Apologizing To Lynching Victims And Their Descendants
Mr. President, I join my colleagues today to talk about one of our Nation's darkest periods, a stain in history we would rather forget but that we cannot ignore. While White mobs committed 4,742 hangings, floggings and burnings of African…
Mr. President, I join my colleagues today to talk about one of our Nation's darkest periods, a stain in history we would rather forget but that we cannot ignore. While White mobs committed 4,742 hangings, floggings and burnings of African Americans, the Senate watched indifferently, failing to pass any of the 200 separate bills before it to make lynching a Federal crime. S. Res. 39, expressing the Senate's apology for failing to adopt antilynching legislation, is long overdue. I express my sincere apologies and regret to the families in Arkansas and the Nation, especially to the victims and their descendants, that this body failed to help at a time when they needed it most.
I hope that acknowledging these grave injustices of the past will help begin to heal the wounds that exist today. Even more so, this acknowledgement should serve as a lesson that government must step in to help foster racial reconciliation, ensure the mob mentality never returns, and protect those who are most vulnerable.
The Senate can start by continuing to advance civil rights and equality, and work to close the divide that continues in our neighborhoods, schools and workplaces. I am afraid that if we don't start truly addressing inequities we will look back once again at the Senate's inaction with disdain and remorse.
Most of the worst offenses of lynching occurred in the south and Arkansas was no different. Between the years
1860-1936, 318 lynchings occurred in Arkansas. Of this number, 230 were black, including 6 females. Three-quarters of the lynchings in our State that are recorded were against African Americans.
Of course, statistics don't have a face, they don't feel pain, nor do they hold memories. But people and families all over Arkansas do, and they remember these crimes and the Senate's inaction to protect them.
In March 1892, a reporter from the Christian Recorder reported the chaos and hopelessness occurring throughout the state:
There is much uneasiness and unrest all over this State
among our people, owing to the fact that the people all over
the State are being lynched upon the slightest provocation;
some being strung up to telegraph poles, others burnt at the
stake and still others being shot like dogs.
In the last 30 days there have been not less than eight
colored persons lynched in this State. At Texarkana a few
days ago, a man was burnt at the stake.
In Pine Bluff a few days later two men were strung up and
shot, and this too by the brilliant glare of the electric
lights. At Varner, George Harris was taken from jail and shot
for killing a white man, for poisoning his domestic
happiness.
At Wilmar, a boy was induced to confess to the commission
of an outrage, upon promise of his liberty, and when he had
confessed, he was strung up and shot. Over in Lonoke County,
a whole family consisting of husband, wife and child were
shot down like dogs. Verily the situation is alarming in the
extreme.
There were few honest press accounts of such lynchings, a problem that continues to trouble historians today as they put together the pieces of this period. Most Arkansas press accounts were no different. Lynchers were considered heroes, officers conniving, and the accused guilty.
A case in point:
In 1919, Arkansas would be home to a terrible racial injustice--the so-called Elaine Race Riot.
According to sketchy accounts that have been pieced together by historians, in September 1919, black sharecroppers met to protest unfair settlements for their cotton crops from white plantation owners. Local law enforcement broke up the union's meeting, and the next day a thousand white men, and troops of the U.S. Army, converged on Phillips County to put an end to the black sharecroppers' so-called ``insurrection''.
The number of African-American deaths from this lynching is disputed, ranging from 20 at the low end to 856 men and women on the high end.
The details of the Elaine Race Riot of 1919 have never been formally written down, but Mayor Robert Miller of Helena, AR remembers them vividly.
At the time, Mayor Miller's four uncles were preparing for a hunting trip. Three of them had traveled to a town near Elaine, Helena, AR, for this special occasion, which turned tragic when a mob saw the brothers with guns in hand, and assuming they were part of the ``insurrection,'' all four were immediately killed.
Of the anti-lynching legislation we are considering today, Mayor Miller says, ``It won't change what happened, but at least it's a good thing, a movement in the right direction.''
A 2000 article from the Arkansas Times reports on Arkansas' most high-profile lynching and the lasting impact it has had on families in Arkansas today.
In May 1927, a mentally retarded black man named John Carter was accused of attacking a white mother and daughter. Upon his capture near Little Rock a mob of 100 quickly gathered and prevented police from taking him to Little Rock, where police would protect him from being lynched.
After hanging him from a utility pole, the mob dragged John Carter's body through the city, and burned it in downtown Little Rock at 9th and Broadway.
The Arkansas Times article recounts a conversation that occurred 30 years later, in September 1957 of a mother talking to civil rights pioneer Daisy Bates about the John Carter lynching. The mother had this to say:
I am frightened Mrs. Bates. Not for myself, but for my
children. When I was a little girl, my mother and I saw a
lynch mob dragging the body of a Negro man through the
streets of Little Rock. We were told to get off the streets.
We ran. And by cutting through side streets and alleys, we
managed to make it to the home of a friend.
But we were close enough to hear the screams of the mob,
close enough to smell the sickening odor of burning flesh.
And, Mrs. Bates, they took the pews from Bethel Church to
make the fire. They burned the body of this Negro man right
at the edge of the Negro business section.
The woman speaking to Daisy Bates was named Birdie Eckford. Her daughter Elizabeth, one of the Little Rock Nine, would walk through an angry, threatening crowd the following day to claim her right to an equal education at Little Rock Central High School.
Little Rock Central High School today reminds us of some of the darkest days during the civil rights movement. As a former student, however, I can tell you that it also represents hope and achievement.
The year 2007 will mark the 50th anniversary of the desegregation process at Little Rock Central High School. Last Friday, I spoke with seven members of the Little Rock Nine to tell them that we are closer to funding an adequate visitor center and museum in time for his landmark anniversary.
Minnijean Brown Trickey, one of the Nine, said this Visitors' Center will serve many purposes, but what struck me was her assurance that the Center ``is an opportunity for healing.''
Today's resolution offers similar opportunities. It allows us to remember the past, begin healing from that past, look at how far our Nation has come to address equality and discrimination and rededicate ourselves to acknowledging how much further we must go from here.
I yield the floor.
Mr. President, I know we have other Senators on their way to the Chamber to speak.
I suggest the absence of a quorum.