Floor Statements

Mr. Speaker, I came to the floor yesterday to talk about 145 teaching jobs that were saved, thanks to the Recovery Act in one community school district alone. Today I'd like to talk about jobs that have been created and saved for Oregon's first responders.

Mr. Speaker, just yesterday, the first wave of COPS grants was announced. That means 21 more police officers patrolling our streets in Oregon thanks to the Recovery Act. A number of those are in Oregon City, a city I know very closely, which desperately needs the assistance for an understaffed police department. These are 21 first responders that would not have been on the job, again, without this recovery package.

The Oregon Department of Corrections also received $103 million to save guard positions and prevent prisoners from being released from Oregon's prisons. Oregon is in very tough shape with this economic downturn.

These are just a few examples, with more announcements on the way. Over the next couple of weeks, Byrne grants targeted to help local police communities investigate and prosecute criminals and provide revenue for juvenile justice programs that help steer our troubled youth away from a life of crime. The Recovery Act is working.

Mr. Speaker, for the past couple of weeks, Members from the other side of the aisle have come to the floor, as we have heard today, and rhetorically asked, where are the jobs? Assertions have been made the Recovery Act was ineffective and hasn't created any jobs. Well, that simply isn't the case in my district. I would like to give one example, Mr. Speaker.

As Oregon families prepare to send their children back to school, let's talk about what the recovery dollars are doing in our local school districts, often the heart of our communities. In my district, recovery funds are saving the equivalent of 145 teaching and support jobs in one school district alone, the Salem/Keizer School District, in the 2009-2010 school year. These are positions that would have been eliminated without this critical funding and are crucial to the core academic growth and development of our students.

These same recovery dollars are also preventing the equivalent of a district-wide, class-size increase of 2\1/2\ students and preventing an 11-day reduction in the school year. Money well spent.

We don't spend enough time in this building talking about the jobs that are saved and families that are benefiting from these recovery dollars. Without the recovery package, more teachers would have lost their jobs and our students would have suffered.

Mr. Speaker, I am a proud original cosponsor of this statutory PAYGO legislation. The passage of statutory PAYGO will show our commitment to fiscal responsibility once again. I am a little surprised that my Republican colleagues are not interested in renewing this bipartisan work and to help stop the bleeding that's occurring in our great Nation. Respectfully, I think we've lost our way a bit there.

In January 2001, the United States had a projected 10-year budget surplus of $5.6 trillion. Eight years later the 111th Congress opened to face a national debt in excess of $10 trillion and a single-year budget deficit we inherited of $1.5 trillion. What has changed? Lack of bipartisanship. During the 1990s a Democratic President and Republican- controlled Congress worked together to balance the budget, to produce record deficit-reducing surpluses by the end of the Clinton administration. However, in 2002 the Bush administration chose to allow PAYGO to lapse and moved away from that bipartisan fiscal discipline. It's important for PAYGO to be enacted to make sure that we live up to our fiscal responsibilities.

Unlike the mere rules that we currently have, the statutory PAYGO bill

now before the House does not expire, cannot lapse, and is not easily waived. I am very concerned about the alternative offered here by the good gentleman from Wisconsin because it moves away from the pay-as- you-go principles. Indeed, it gets rid of PAYGO all together, as the Chair pointed out; and frankly, it's an abrogation of our legislative responsibilities to make the tough decisions.

The alternative does establish the bipartisan PAYGO measures that gave us great results not too many years ago. The arbitrary deficits limits are a return to the failed policies of the past, the Gramm- Rudman-Hollings bill that led to the PAYGO legislation in the first place. And frankly, with the nonspecific and arbitrary spending limits, it leads to probably the Republican budget's version of what we should do to reduce spending; and that means cuts to education, health care and public safety. Frankly, it virtually eliminates all opportunity to do the health care reform, declare our energy independence and build on a 21st century education system that we so greatly campaigned on and fought here to do in the United States Congress.

Mr. Speaker, as a small business owner and father of five, I know how important it is to live within your means. As Oregon's chief budget rider, I worked hard to make sure my State spent only what it paid for. The American people expect the same responsibility from their Federal Government. While American families are tightening their belts, the message sends a strong signal that Congress plans to do the same. However, as the ranking member asserts, statutory PAYGO is not a panacea by itself for our fiscal health. Our choices remain. As our economy recovers, we must cut spending, return to budget surpluses and pay down the national debt.

I support statutory PAYGO as a critical first step towards fiscal responsibility, and I invite my colleagues, Democrats and Republicans alike, to support statutory PAYGO.

Madam Speaker, I regretfully missed the following rollcall votes on July 13-16, 2009 due to a prior family commitment. Had I been present, I would have voted ``aye'' on rollcall votes 533, 534, 535, 536, 538, 539, 540, 541, 542, 543, 544, 545, 546, 547, 548, 549, 550, 551, 552, 553, 554, and ``nay'' on rollcall votes 530, 531, 532, & 537.

Madam Speaker, I want to take a moment and thank Chairman Skelton and Ranking Member McHugh for their tireless work on behalf of the men and women of our Armed Services. I would also like to congratulate Congressman McHugh and wish him luck as he transitions to his new post as Secretary of the Army.

Madam Speaker, I rise today in support of the Skelton en bloc amendment which includes legislation I introduced requiring the Department of Defense to notify any member of the Armed Forces who is exposed to a potentially harmful material or contaminant and inform them of the health risks associated with that exposure. In the case the exposed soldier is a member of a reserve component, the Secretary of Defense will be required to notify the State military department.

Back in March I spoke with one of my constituents, Larry Roberta, a member of the Oregon National Guard who is suffering the health effects of being exposed to toxic chemicals on the battlefield. In 2003, while serving in Iraq, Oregon National Guard Members like Larry were unknowingly exposed to Hexavalent Chromium while assigned to protect contractors rebuilding a water treatment facility near Iraqi oil fields. The problem with chemicals like Hexavalent Chromium is they can cause severe illnesses that may not appear until months or years after the exposure.

Their exposure to this cancerous agent was withheld from them while they were in the theater, and many of our soldiers are still unaware the symptoms they are experiencing may be related to a toxic exposure. Fast forward six years and the Oregon Guard is still having a difficult time tracking down all the soldiers they feel may have been exposed.

The estimated number of exposed Oregon soldiers is in the hundreds-- many of these soldiers are still unaware they may have been exposed to toxic substances that are impacting their health. Had there been a notification

requirement and protocol in place it is very likely these soldiers would be identified, aware of their situation, and able to seek the appropriate care they need.

We're within days of sending 3,000 of Oregon's finest to the Middle East. This amendment provides them with added security and protection they need, and frankly deserve. I'd like to thank Chairman Skelton and Ranking Member McHugh for their support to address this critical issue that has impacted so many of Oregon's citizen soldiers, and I urge my colleagues to support the adoption of this important amendment.

Madam Speaker, on June 8, 2009 I missed rollcall votes 311, 312, and 313 due to personal reasons. Had I been present, I would have voted ``aye'' on all three votes.

Madam Speaker, I am pleased to introduce The Molalla Wild and Scenic River Bill. This legislation would designate 21.3 miles of the Molalla River as ``wild and scenic'' and would provide federal designation in preserving the character of this section of the Molalla River.

This legislation is supported by numerous elected officials, civic leaders, and recreational and environmental groups in Clackamas and Marion counties including American Rivers, the City of Molalla, the Oregon State Police, the Oregon Department of Fish and Wildlife, Wild Salmon Center, and the Willamette Riverkeepers. All of these groups recognize the social, cultural and economic benefits of this bill.

In Oregon, the Molalla River is known for its many recreational purposes which include hiking, diving, fishing, kayaking, whitewater rafting, picnicking, mountain biking, and horseback riding. It still serves as a water source for many citizens in Canby and Molalla, Oregon, and is nationally recognized for its beautiful and scenic wildlife. It provides spawning beds for threatened Steelhead Trout and Chinook salmon and is also an essential wildlife area for the pileated woodpecker, red tree vole, red-legged frog, northern spotted owl, Pacific giant salamander, and both golden and bald eagles.

Designating this section of the Molalla River as ``wild and scenic'' would permanently ensure its protection and preservation as one of Oregon's many natural state treasures. It would guarantee that future generations can experience the river's rich historical, cultural,

and recreational purposes. I am excited to introduce this legislation and urge my colleagues to support it.

In my home State of Oregon, 98 percent of our businesses are small businesses. In fact, small businesses employ 57 percent of Oregon's workforce. During Small Business Appreciation Week, I want to commend all of the small business owners in my home State and across the country who drive the economy and keep the dream of American entrepreneurship alive.

It is with that in mind that I speak about an issue that all small business owners face: the complexity of our Tax Code. Whether we're talking about dollars spent or time lost, tax complexity is an enormous drain for small businesses. With 3.7 million words, 70,000 pages, individuals and companies spend close to $265 billion just to fill out their taxes. Sadly, our small business entrepreneurs pay the majority of that.

That's why I introduced H.R. 1509, the Home Office Deduction Simplification Act that would provide small businesses with a simple $1,500 home office deduction to claim a credit that very few use today.

During Small Business Appreciation Week, I encourage all Members to consider ways to aid small businesses.

Madam Speaker, I rise today to honor America's entrepreneurs, those distinguished individuals who support our communities, drive innovation, and keep our nation strong. Small businesses bring fresh ideas to the table, develop the resources to meet the demands of an ever-changing world, and make a meaningful impact on our neighborhoods. Entrepreneurs are responsible for providing 60 to 80 percent of all new jobs, giving them the potential to propel rapid economic growth and expand ever-developing fields. Some of the country's largest companies began as start-ups in small offices, homes and garages exploring these new fields. Limited only by their imagination, these firms performed cutting-edge work in emerging industries that have become the very foundation of our society.

As our nation and the world face the most difficult economic conditions in decades, entrepreneurs have the potential to lead us back to prosperity. The resiliency and adaptability shown by small businesses in past recessions demonstrate their capability to meet the challenges standing in their way and emerge stronger than ever. America's small businesses will drive the economic recovery from this downturn and our economy will emerge stronger than ever. Times may be tough, but America's entrepreneurial spirit is tougher.

To recognize the monumental achievements of our nation's small firms, the Small Business Administration (SBA) has declared May 17-23 as the 46th Annual National Small Business Week. The House Small Business Committee is celebrating all our country's hard-working entrepreneurs by saluting the Heroes of Small Business, those men and women who have shown the strength, leadership, and resourcefulness that keeps our economy moving forward.

I ask that you, Madam Speaker, and the entire U.S. House of Representatives join me in recognizing and thanking Ms. Chandra Brown for her tremendous accomplishments on behalf of small businesses. Ms. Brown currently serves as president of Oregon Iron Works' subsidiary United Streetcar, the only modern streetcar manufacturer in the United States. With over 15 years of experience with Oregon Iron Works, she is responsible for overall business development and marketing as the company's vice president.

Recognized by Oregon's economic community as one the state's top business leaders, Ms. Brown was named to the Oregon Innovation Council in 2005 by Governor Ted Kulongoski. She sits on numerous non-profit boards, including serving as Vice Chair of the Oregon Wave Energy Trust, which promotes job creation through the emerging wave energy industry. Ms. Brown has a bachelor's degree in marketing and an M.B.A. in international marketing from Miami University.

Madam Speaker, Ms. Brown has exemplified the remarkable accomplishments of which America's entrepreneurs are capable. This week, she will testify before the House Small Business Committee to share her story. I ask that you and the entire U.S. House of Representatives join with me in honoring her for the extraordinary work she has done for the small business economy. Her efforts demonstrate that if given the right resources, America's small businesses can be the catalysts that lift our economy from the current downturn and put us on the road to recovery.

Mr. Chairman, I have an amendment at the desk.

Mr. Chairman, I yield myself such time as I may consume.

Mr. Chairman, I would like to thank Chairman Miller, Subcommittee Chairman Kildee and Representative Chandler for their hard work on this important legislation. The 21st Century Green High-Performing Public School Facilities Act provides the country a wonderful opportunity to not only modernize our schools by creating a healthier, more environmentally friendly learning environment for our children, but it also creates good jobs at a time when they are needed the most by this country.

While there is no disputing the merits the underlying bill and the proven benefits of green schools on students and teachers, I believe it is crucial that Congress has a clear picture on how and where these funds are going to be spent, the long-term economic savings and the types of projects funded to be sure we are keeping with the intent of the legislation. That is why I am offering a straightforward good government amendment that requires the GAO to report to Congress on how these funds are being utilized.

Under my amendment, the GAO will be required to report to Congress no later than 1 year after the enactment on the extent and types of projects being undertaken in the schools around the country, the geographic distribution around the country and the urban, suburban and rural mix. As we continue to improve and modernize our schools, this information is going to be critical for the future decisionmaking of this Congress.

I urge my colleagues to support the amendment and the underlying legislation.

I reserve the balance of my time.

Mr. Chairman, I yield 1 minute to the gentleman from New Jersey (Mr. Andrews).

Mr. Chairman, I just would reiterate that this is a good government bill actually looking at saving the taxpayers money. I am surprised my colleague from California is not interested in the energy savings and the benefit of this amendment to make sure that there is actually accountability in the legislation.

I yield to the gentleman.

I thank the gentleman.

I will get back to the bill itself. I just would appreciate support of my colleagues to show fiscal accountability by adopting this amendment.

I yield back the balance of my time.

Madam Speaker, we are in the midst of the worst financial crisis since the Great Depression. Millions of Americans are losing their jobs and their homes. A complete lack of oversight, irresponsible lending standards, outright manipulation of the mortgage market place, and the loss of personal responsibility are at the root of the crisis. Such a crisis demands significant, meaningful reforms to prevent hardworking American families from being drawn into mortgages they cannot afford. This past Thursday, I voted against H.R. 1728 because it does not get us there.

H.R. 1728, the Mortgage Reform and Anti-Predatory Lending Act, has some good features, but falls woefully short of serious reform. There are so many exceptions and caveats that lenders can still do most of the very things that got us into this crisis to begin with. Incentives that encouraged mortgage originators to lead people into mortgages they could not afford are not eliminated. New standards focusing on the borrower's ``ability to pay'' and ``net tangible benefit'' are a good start to meaningful reform, but the provisions enforcing these ideas are weak, untested, and definitions are left to regulators. Moreover, Wall Street's secondary mortgage market is protected from lawsuits and weaker Federal regulations are allowed to preempt stronger remedies currently available through state laws. It is not responsible for Congress to pass legislation that purports to prevent improper mortgage practices and market manipulations when in reality little will change. I do not agree with putting politics above good policy.

The bill gives regulators 12 months to promulgate a code and another 6 months to put that code in place. Congress should instead use that time to legislate good regulations, regulations that can outlaw the irresponsible practices that led to our current crisis. We have allowed the economy to become dominated by banks that are ``too big to fail,'' banks that created this mess and asked the public to get them out. This bill trusts the actors who led us into the current crisis not to give into avarice and again find ways to manipulate the system, while creating obstacles for the small banks and credit unions that acted responsibly and had nothing to do with creating this crisis. We must take greater care to define what is permissible. We can and we must demand greater responsibility as we look to reestablish a functioning financial system.

In the final analysis this bill still allows Wall Street gamblers to bet on you losing your home. This bill does not make us anymore personally responsible than before. It does not require 10 percent cash down payments and 30 to 40 percent debt to income ratios; if the 31 to 38 percent standards were good enough for TARP and Treasury mortgage refinance and modifications, why not include those standards here? Subprime mortgages are not banned. Securitization of mortgages is still allowed and therefore makes your house still subject to speculation beyond your control. Big profit motivated investment banks and hedge funds, which are still allowed to play their games in the mortgage market in Wall Street's quest for the Holy Grail of ``liquidity'' over safety for homeowners. These issues need to be proscriptively addressed if there is to be any meaningful reform of the mortgage market. There is a reason the system worked well when community banks and credit unions that knew you personally guaranteed you the opportunity to own a home.

Madam Speaker, I am humbled today to recognize my fellow Oregonians killed on the job or at war in 2008. This nation has made great strides in protecting Americans from all walks of life in all different types of jobs, but any death, or injury, resulting from an on-the-job accident or injury is one too many.

So as we recognize these men and women on this Workers Memorial Day, let us also pledge to do better to provide safe and productive work environments for our nation's workers. Let us remember the ultimate sacrifice of these men and women and honor their legacies.

William Adams, Cecil Alberts, Joshua Amos, Eugene

Ardissono, Jeffrey Baker, Robert Betz, Shawn Blazer, Kerry

Boatman, Lance Corporal Dustin Canham, Scott Charleson, Randy

Chipman, Edward Clarke, Mike Dennison, Captain Bruno de

Solenni, Michael Dewey; and Coner Duty.

Private First Class Cody Eggleston, Corporal Jessica Ellis,

James Exline, Jene Fitzgerald, Robert Ford, James French,

Edrik Gomez, Nathan Gourley, William Hakim, Matthew Hammer,

Thomas Holliday, Kevin Ivey, Lance Corporal Robert Johnson,

Christopher Judah; and Stephen Kaufman.

Jason Ketcheson, Matthew Kohanes, Robert Kramer, Roger

Kruizenga, Kevin Leader, Timothy Leake, Kelly Linhart,

Jeffrey Little, Miguel Martinez-Perez, Sergeant Zachary

McBride, David McKay, John Miller, Sergeant Mikeal Miller,

Joseph Montero; and Joshua Moughler.

Private Tan Ngo, Mark Phares, Dale Pickett, Paul Reiter,

Steven Renno, Bryan Rich, Robert Rolph, Jesse Savage, Roark

Schwanenberg, George Shaw, Aaron Simmons, Terry Smith, Gurdev

Sohi, Darrell Souza; and David Steele.

Gerald Stierwalt, Brian Swenson, Thomas Tennant, Hector

Terriquez-Chavez, Chad Thompson, Frank Toohey, Sergeant James

Treber, Tommy Walker, Lieutenant Colonel James Wiley, William

Woodruff, John Worthington; and Private First Class Joshua

Young.

Madam Speaker, I would like to speak to the rule. I appreciate this opportunity.

I'm not going to bore the rest of the body or the American people with more discussion about the inherited deficit we've got and about the necessary recovery plan that has been enacted to put Americans back to work after the Bush administration destroyed our economy, morally bankrupted us, as well as financially.

It also is amazing to me that, in the Republican budget I have here, there is nothing that addresses the long-term cost drivers that the budget of change has that has been put forward by the President of the United States and the Democratic Congress. We're dealing with the long- term cost drivers of health care, with the need for a 21st century education, and with the fact that we can no longer have our economy being at the mercy of people in the Middle East.

What is amazing is what is not in this budget. In this budget, the most explicit piece is about how we get wasteful spending under control. We just heard the Republican floor leader talk about the fact that, yes, we did not go after wasteful spending in the last 8 years. Well, this budget doesn't do it. It is in our budget. We talk about program integrity. We talk about making sure that seniors are taken care of with their Social Security, and we talk about preventing fraud and abuse. That fraud and abuse gives us an $11 return for every dollar we've invested.

Tax compliance: Instead of letting the wealthy get away with huge tax breaks that hardworking Americans don't get, we actually have a tax compliance feature in this budget that actually makes sure we get $5 for every dollar invested.

Medicare-Medicaid: The fraud and abuse that's going on in there with wealthy people trying to game the system at the mercy of hardworking individuals and seniors who are destitute is abominable. For getting after that fraud and abuse in our budget, we actually talk about the fact that there's a $1.60 return for every dollar invested. Most importantly, I think we recognize that the States are the incubators of a lot of innovation. There is a partnership fund established where we can do some creative work.

A lot of this work has been done in my home State of Oregon. It yielded tremendous benefits when I was in charge of the appropriations process back there.

The last comment I'd make, Madam Speaker, as to what is not in the Republican budget that is in the Democrat budget is: We talk about performance management. We actually make sure that agencies are held accountable for every single tax dollar that's being spent, and I'm sorry to say that that's nowhere in the Republican budget.

Thank you very much, Mr. Chairman. To be honest, I was not going to even speak today. I had thought that the legacy and the problems that we confront right now are such that I look forward to working with my Republican colleagues as well as my Democratic colleagues to help solve some of these problems. And so, as a result of that, I wanted to be building some bridges and look to build some bridges with some of my moderate colleagues across the aisle.

But I've become very disturbed with the tendency, as we talk about some of the problems and solutions to some of those problems that are left behind by 8 years of fiscal mismanagement, that there's going to be an attempt to paint Democrats, as we come into control, as people seek fiscal responsibility with President Obama and the Congress of the United States of America, paint the fiscal picture as a Democratic problem. And I take great offense at that.

I spent a few years in our State legislature in the great State of Oregon trying to balance our budget. No easy task. And I think this administration, with this Congress, with Speaker Pelosi and Senator Reid, deserve a great deal of credit for coming forward and talking about how to get us out from under.

I'd like to just reiterate a few facts that I know have been discussed perhaps at length here, but I think it's important for Americans to understand clearly how we got into this mess. We now have a deficit of $1.2 trillion, at least, in 2009. That's a stark contrast to the budget surplus that many, including the good gentleman, majority leader from Maryland have talked about.

The debt of the United States officially is $10.7 trillion. I'd like to make an argument in a couple of minutes that it's actually a great deal more than that. The interest payments now consume more than our major spending on education, veterans benefits and indeed non-mandatory health care programs. That's a travesty in an industrialized Nation like ours.

Thirteen straight months of job losses, 22 straight months of declining home prices, the majority of stock indices down 37 percent. And the real income of the average American family hasn't gone up. If you're in the rich 10 percent of Americans, yeah, sure, you've done great. Your income's doubled. You've done very well.

But 95 percent of Americans have seen their income fall, and in this day and age that's unconscionable. Right now, in the greatest industrialized Nation in the world, 7 million Americans without health care. That just shouldn't be happening.

I would like to reference just a few key points here, Mr. Chairman, about our debt. Where are we really as we try and dig out? Our official national debt has doubled. We're at $10.7 trillion. We were at five plus not 8 years ago.

But I would argue it's worse than that, unfortunately. Americans need to know that, and it's going to take probably the next 8 to 10 years of serious budget work, under your leadership, to create a path to getting back on a budget surplus, or at least no longer deficit spending with items off budget, like you've heard discussed here today.

The projected deficit for 2009, yeah, probably at least $1.2 trillion. We inherited that. I'd argue that Fannie Mae and Freddie Mac added about a $5 trillion increase to our debt, and even under the most conservative estimates, at least, have a tough time gaining $1.6 trillion of that back, under best of circumstances. The debt from the other bailouts adds at least another half trillion dollars. We're talking about the AIG bailout and the numerous stock and bond portfolios that we've had to bail out at taxpayer expense.

Future interest on the new debt. Historic. I mean, it's $1.2 trillion. Americans need to understand that that interest is consuming a lot of our ability to spend on other great programs.

Medicare Modernization Act, part D, heralded as a great improvement in drug benefits for a lot of Americans; while I'm not sure they'd agree they've gotten those benefits with the doughnut hole and inability to negotiate best prices. But what they can be sure of is it costs another $800 billion that we don't have.

The last administration thought they could fight a war, they thought they could increase spending, and they thought they could give tax cuts all at the same time. I don't think there's a household in America that believes that's good policy, good financial policy or a path to success.

Right now we're investing more in the war. We're not taking care of our veterans that come home. I think we need to be turning that around. It will cost some money to do that. And over the next 8, 10 years, as the administration, led by President Obama and you, Mr. Chairman, seek a path to fiscal responsibility, Americans need to know it's going to take time and it's going to take a little effort. We're going to have to watch what we do on the mandatory programs. We're going to have to watch what we do on defense spending, we're going to have to watch what we do on wealthy tax breaks.

We need to get back to the sound budgeting principles that we had under the Clinton administration and previous democratic administrations. The fact that the last 8 years there was no PAYGO is a testament to the fiscal irresponsibility of the previous administration. I'm proud to be associated with a Congress that believes that is important, and that we will be doing great things in the future.

Mr. Chairman, we are in a world of hurt here. The D word, the D word, not deficit, but depression is being mentioned in the corners of this building. I hope that is not the case. I look forward to your leadership and leadership of President Obama and the Congress to get us out from under. Thank you, sir.

Madam Speaker, my vote against the Republican Motion to Recommit reflected my commitment to maintaining a solid record of representation for my Congressional District, unclouded by political gamesmanship. This Motion stood in the way of passing a necessary accountability measure. I took this vote with the full knowledge that I would have the opportunity the next day to vote against releasing the second half of the bailout money for the financial industry.