George Washington
Madam Speaker, I appreciated so much hearing the fantastic presentation about George Washington. It was interesting in the last several months to hear a presentation by a biographer of Benjamin Franklin over at the Library of Congress. He…
Madam Speaker, I appreciated so much hearing the fantastic presentation about George Washington. It was interesting in the last several months to hear a presentation by a biographer of Benjamin Franklin over at the Library of Congress.
He was asked: Do you see anybody in America today, in politics, that reminds you of Benjamin Franklin?
He said:
Well, I see, basically, a lot of different people with
different parts of Franklin. He was brilliant, genius, funny,
and clever.
But it is not like he was George Washington. There was only
one of those.
We heard from the director of the Society of the Cincinnati, which has been around since the Revolution and is dedicated to the study of the Revolution. It is particularly named for the Roman General Cincinnatus who had come from the farm, won a great campaign, and went back to the farm.
George Washington, it is very clear, could have been emperor or czar, whatever title he wanted. There were at least a couple efforts to have a military coup when the government was falling apart.
Washington replied to one effort. They told him he didn't even have to participate in the coup. They would even agree, when he didn't want to serve or passed away, that they would honor whomever he chose as his subordinate. Basically, his response was: If you have any regard for me or this Nation, you will never mention such a notion to anyone again.
What an incredible man George Washington was. He was a man of honor and a man of integrity. His word was his bond.
That is why, for example, when he found out about Benedict Arnold, a man who was really the hero of the Battle of Saratoga--it wasn't General Gates; it was really Benedict Arnold--he couldn't believe it. It just crushed him to his soul that this great leader, Benedict Arnold, had turned on him and was ready to surrender him to the enemy. He just couldn't believe, as such an incredible person of honor, that somebody he trusted would be such a traitor.
We had a service in what was the largest Christian church in Washington for 60 or so years. That happened to be the old House Chamber down the hall. We had that last night led by Pastor Dan Cummins; his wife, JoAnne; and an incredible singer, Steve Amerson.
I told people about the story of Isaac Potts. The big Potts family had land in Pennsylvania where Washington wintered his Army at Valley Forge. That was mainly on Potts land. Isaac Potts himself was a Quaker. He didn't believe Christians should ever fight.
He was out in the woods. A painting that depicted that scene was painted by Friberg. I am advised that there had been more prints made of that painting than any other American painting in history. It was Washington down on one knee beside his big, gray horse. He was praying to God.
He had made mistakes as Commander of the United States, the Revolution. Potts heard him pray. He prayed out loud. In the painting he is seen with eyes closed basically looking down. My understanding is normally he looked up and spoke out in prayer.
Alexander Hamilton found him on his knees praying in his tent many times early in the morning when he had to interrupt him for something important.
But there he was, out in the snow. Potts listened to him. When Washington got on his big, gray horse and rode back into Valley Forge, Potts hurried home.
First, he told his wife and told others. This was something that was passed from Potts and his wife. They told it, and they retold it.
It had an incredible impact on this strong, Christian Quaker, because he was totally against the Revolution. He thought it was a disastrous mistake. He felt like no one who was a Christian could participate in a revolution, in any kind of military operation.
But there was fake news back in those days, too. There was a biographer in the early 1800s who was trying to disprove that George Washington was a man of faith, a Christian.
Peter Lillback in his big, wonderful book regarding George Washington takes on all of that fake news back in the day. That includes the early biographer's account that everyone had heard the story about Isaac Potts. But he said that, in essence, he had talked to witnesses or people who thought it actually may not have ever happened.
Kind of like news today, you don't talk to the people who were actual witnesses. You talk to people who don't know firsthand anything. All they know is hearsay, and they just happen to support your particular position.
By the way, ``George Washington's Sacred Fire'' is the name of Peter Lillback's book.
That night, Potts came back. We know what was said because it was repeated over and over again by Isaac Potts and by his wife. His granddaughter reduced it to writing. He said that Washington prayed out loud, and in his prayer, and this is quoting, ``He utterly disclaimed all ability of his own for this arduous conflict.''
We are talking about George Washington, 6 foot 4, even though Chernow's book said he was a little shorter than 6 foot 2. That was one of the numerous mistakes in Chernow's book. There is no question at all. It is indisputable that when Washington in 1799 was flat on a slab, he was 6 foot 3\1/2\.
But, in any event, this big, athletic, courageous man of faith, according to Potts, ``wept at the thought of that irretrievable ruin which his mistakes might bring on his country.'' Potts said: ``And with the patriot's pathos spreading the interests of unborn millions before the eye of Eternal Mercy, he implored the aid of that arm which guides the starry host.''
Now, that is an incredible human being. His biographers, as the director of the Society of the Cincinnati had pointed out, say that there has never been anybody like him.
When I was on islands south of India some years back on a trip where we had gone to check on our Special Forces, I had a leader there tell me:
We are a new democracy, and we are always hearing about a
potential military coup to overthrow our elected government.
He paused. He looked at me, and he said:
We never had a George Washington to set the proper example
here, so we are always worried about a coup.
He was an incredible man.
Potts said: ``I have seen this day what I shall never forget. Till now, I have thought that a Christian and a soldier were characters incompatible; but if George Washington be not a man of God, I am mistaken, and still more shall I be disappointed if God do not through him perform some great thing for this country.''
So Isaac Potts was talking about a man known since 1755 in the French and Indian War for his relentless courage, his leadership, and his faith. As he said of a battle of the French and Indian War:
That night when I took off my coat, I had bullet holes
through and through my coat, but I had not a scratch on me. I
took off my hat, and it had bullet holes through it.
But he shook out his hair. Fragments flew everywhere.
He said: Truly, I was protected by divine providence.
And he truly was.
Indians referred to him from that battle as the man God would not let die.
He was such a man of honor and integrity that set this country on a path to freedom and into being a light on the hilltop.
As a former President of the Czech Republic told me last night here, he said: America has always been seen, even when we disagreed with it, as that light on the hilltop. It was a beacon. It was showing the way for truth.
He said: You don't have that light on the hill here anymore.
We can get it back. But Washington, of course, in his ``Farewell Address''
warned about the dangers of political parties. He encouraged us not to use them and not to have them. But we have.
As I think about things that I was told by Africans in West Africa, what the former President of the Czech Republic said last night, and so many comments in so many parts of the world about even when they disagreed with this, they knew America wanted to do what was right. They wanted to create fairness in the world. Yet, they provided hope for people around the world, like Natan Sharansky talked about in the Soviet Gulag when he heard the courageous comments of President Reagan.
But when political parties, political operatives have more of the characteristics of the former hero of the Battle of Saratoga when he became a traitor, more desirous of their own political gain, their own personal gain, their own political power, than just doing what is right, this country as we have known it as a light on the hill, as so many countries around the world have known us for so long, it won't be there.
I deeply regret when I hear how some of our children have been educated, and you talk to some young people who think that socialism is a better way to go. They have never been taught that socialism, though it sounds lovely, has never worked.
The only way you can have a socialist country is if the government has all the power; the individual has no rights against the government; and the government takes all, provides all, has complete discretion in what it thinks is fair and what is not fair. Individual rights, as we have been afforded in our Bill of Rights and our Constitution, have to go, in order to have a socialist country.
It is heartbreaking to hear even people on this House floor talk about how important it is to move on to being a progressive--meaning a socialist, communist country--which basically is a denial of the rights and the limited power in the Constitution. It is actually a breach of our oath to our Constitution to be pushing such an idea as socialism, communism, or progressivism, because you can't have the rights under our Bill of Rights and have socialism, progressivism, communism.
Back around 1960, 1961, Khrushchev appointed a committee to come up with a plan of how the Soviet Union would conveniently move to that nirvana type of state where there was no more government and everyone shared and shared alike. But he eventually realized you can never have socialism or communism without a totalitarian government that does not afford its citizens rights that Americans have had in our history.
Victor Davis Hanson has a great article from September 25, entitled: ``We Are Living Orwell's 1984.'' It is well written, well reasoned.
I said some months back--and was actually accurately quoted--when I said the only thing Orwell appears to have gotten wrong was the date. It wasn't 1984. Instead of the eye in our homes watching for the government, they do it through our phones; they do it through our computers. They can do it through listening devices.
Of course, what did we do on the House floor yesterday? We voted to given more power to the Federal Government to get our bank records. Without the need of honoring the Fourth Amendment, honoring the doctrine, the requirement of probable cause, without a warrant, the government can get your bank records.
It won't be too difficult to do, as if we needed to add more power to the Patriot Act at a time when we have seen how weaponized the Department of Justice, the FBI, and, to a lesser extent, some of our intel has been weaponized.
They need more power to just disregard warrants? Really?
Hanson says:
``Truth, due process, evidence, rights of the accused: All are swept aside in pursuit of the progressive agenda.
``George Orwell's 1949 dystopian novel `Nineteen Eighty-Four' is no longer fiction. We are living it right now.
``Google techies planned to massage Internet searches to emphasize correct thinking. A member of the so-called deep state, in an anonymous op-ed, brags that its `resistance' is undermining an elected President. The FBI, CIA, DOJ, and NSC were all weaponized in 2016 to ensure that the proper President would be elected--the choice adjudicated by properly progressive ideology. Wearing a wire is now redefined as simply flipping on an iPhone and recording your boss, boy- or girlfriend, or coworkers.
``But never has the reality that we are living in a surreal age been clearer than during the strange cycles of Christine Blasey Ford's accusations against Supreme Court nominee Brett Kavanaugh.
``In Orwell's world of 1984 Oceania, there is no longer a sense of due process, free inquiry, rules of evidence and cross-examination, much less a presumption of innocence until proven guilty. Instead, regimented ideology--the supremacy of state power to control all aspects of one's life to enforce a fossilized idea of mandated quality--warps everything from the use of language to private life.
``Senator Dianne Feinstein and the other Democrats on the Senate Judiciary Committee had long sought to destroy the Brett Kavanaugh nomination. Much of their paradoxical furor over his nomination arises from the boomeranging of their own past political blunders, such as when Democrats ended the filibuster on judicial nominations in 2013. They also canonized the so-called 1992 Biden Rule, which holds that the Senate should not consider confirming the Supreme Court nomination of a lame-duck President . . . in an election year.
``Rejecting Kavanaugh proved a hard task, given that he had a long record of judicial opinions and writings--and there was nothing much in them that would indicate anything but a sharp mind, much less any ideological, racial, or sexual intolerance. His personal life was impeccable, his family admirable.
``Kavanaugh was no combative Robert Bork, but congenial, and he patiently answered all the questions asked of him, despite constant demonstrations and pre-planned street theater interruptions from the Senate gallery and often obnoxious grandstanding by `I am Spartacus' Democratic Senators.
``So Kavanaugh was going to be confirmed unless a bombshell revelation derailed the vote. And so we got a bombshell.''
He goes on to talk about what has happened to Judge Brett Kavanaugh.
He, in part, basically has indicated today, still showing class and respect, that he doesn't doubt the allegations by Ms. Ford, but it certainly was not him.
But if you look at her testimony, she has no hesitation in pulling out what she claims was an incident 35 years ago, maybe it was 34, maybe it was 36. Maybe it was at a home, maybe it wasn't.
Yet, she regales us with statements like she will never forget these details. Basically, they have haunted her whole life, even though we had been led to believe this was some type of repressed memory that didn't come out until she needed marital counseling and she was trying to save her marriage.
But there was a time in America when someone who was shown to be a class person, a true, iconic judge, a Justice, would have hesitation by anyone wanting to destroy or assassinate their character. In America, if you are going to destroy the reputation of someone who spent a life building an excellent reputation as demonstrated by all those who knew him well, then you would be reluctant to come forward with a very hazy memory that had all kinds of holes in it. You would be reluctant to call names and name names that you haven't named for 36 years.
There was a time when character mattered so much. For someone who felt an injustice, a terrible thing, had been done to them, they would care so deeply and have such sympathy for others, wanting to avoid the kind of heartache they say they had experienced, that they would never want to falsely accuse anyone with a very faulty memory of something decades before.
That was back, though, at a time when America was that light on the hill that other national statesmen from other countries had seen the United States as being. That was a time when character mattered.
That was a time when people felt that our Founders had the right idea. We are not going to be like England and say you are guilty until you can prove yourself innocent. We were not going to take up such Orwellian standards.
Under the Founders' principles, they felt it would be better to let somebody guilty go free than to imprison an innocent person.
But things have changed. I think the light on the hill is still there. It is flickering. It may go out soon. But God has given us a chance to rekindle the fire.
It won't be rekindled, and it will be snuffed out for good if people in this building continue to put partisan politics ahead of truth, honor, justice, and decency.
So what happens from here is up to us. Those of us who are elected to serve in this government, we can follow the track that has been laid in recent days, or we can say we are going to get back to where character matters, people are innocent until proven guilty, and we don't assassinate characters simply because we disagree with them politically, so any allegation we make, as Ted Kennedy once did of Robert Bork, as Harry Reid did of Mitt Romney--it is okay to lie about people if you are able to prevent them from serving honorably in government.
We are at a crossroads, and I hope and pray--as Robert Frost was able to say--we can say someday, ``. . . and I took the road less traveled by. And that has made all the difference.''
Mr. Speaker, I yield back the balance of my time.