Madam Speaker, it is an honor to come before the House once again. As you know, the 30-something Working Group works very hard in making sure that we bring issues that are not only facing the American people on the positive and negative…
Madam Speaker, it is an honor to come before the House once again. As you know, the 30-something Working Group works very hard in making sure that we bring issues that are not only facing the American people on the positive and negative end, but we make sure we encourage the Members of the House to do the right thing.
I must say, Madam Speaker, that Mr. Delahunt had a birthday the last time we were on the floor, a little over a month ago, and I just had a birthday. I am going to be a part of the something side of the 30- something group, and I am excited about that. Ms. Wasserman Schultz will be joining the something side pretty soon, and Mr. Ryan will be the true blue 30.
Let me just say that a lot has happened, Mr. Delahunt, and I am glad that the Democratic leader, Ms. Pelosi, allowed us to have this hour tonight, and also working with Mr. Hoyer, our Democratic whip, and Mr. James Clyburn, our chairman, and Mr. John Larson, the vice chair of our caucus, to come to the floor not only on behalf of Democrats but also on behalf
of the American people. I think it is very, very important in this time, the day after 9/11, 5 years later.
Mr. Delahunt, I had the opportunity to go over to New York City. I flew in on the 10th to be there on 9/11. Of course, I wasn't there 5 years ago, but I wanted to be there on the fifth anniversary, and I can tell you that going there and seeing the ceremony, having an opportunity to see the reflection pool where those families were placing their flowers and notes and what have you there, and seeing, as I was going through Manhattan, that at, I believe, 8:46 and a little after 9 a.m. the firefighters standing in front of their fire stations at attention at the time that tower one and tower two went down, and just talking to some of the New Yorkers that were there at that time, great Americans that were there 5 years ago, and listening to their reflecting on what they were doing at the time the towers went down, it takes me back to when it actually took place, Madam Speaker.
At that time, Madam Speaker, this country was in a position to lead the world in the right direction as it relates to the effort against terrorism, when we had the opportunity to ask Americans to do things that they wouldn't ordinarily do but would understand that in coming together as a country just days after that it was a time of unity. It was a time of bipartisanship.
And I know on the steps yesterday that Members came together. I was in New York, Mr. Delahunt, and I don't know if you had an opportunity to join in the bipartisan effort here, the singing of God Bless America, and just all coming together, but I couldn't help, as a policymaker, Mr. Delahunt, thinking about, as I was asked yesterday by the media what I thought and how I felt. I said, I want it to reflect on the memory of those who lost their lives, those who are survivors of 9/11, whether it be the Pentagon, or Pennsylvania, or New York City, how they feel about the loss of their husband, wife, father, uncle, grandfather, grandmother, or friend. It really wasn't a day for politics. It was a day to reflect on the memory of those individuals.
Now, we are here, the day after, but even the day before, and the year before, and 2 years before the fifth anniversary, 3 years before the fifth anniversary we had a 9/11 Commission that was convened, that Democrats on this floor and over in the Senate pushed for, and some Republicans. Not the Republican leadership, because they didn't feel we needed it at that time. And also the surviving family members, Mr. Delahunt. And you were here.
If I can, Mr. Delahunt, I am on the Homeland Security Committee, as you know, Oversight Integration Management Subcommittee, which I am serving as the ranking member on, and I am also on the Armed Services Committee. And I wonder, these two national security committees, as I was speaking to some of the family members, and I was speaking to New Yorkers yesterday, as we read the stories and watched television about what actually happened 5 years ago, what has happened since? We owe it to Americans to be able to carry out the security plan that was laid out by the 9/11 Commission.
The 9/11 Commission received the respect of all Americans on a bipartisan basis. If you are a Republican, you have to agree with the 9/11 Commission report. If you are a Democrat, you have to agree. If you are an Independent, if you are an American, you have to agree with the 9/11 Commission report.
But here in Washington, I don't believe we have, and when I say ``we,'' I am not talking about the Democrats in this House because we are solid on this issue. I am talking about the Republican majority. I don't believe the will and the desire is there to implement the 9/11 Commission recommendations.
Here is the bottom line: the 9/11 Commission put forth Ds and Fs for homeland security for this administration and the Republican Congress. If Democratic amendments were adopted, there would be 6,600 more Border Patrol agents. Americans are concerned about protecting our borders. There would be 4,000 more detention beds, 270 more immigration enforcement agents along the borders that would exist today, not in fiction or theory, today, if Democratic amendments were adopted.
Only 6 percent of the containers right now, and nuclear weapons can be in these containers in a port. Some may say that is a coastal issue where we have seaports. No, those containers are loaded onto trucks and trains and moved into the heartland of America. They could go off. This is something that has been identified by the 9/11 Commission.
If Democrats had the opportunity to be able to have an amendment on the floor or a bill on the floor or a bill in committee, that would pass by majority, and when I say majority, the Republican majority would allow to pass, America would be safer now because we are calling for full implementation of 9/11 Commission recommendations, 100 percent container screening prior to the containers going across and throughout America.
I think it is very, very important to let it be known that we owe that to the first responders. We owe that to Americans to protect them. We don't need to wait until a container blows up in a major port to say we should have full screening. If other countries can do it, we can do it with the right will and desire.
I was here earlier and heard majority Members talking about we are for security, we are for tracking down Osama bin Laden. We are for going after the terrorists.
Well, the majority has been in the majority for 12 years. Now all of a sudden the majority has religion saying we are going to track down these terrorists. The Democrats can't do it, but we can do it.
If somebody had a job in your office, Mr. Delahunt, and they said I know you want me to respond to your constituents. I haven't been able to respond to them in the way you want me to. I know you want me to get 10 letters out in a day, but I have only got one letter out over a day the last 12 years. But if you let me stay in your office 2 more years, I guarantee you I will get those 10 letters out.
Now, anyone who is a manager and knows that folks have to be served knows you can't live with that. As a matter of fact, a staffer would never have made it to 12 years in your office if they only put out one constituent response a day. They would have to perform.
Well, what the Republican majority is doing is coming to the floor and saying we can do this. The Democrats can't do it. As a matter of fact, double digits year ago, here is an instance where the Democrats didn't do it. We are ready to do it.
Mr. Delahunt, as I yield to you, I am saying it is almost laughable. If it was not national security, it would be
laughable. I am hoping that the American people, and I hope that the members of the majority caucus don't go to bed thinking that because they were not able to get it right for the last 12 years that year 13 and 14 they are going to get it right. We can't afford to wait. That is the reason why the American people poll after poll after poll are saying we are willing to allow the Democrats to lead this Congress.
Madam Speaker, you are going to hear many Members on the majority side that are going to come here and make statements that they know are not true. They are going to try to find something in 1980 where there was some fumble in government and say see what the Democrats did in 1950-something. They cannot say in the 1990s because they were in control. They can't say in 2000 because they have been in control. They can't say any of those things because all of these fumbles and follies and mistakes occurred on their watch with a lack of oversight.
I am glad we are here to set the record straight.
Yes, I do, Mr. Delahunt.
The President of Iran.
If we can focus on this picture here, Ms. Wasserman Schultz, you raised a very good question, because when Mr. Ryan and I went to Iraq, we went through the whole Saddam Hussein parade area where they have the podium, usually he would have the gun, and the troops would be marching which, and they will be, you know, whatever, little missile that they may have, will parade on along.
But as you go into that parade route, the helmets of Iranian soldiers that were killed by Iraqi soldiers, are embedded into the ground of that parade route so that they can step on the helmets, which, in the Middle East, is disrespect when you take the bottom of your shoe, and, you know, like, slap it or hit a picture or image of someone. That's the kind of hatred that these two countries have for one another.
Let me also say, which is also important, that Iraq and Iran, it is interesting that Iran, a lot of the insurgents, are coming across from Iraq and Syria and other countries into Iraq. That has never happened before prior to the U.S. invasion. There are a number of other things that are false, but I would go back even further.
I am no longer, as a Member of Congress, concerned about what happens in the White House as it relates to the President's decisions. I am concerned, as what is not happening here in this Chamber, and what is not happening in the other Chamber, as it relates to the oversight in the war on Iraq.
I am very concerned about that because in our Constitution, could someone just bring the Constitution in. I want to hold it up for a moment so we are reminded it is not just a rough draft, it is something that people died for and defended in this country the Constitution calls for three plans of government. When someone tramples a U.S. code or Constitution, it is the Supreme Court that is supposed to stand up on their behalf.
When we have a White House that is willing to do anything they have, and you have a rubber stamp Congress, I missed my rubber stamp during the break, a rubber stamp Congress that is rubber stamping everything this administration does, that is what you get.
You get those kinds of pictures, you get Members of the majority side coming to the floor saying things they know are not true, with all due respect. I don't mean to say this. The American people know the facts are here, they pick up the paper, they watch the news. I just wanted to say that conflict that you pointed out saying how did this happen.
I mean, that is worse than a family feud. This goes back for years and
years and years. Now, I have my Constitution here. The bottom line is, we need to follow this. People need to vote for the Constitution. You need to vote for what we said we wanted in this country, what we stand for and people have died for. We need to make sure that we bring balance back.
The Republican majority, that is ``they.''
We got ``they'' from Mr. Gingrich, because that is what he is calling the Republican majority now, ``they.''
Mr. Ryan, you may want to suspend for a minute. You may want to switch. I do not think that you have what you need to have.
Mr. Ryan, we are showing you a level of respect here today.
Mr. Delahunt, can we yield to Mr. Ryan to give the Web site information.
Madam Speaker, I include for the Record the Wall Street Journal article previously referred to:
[From the Wall Street Journal, Sept. 7, 2006]
Bush and Lincoln
(By Newt Gingrich)
Washington.--Five years have passed since the horrific
attack on our American homeland, and, still, there is one
serious, undeniable fact we have yet to confront: We are,
today, not where we wanted to be and nowhere near where we
need to be.
In April of 1861, in response to the firing on Fort Sumter,
President Lincoln called for 75,000 volunteers to serve for
90 days. Lincoln had greatly underestimated the challenge of
preserving the Union. No one imagined that what would become
the Civil War would last four years and take the lives
620,000 Americans.
By the summer of 1862, with thousands of Americans already
dead or wounded and the hopes of a quick resolution to the
war all but abandoned, three political factions had emerged.
There were those who thought the war was too hard and would
have accepted defeat by negotiating the end of the United
States by allowing the South to secede. Second were those who
urged staying the course by muddling through with a cautious
military policy and a desire to be ``moderate and
reasonable'' about Southern property rights, including
slavery.
We see these first two factions today. The Kerry-Gore-
Pelosi-Lamont bloc declares the war too hard, the world too
dangerous. They try to find some explainable way to avoid
reality while advocating return to ``normalcy,'' and
promoting a policy of weakness and withdrawal abroad.
Most government officials constitute the second wing, which
argues the system is doing the best it can and that we have
to ``stay the course''--no matter how unproductive. But,
after being exposed in the failed response to Hurricane
Katrina, it will become increasingly difficult for this wing
to keep explaining the continuing failures of the system.
Just consider the following: Osama bin Laden is still at
large. Afghanistan is still insecure. Iraq is still violent.
North Korea and Iran are still building nuclear weapons and
missiles. Terrorist recruiting is still occurring in the
U.S., Canada, Great Britain and across the planet.
By late summer, 1862, Lincoln agonizingly concluded that a
third faction had the right strategy for victory. This
group's strategy demanded reorganizing everything as needed,
intensifying the war, and bringing the full might of the
industrial North to bear until the war was won.
The first and greatest lesson of the last five years
parallels what Lincoln came to understand. The dangers are
greater, the enemy is more determined, and victory will be
substantially harder than we had expected in the early days
after the initial attack. Despite how painful it would prove
to be, Lincoln chose the road to victory. President Bush
today finds himself in precisely the same dilemma Lincoln
faced 144 years ago. With American survival at stake, he also
must choose. His strategies are not wrong, but they are
failing. And they are failing for three reasons.
(1) They do not define the scale of the emerging World War
III, between the West and the forces of militant Islam, and
so they do not outline how difficult the challenge is and how
big the effort will have to be. (2) They do not define
victory in this larger war as our goal, and so the energy,
resources and intensity needed to win cannot be mobilized.
(3) They do not establish clear metrics of achievement and
then replace leaders, bureaucrats and bureaucracies as needed
to achieve those goals.
To be sure, Mr. Bush understands that we cannot ignore our
enemies; they are real. He knows that an enemy who believes
in religiously sanctioned suicide-bombing is an enemy who,
with a nuclear or biological weapon, is a mortal threat to
our survival as a free country. The analysis Mr. Bush offers
the nation--before the Joint Session on Sept. 20, 2001, in
his 2002 State of the Union, in his 2005 Second Inaugural--is
consistently correct. On each occasion, he outlines the
threat, the moral nature of the conflict and the absolute
requirement for victory.
Unfortunately, the great bureaucracies Mr. Bush presides
over (but does not run) have either not read his speeches or
do not believe in his analysis. The result has been a
national security performance gap that we must confront if we
are to succeed in winning this rising World War III.
We have to be honest about how big this problem is and then
design new, bolder and more profound strategies to secure
American national security in a very dangerous 21st century.
Unless we, like Lincoln, think anew, we cannot set the nation
on a course for victory. Here are some initial steps:
First, the president should address a Joint Session of
Congress to explain to the country the urgency of the threat
of losing millions of people in one or more cities if our
enemies find a way to deliver weapons of mass murder to
American soil. He should further communicate the scale of the
anti-American coalition, the clarity of their desire to
destroy America, and the requirement that we defeat them. He
should then make clear to the world that a determined
American people whose very civilization is at stake will
undertake the measures needed to prevail over our enemies.
While desiring the widest possible support, we will not
compromise our self-defense in order to please our critics.
Then he should announce an aggressively honest review of
what has not worked in the first five years of the war. Based
upon the findings he should initiate a sweeping
transformation of the White House's national security
apparatus. The current hopelessly slow and inefficient
interagency system should be replaced by a new metrics-based
and ruthlessly disciplined integrated system of
accountability, with clear timetables and clear
responsibilities.
The president should insist upon creating new aggressive
entrepreneurial national security systems that replace
(rather than reform) the current failing bureaucracies. For
example, the Agency for International Development has been a
disaster in both Afghanistan and Iraq. The president should
issue new regulations where possible and propose new
legislation where necessary. The old systems cannot be
allowed to continue to fail without consequence. Those within
the bureaucracies who cannot follow the president's
directives should be compelled to leave.
Following this initiative, the president should propose a
dramatic and deep overhaul of homeland security grounded in
metrics-based performance to create a system capable of
meeting the seriousness of the threat. The leaders of the new
national security and homeland security organizations should
be asked what they need to win this emerging World War III,
and then the budget should be developed. We need a war
budget, but we currently have an OMB-driven, pseudo-war
budget. The goal of victory, ultimately, will lead to a
dramatically larger budget, which will lead to a serious
national debate. We can win this argument, but we first have
to make it.
Congress should immediately pass the legislation sent by
the president yesterday to meet the requirements of the
Supreme Court's Hamdan decision. More broadly, it should pass
an act that recognizes that we are entering World War III and
serves notice that the U.S. will use all its resources to
defeat our enemies--not accommodate, understand or negotiate
with them, but defeat them.
Because the threat of losing millions of Americans is real,
Congress should hold blunt, no-holds-barred oversight
hearings on what is and is not working. Laws should be
changed to shift from bureaucratic to entrepreneurial
implementation throughout the national security and homeland
security elements of government.
Beyond our shores, we must commit to defeating the enemies
of freedom in Iraq, starting with doubling the size of the
Iraqi military and police forces. We should put Iran, Syria
and Saudi Arabia on notice that any help going to the enemies
of the Iraqi people will be considered hostile acts by the
U.S. In southern Lebanon, the U.S. should insist on disarming
Hezbollah, emphasizing it as the first direct defeat of Syria
and Iran--thus restoring American prestige in the region
while undermining the influence of the Syrian and Iranian
dictatorships.
Further, we should make clear our goal of replacing the
repressive dictatorships in North Korea, Iran and Syria,
whose aim is to do great harm to the American people and our
allies. Our first steps should be the kind of sustained
aggressive strategy of replacement which Ronald Reagan
directed brilliantly in Poland, and ultimately led to the
collapse of the Soviet empire.
The result of this effort would be borders that are
controlled, ports that are secure and an enemy that
understands the cost of going up against the full might of
the U.S. No enemy can stand against a determined American
people. But first we must commit to victory. These steps are
the first on a long
and difficult road to victory, but are necessary to win the
future.
And, Mr. Delahunt, as we close here, I believe Ms. Wasserman Schultz is going to claim that next hour so we will continue. Democrats, we call for the redeployment, a number of Members and some Republicans, redeployment of U.S. troops. Due to the fact that Mr. Ryan talked so eloquently about section 1, Article I of the Constitution that says we have legislative powers, but it seems the Republican majority forgets about that. Thus far, the new Pentagon report shows that the situation is worse in Iraq. Every day we go now, the attacks are up to 700 attacks per week, 792 attacks. We also have U.S. troops and taxpayers continuing to pay a high price for the war in Iraq. We are approaching 2,700 U.S. troops dead, 20,000 wounded, and the U.S. taxpayers are paying more than $300 billion on the war in Iraq alone.
That picture next to you, Mr. Delahunt, is very revealing, these two quote/unquote leaders are embracing that the U.S. has questions with.