Mr. Chair, I have an amendment at the desk. Mr. Chair, I rise in strong support of this amendment to restore $24 million for Navy AIM-120 Delta AMRAAM procurement to match House-passed NDAA levels. When he rolled out the National Defense…
Mr. Chair, I have an amendment at the desk.
Mr. Chair, I rise in strong support of this amendment to restore $24 million for Navy AIM-120 Delta AMRAAM procurement to match House-passed NDAA levels.
When he rolled out the National Defense Strategy, Secretary Mattis was clear: ``Great power competition, not terrorism, is now the primary focus of U.S. national security.''
Nowhere is this competition more intense than in the Indo-Pacific, where the ``fight tonight'' mission has never been more urgent, given threats from both great powers and rogue regimes.
Pentagon leaders have been clear: addressing critical munitions shortfalls such as the AMRAAM is a top priority.
During his confirmation, the new Indo-PACOM commander, Phil Davidson, listed critical munitions stockpiles as one of his top two capability and capacity challenges to addressing threats in the Indo-Pacific. Admiral Davidson went on to list advancements in air-to-air munitions-- and the AIM-120D in particular--as his top solution to challenges presented by anti-access area-denial capabilities.
Unfortunately, our AMRAAM inventory is currently at only 50 percent of the requirement--50 percent. We cannot afford to cut any further.
It is no surprise, then, that the Statement of Administration Policy on this bill singles out munitions reductions as an area of special concern. To quote the Statement of Administration Policy: ``DOD still has shortfalls in preferred munitions needed to achieve successfully the operational plans identified in the National Defense Strategy.'' And the very first munition mentioned is the AIM-120D AMRAAM.
Let's be clear about the implications here. The NDS is about great power competition. Our ability to win--or, much preferably, deter a great power war--comes down to our ability to execute these plans and impose our will on our adversaries.
These same adversaries are watching American defense spending debates right now, looking for signs such as failing to address publicly reported shortfalls, that America is not serious about long-term competition. Decisions like this, here and now, may seem small, but they all add up to tell a story that our friends and our foes, alike, receive loud and clear.
Last year, on a bipartisan basis, we were able to help address key Mark 48 torpedo shortfalls in this appropriations bill in order to address a critical war-fighting need. I hope we can build on this success this time around.
Mr. Chair, I urge my colleagues to support this amendment to match the House-passed authorization level as well as the administration request, and I reserve the balance of my time.
Mr. Chair, may I ask how much time I have remaining.
Mr. Chair, I would say I am all for finding efficiencies wherever we can get them, particularly in a very tight budgetary environment. That is why, in structuring this amendment, we need a concerted effort to prioritize the urgent operational requirements faced day in and day out in the Pacific where, notwithstanding any past delays, the balance of power, I would argue, is rapidly shifting against us and where any further shifts could really harm our ability to project power in the future.
We have also provided the Defense Contract Management Agency the flexibility to make modest steps toward finding efficiencies in its budget. Even after accounting for this offset, DCMA O&M would be funded at nearly $25 million over the House-passed NDAA level.
I would also say, our offset supports House-passed NDAA reductions to bureaucratic overhead in the so-called DOD fourth estate. In line with finding efficiencies, the fourth estate is comprised of the organizations within DOD that do not report to a military service and have proven difficult to manage or oversee, and I think the savings identified will go directly toward critical munitions for the warfighter--in other words, maximizing tooth while minimizing tail-- getting as much of the resource as possible out of the bureaucracy in the Pentagon and at the front lines where our warfighters need it most.
I have enormous respect for the chairwoman's position, I appreciate her willingness to consider this, and I appreciate the robust debate.
Mr. Chairman, I yield back the balance of my time.
Mr. Chairman, I demand a recorded vote.
Mr. Chairman, I have an amendment at the desk.
Mr. Chairman, as with the preceding amendment, this proposal addresses critical munitions shortfalls, this time by providing $33 million for Air Force AIM-120D AMRAAM procurement to match the NDAA.
The same argument for Navy AMRAAM procurement apply equally to this amendment as well. In order to support Indo-PACOM's fight tonight mission, we must increase our stockpiles of critical munitions. With our AMRAAM inventory currently at 50 percent of the requirement, we cannot afford to see further cuts.
This amendment would simply restore the House-passed NDAA level for Air Force AMRAAM procurement, and addresses one of the specific concerns outlined in the SAP on this bill.
I understand the argument on finding efficiencies. I just think it is worth remembering, particularly when we look at that region of the world, that aggression in the Pacific has historically caught our country off guard. After all, not only did the attack on Pearl Harbor and the North Korean advance past the 38th parallel come as a surprise, but we were similarly stunned by the rapid Chinese entry into the Korean war.
These mistakes cost American lives and forced our men and women in uniform to play catch-up. And I know that such a level of conflict may seem unthinkable in the post-Cold War world, but history has a way of, if not repeating itself, rhyming from time to time.
While this small investment will not inoculate us entirely against being caught flat-footed once again, it is a small step towards addressing critical munition shortfalls and giving our combatant and commanders the tools they need to deter conflict in the first place; and, if the worst does happen, be ready with the munitions they need.
Mr. Chairman, I urge my colleagues to support this proposal, and I reserve the balance of my time.
Mr. Chairman, I appreciate the gentleman's comments.
Mr. Chairman, I know, to some extent, we always seem to be making choices between near-term readiness requirements and long-term modernization efforts. I would submit, however, that that is a false choice, or perhaps is a choice that has been foisted upon us by bad budgetary decisions that we have made in the past 6 years.
The reality is, if you take a look at the world, we are going to have to do both things at the same time: invest in both readiness and modernization.
So I have enormous respect for those efforts to find efficiencies and make sure we can put dollars where people need them most. I simply, on balance, would like to put money in the hands of warfighters who are dealing with threats on the front lines as much as humanly possible.
Mr. Chairman, I yield back the balance of my time.
Mr. Chairman, I demand a recorded vote.