been predicted or budgeted.
And then what happens? Somewhere costs have to be controlled. And how do they do that? They do that through rationing and long lines. Every single case. Just the other day TennCare cut its Medicaid visits from unlimited down to eight visits a year. That is exactly the way it happens every time. Massachusetts, they are way over what their budget is. And as a result of that, they have come to a point now where they are actually reaching out to the Federal Government to control that.
So just to kind of conclude this discussion about cost itself, either you start with lowering costs by using commonsense methodologies of the free market, with transparency and with turning the patient into a savvy consumer who has all the choices before him or her and can make the best choices for quality and for cost, therefore improving the quality and lowering the cost, or you can go to a top-down, government- run, government takeover system in which a Federal bureaucrat will be walking with you every step of the way.
I have been joined here tonight by one of my colleagues, again as I alluded to a little earlier, Congressman Dr. Phil Gingrey from Georgia, a cochair of the GOP Doctors Caucus. In fact, it was his leadership that led us here tonight for one of many doctor caucus discussions and debates. He ran a little bit late because he had a tele-town hall back to his district. But he has now joined us.
So I am going to yield to the gentleman, the obstetrician of many years from Georgia.
I thank the gentleman. Great comments.
And my experience, Dr. Gingrey, is the same as yours. The teletown halls that I have done on this subject in the last 6 months started out that 85 percent of my constituents were against this. Now it's up to 92 percent. Unbelievable.
Let me just touch again on economics, and then I'm going to pitch this back. We have been joined by Congressman Broun also from Georgia.
But first let me mention, let us talk about Medicare just for a moment.
We hear the other side of the aisle continuing to complain that you're seeing this catastrophic increase in insurance rates, private insurance, and it has been going on for years. And, yes, it has been. It has been faster than inflation. No question about it. But if you look within that, what you find is that because Medicare pays well below break-even for a physician or a hospital and Medicaid pays even half of that, that you have tremendous cost shifting. So you have to raise something; something is going to have to go up to offset the costs that are not being paid.
So, Mr. Speaker, in light of all of that, what we have in this bill is we're going to have a dramatic increase in Medicare and especially in Medicaid which is going to make those rates go up, that is, private insurance, even faster.
But let's look for a moment at what are the economics of Medicare in this bill.
This bill, at least the version we think we are talking about this evening, because we have not even seen the final draft of it and yet we are soon to vote on it, where does it raise revenue? It raises revenue first by taking a half trillion dollars out of Medicare. Speaker Pelosi today said--the way she was asked, How do you do that? And her answer was very simple: You get rid of fraud, waste, and abuse. We've had this program for 40 years and nobody has been able to figure out how to get any dollars out of fraud, waste, and abuse, much less a half a trillion dollars. So I don't believe that is going to happen.
Number two, the $500 billion that we're talking about is earmarked to extend the life of Medicare which is going to run out of money in 2017. That is really 7 years from now. But it's also going to be used to help subsidize private insurance.
The CBO wrote a letter last week saying, You're counting the same half trillion dollars twice, and to get it, you've got to take it out of something you can't take it out of. So really we're tripling down on the same money, which gives us an error of $1 trillion.
So the economics, Mr. Speaker, of this are crazy. They're smoke and mirrors. They don't add up, and there are many other parts of this that we can get into as we go forward. But that is the fundamental problem, as I talked before. Utilization is going to skyrocket, which is not even measured for by the CBO. And then you've got the same dollars counted not once, not twice, but three times.
So with that, I would like to welcome Dr. Broun, also a physician, a fellow family physician from the great State of Georgia, and I yield to the gentleman
I thank the gentleman. I thank both gentlemen from Georgia for your comments and, again, your many years of experience as physicians.
I would like to change the topic slightly, and that is to talk about process for a moment. Now, what I would really describe, this situation is one in which, as this debate continued, Mr. Speaker, as this debate continued through the year, it began to lose momentum almost immediately. We began to see the polls. At first, it was 50/50. Half America wanted this health care reform but didn't know much about it, the other half really didn't want it.
As this debate has gone on and on and on and the news gets out, the acceptance of this has dropped. In fact,
today it is at its lowest point that it's been. I think we are up to now 55 percent of Americans are against it and down in the 30s are actually for it. In fact, a CNN poll--and I'm sure that CNN wouldn't be considered as an extreme right-wing media outlet--shows that--they asked a question a little different way. What should we do with this bill? Seventy-five percent of Americans said either scrap it altogether and forget about it or start over again. And that's exactly where we are. We would like to start over again and pass commonsense reforms without the government takeover of health care.
Well, anyway, as this thing has been losing steam, it has caused more and more difficulty for the other side of the aisle to get things passed, vote after vote. And we saw that there was such a reaction across the country that our good friend, Scott Brown, was elected to, believe it or not, Senator Kennedy's seat, something that no one could have imagined this time a year ago. And while he is an excellent candidate, something else had to be in play there, and we know what it is, and that is health care. Also, through the process to get it through the Senate, even with the 60 votes that already were there, it took special deals. I will just name them real quickly.
The Louisiana purchase; $300 million to go to my State of Louisiana, which would seem ostensibly to be a good thing, but by signing this bill, the President would actually cause costs that would be far greater than the $300 million that we would receive. So the net result is money lost, not money gained.
The Nebraska kickback, which everyone has hated. And, in fact, what it is going to do is probably it will pass in this reconciliation, if it is passed, will actually extend the same benefit to all States which is going to drive up taxes and cost.
A $10 million earmark for a Connecticut hospital for Chris Dodd, our Senator, and certainly Gator aid, where every State will lose its Medicare Advantage except for the State of Florida.
But if that wasn't enough, Mr. Speaker, now that we're in the House, we've got another situation. We're talking about reconciliation; that is, instead of sending it to the Senate in the final form and have it passed and get past the cloture rules over there, they want to slide it in under reconciliation, a mere 51 votes. But all of that being as bad as it is, now we're talking about the Slaughter solution.
And I will pitch back to my friend, Dr. Broun, for his comments.
Those are all great. I appreciate your adding some of the things I left out. This list is getting so long of all the special deals. And the way that the Democrats are attempting to bypass the Constitution is just really unbelievable, and it's making Americans awfully mad. The emails I'm getting are really showing me either people are extremely mad or extremely terrified.
Now I would like to turn to the other gentleman from Georgia, Dr. Gingrey, and see, do you have other comments about the process?
And by the way, I must say that the President, Nancy Pelosi, and even Harry Reid say the process doesn't count, that the American people don't care about the process, only the finished product. Well, that tells me that the ends justify the means, and I just don't agree with that.
What say you, sir?
Reclaiming my time. And then one other deal that just slipped in on the House side is the North Dakota deal. There are carve- outs there.
So the sweet deals have not stopped even though the Senate bill is complete. I understand that there have been in fact ambassadorships, like an ambassadorship to NATO has been offered for a ``yes'' vote. We have Members of Congress being carted around in Air Force One and certainly asked out to dinner and all sorts of things like that.
Look, this is one-sixth of the economy. This is the future of our Nation for a century. Are we so lack of character that we are willing to sell our souls for just about nothing? I yield to the gentleman from Georgia.
Reclaiming my time. I am sure that my other colleague from Georgia has a few choice comments as well.
Reclaiming my time. In the last few moments that we have in our discussion, which I think has been a great discussion, and once again I thank the gentlemen for joining me this evening.
You know, we are in the final hours of this, it would appear. And we don't know if it is going to pass or not. I suspect that if the votes were there, we would be voting on it today. So I do think that the American people still have an opportunity to reach out to those who have not committed, and even those who have.
You know, we don't have even one single Republican that has voted for any of this except for one, and even he is not going to vote for it this time.
So this is not a bipartisan bill except to the extent of its opposition. We have the Republicans, we have a good group of Democrats, and also particularly pro-life Democrats, and the American people. But, unfortunately, we have a big enough group, a large enough group, if you will, of Democrats who feel through their arrogance they can still trump the American people and those others.
And, you know, when you are talking about monumental legislation, Mr. Speaker, we are not talking about a small little bill that maybe it is a financial bill and maybe there are some little deals that have to be made in the back so that we can pull a couple more votes. We are talking about a fundamental bill, perhaps the most important that has been voted on in more than 40 years that affects every American in the most intimate way. Yet we are in the situation with this where we are still up to sleazy deals. Anyway we can get it done, even if you hate the bill, get it done. We can fix it later. That is the craziest thing I have ever heard of.
And I would be happy to yield to the gentleman, Dr. Broun.
And if you would yield back for one moment. This will be the biggest increase in abortions since Roe v. Wade. And I yield back.
We have got only 1 or 2 minutes remaining, and I am going to turn the remainder of this over to Dr. Gingrey.
I thank you gentlemen for joining me this evening. I thank our audience. This has been again another productive discussion about health care. I ask that everyone going forward in the next 3 days pray for us. And I yield to the gentleman.