Floor Statements

Mr. President, on another matter, the loudest critics of American assistance to Ukraine tend to rest their case on three dubious claims: first, that somehow our support for Ukraine is a distraction--a distraction--from China, when, in fact, there are many reasons to believe exactly the opposite; second, that there is no accountability of lethal U.S. assistance when, in fact--in fact--we have unprecedented visibility into how the weapons and vehicles we are providing Ukraine are being utilized; and third, that somehow this whole thing is a zero-sum proposition, that support for Ukraine or European security comes at the expense of American prosperity and security, that we are spending too much.

I will discuss each of these faulty arguments in detail in the coming days, but today I would like to discuss this last one, in particular. Set aside the fact, recognized by the previous administration's National Security Strategy, that ``a strong and vital Europe is of vital importance to the United States.''

Standing with our allies against Putin is directly and measurably strengthening the U.S. military, growing the U.S. industrial base, and supporting thousands of good-paying American jobs. The overwhelming majority of the money that we have appropriated is being spent here in America, right here in this country. This is especially true for the security assistance we have appropriated for Ukraine. This assistance falls into two basic buckets.

The first, smaller portion is for the Ukraine Security Assistance Initiative--USAI for short. USAI predates the Biden administration. It was used by the previous administration to enhance Ukraine's military capabilities.

The second, larger portion isn't even for Ukraine. It is referred to as ``backfill'' or ``replenishment'' money, and it is used to purchase new versions of weapons and vehicles to replace the old--sometimes very old--versions the United States has taken from stockpiles and warehouses and transferred to Ukraine.

Now, the Biden administration often announces tranches of assistance as though it is new, direct aid to Ukraine. In fact, it is previously authorized or appropriated assistance that is only too slowly actually being disbursed. But, in both cases, the money we are talking about doesn't go to Ukraine; it goes to defense manufacturing facilities all across America and supports tens of thousands of American jobs-- expanding our defense industrial capacity to better compete with China, replenishing America's arsenal with weapons built by American workers.

But don't take my word for it. Just look at where some of these resources are going. Nearly $1.4 billion is buying the U.S. military new Javelin anti-tank missiles. These weapons are manufactured at facilities in Troy, AL; Ocala, FL; Farmington, NM; and Tucson, AZ, that employ hundreds of thousands of Americans.

Another $3 billion is producing new precision rockets and Patriot missiles for our military. That work is underway at a plant in Camden, AR, that employs nearly 1,000 workers. Dozens of suppliers across the country are doing work to support these high-end weapons.

Hundreds of millions of dollars in new air-to-air weapons systems bound for the U.S. military are rolling off production lines across the country--from a Massachusetts facility that employs 400 people to one in Arizona that employs 14,000. And this work is made possible by suppliers all across America, including in Iowa, Missouri, Texas, Florida, Alabama, Utah, and my home State of Kentucky--tens of billions of dollars directly invested in American military strength, directly supporting thousands of American jobs, and expanding our defense industry's capability to produce the weapons needed to deter adversaries like Russia and China.

Our support to Ukraine is grinding down one of America's biggest strategic adversaries and showing the other one the strength of our resolve; and it is providing Western forces, from NATO to Taiwan, with valuable operational lessons to apply to their own defense.

The value of that to American interests can hardly be measured simply in dollars or jobs; but critics of this investment cannot ignore its returns: American industry and workers are stronger for it; our warfighters are stronger for it; and our Nation is stronger for it.

Mr. President, I would like to begin today by quoting a concise assessment of threats facing the United States and our interests.

A central continuity in history is the contest for power. .

. . Three main sets of challengers--the revisionist powers of

China and Russia, the rogue states of Iran and North Korea,

and transnational threat organizations, particularly jihadist

terrorist groups--are actively competing against the United

States and our allies and partners. . . . China and Russia

want to shape a world antithetical to U.S. values and

interests. China seeks to displace the United States in the

Indo-Pacific region, expand the reaches of its state-driven

economic model, and reorder the region in its favor. Russia

seeks to restore its great power status and establish spheres

of influence near its borders.

That was the previous administration's national security strategy back in 2017. If anything, the threats it warned about at the end of its first year in office are even greater today.

Russia and China have both become more repressive at home and more aggressive abroad. Just before Russia's escalation of its war against Ukraine, our two most significant revisionist adversaries announced a ``friendship without limits.'' In the past year and a half, Putin has aligned Russia even more openly with rogue regimes hostile to the United States, like Iran and North Korea. We must not ignore this contest for power.

Here is another passage from the 2017 strategy:

To prevail, we must integrate all elements of America's

national power--political, economic, and military. Our allies

and partners must also contribute [to] the capabilities, and

demonstrate the will, to confront shared threats. Experience

suggests that the willingness of rivals to abandon or forgo

aggression depends on their perception of U.S. strength and

the vitality of our alliances.

In my view, the lessons are clear.

Under the previous administration, we began to rebuild America's strength with defense budget increases. Under the current administration, that strength has been undermined by a disastrous withdrawal from Afghanistan, desperate diplomacy towards Tehran, and a head-in-the-sand approach to North Korea.

Our enemies have been encouraged by meager defense budgets across NATO, including repeated budget requests by this administration that failed to even keep up with inflation.

Since Putin's escalation in Ukraine, President Biden has not been as decisive as many of us would have preferred, but this is no excuse for Congress to compound his administration's failures with failures of our own.

Now, with NATO unified and Europe awakened from its defense holiday and starting to spend real money on our collective defense, is certainly not the time to go wobbly. Now, with Ukraine bravely defending its sovereignty and

eroding Russia's capacity to threaten NATO, is not the time to ease up. Now, with Russia and China's ``friendship without limits'' and Putin's embrace of Iran and North Korea, is not the time for America to step back.

I will have more to say on the conflict in Ukraine, how the President hasn't been decisive enough, how our assistance is being used to good effect, and how additional appropriations are critical for our defense industrial base and competition with China, but for now, let's just be absolutely clear about a few things.

Helping Ukraine retake its territory means weakening--means weakening--one of America's biggest strategic adversaries without firing a shot and deterring another one in the process. It means investing directly in American strength, both military and economic. Our colleagues will have the opportunity to do all of these when we pass supplemental appropriations before the month is out.

I ask unanimous consent that the order for the quorum call be rescinded.

Well, Mr. President, I am glad to welcome our colleagues back from the August work period. Spending time back in our States with the folks we represent isn't just part of our job; more than anything else, it is what allows us to be effective here in Washington.

Now, one particular moment of my time back home has received its fair share of attention in the press over the past week, but I assure you, August was a busy and productive month for me and my staff back in the Commonwealth.

I kicked off the month in West Kentucky and then in my hometown of Louisville, where I met with small businesses and community leaders. We had a candid conversation on the critical issues facing our State, from relentless inflation straining families and business owners to the challenge of finding workers in a lagging labor market.

I also had a chance to travel to the eastern part of Kentucky, where I met with healthcare and recovery workers in Manchester. Tragically, the substance abuse crisis has become even deadlier in recent years, especially in my home State. So we discussed what we are doing to combat it and find ways the Federal Government can fill the gaps.

I also welcomed Dr. Rahul Gupta, the national drug czar, back to the Commonwealth to hear more about what we are doing to fight back against addiction. I look forward to continue working with Dr. Gupta to make Kentucky a safe and healthier place.

Throughout the month, I was pleased to see over $6 million go toward addressing the opioid crisis at home. This Federal funding will go a long way in supporting programs that offer a lifeline to countless Kentuckians who struggle with substance abuse.

In Bowling Green, I met with community bankers to discuss what Senate Republicans are doing to put a check on the Biden administration's reckless spending and regulatory overreach.

At the Kentucky State Fair I had a chance to indulge in some of the best that the Bluegrass has to offer, like the Farm Bureau's famous Ham Breakfast. This event is a highlight of mine every August, and this year was no exception.

I met with farmers from across the State to discuss their priorities and concerns as Congress takes up the all-important farm bill. This input will be vital to our work here in the Senate in the months ahead.

In Northern Kentucky, I wrapped up the month with local business leaders to talk about some of our landmark infrastructure investments underway in the State, like overhauling the Brent Spence Bridge and revitalizing our riverports and railroads.

From rural farm families to businesses of all sizes, every Kentuckian I met voiced the same message: There is too much government and too little being done to boost the economy and help everyday people.

So as the Senate gets back to work in Washington, I will keep these conversations and concerns in the forefront of my mind.

Mr. President, I ask unanimous consent that the order for the quorum call be rescinded.

Mr. President, yesterday, Senate Democrats celebrated the anniversary of their reckless taxing-and-spending spree. As the Democratic leader put it, ``this legislation is paying huge dividends.'' Well, he is right about that, but the windfalls from the deluge of liberal spending are headed all in the wrong directions.

Last year, Senate Republicans warned anyone who would listen about the dangers of our colleagues' plan. We explained how green slush funds dreamed up by leftwing activists wouldn't bring on the American industrial renaissance that Democrats were claiming it would, how half- baked climate schemes that relied on Chinese components and raw materials would give American workers and job creators the short end of the stick, and how crucial industries would face even heavier reliance on foreign supply chains.

But Washington Democrats paid these warnings no mind. They rammed through their radical spending on a party-line basis. Afterward, the senior Senator from West Virginia boasted that he ``did it to help America.'' The senior Senator from Montana said he ``look(s) forward to seeing the benefits of that bill.'' And President Biden summed up their action by saying:

We are going to invest in America again. . . . That's been

my economic vision.

Well, it is now crystal clear. Either Democrats didn't know what their own bill was actually designed to do or they knew exactly what it would do and decided to sell out American workers and job creators.

Here is the inconvenient--and dangerous--truth. Of the $110 billion this scheme has spent on green projects so far, foreign companies are involved in over 60 percent of it. In fact, foreign entities have their hand in 15 of the 20 biggest projects receiving money from the bill, and a full $8 billion is benefiting companies either based in or with significant ties to the People's Republic of China--over $100 billion in leftwing spending, and the majority has some tie to foreign countries, including America's biggest strategic adversary.

So our Democrat colleagues sold their reckless spending spree as a ``Made in America'' investment, but the only thing it appears to be making in America is a mess.

Mr. President, I want to associate myself with the remarks of the majority leader. Everybody on this side of the aisle feels exactly the same way.

Mr. President, in 2018, we reestablished the Senate NATO Observer Group. I ask for the following Republican Senators to participate in the group: Tillis, cochair; Barrasso, Ernst, Rounds, Hagerty, Moran, and Scott of South Carolina.

The Biden administration has been working overtime to sell the American people a fantasy. The President would like working families who struggled under 2 years of soaring inflation to believe their refrain that ``Bidenomics is working for America.''

The White House Press Secretary declared recently that ``people are feeling better about their personal finances.'' If only that were true. Unfortunately, the American people have too many reasons to believe their financial outlook is worse today--worse--than when the President took office.

According to a survey conducted last month, just 24 percent of voters say the American economy is on the right track; less than a third buy the claim that this administration's policies are bringing costs down for working families; and just 22 percent think inflation is getting any better.

No matter how many ways the administration officials spin the numbers, folks who work for a living and manage a family budget know that Bidenomics has made their lives harder. They know that prices have risen 16.6 percent since the President took office because they feel it every time they pay their bills. Energy prices, for example, are 38 percent higher than they were in January of 2021, and groceries are 20 percent more expensive.

In Washington State, one man reported recently that soaring rent had forced him to move, take on a longer commute, spend more on gas, and put his goal of homeownership on hold.

In Illinois, one woman told a reporter recently that she had paid $90 for groceries that would feed her family of three for 3 days. They might have to start visiting food pantries. ``You have no choice but to sacrifice,'' she said.

So look at it this way: During the first terms of the last four administrations before this one, year-on-year inflation never cracked 4 percent. Under President Biden, it happened 26 times. To borrow the President's own phrase, that is Bidenomics in action.

As one top Democratic economist put it last year, ``This is Biden's inflation and he needs to own it.''

So it is fitting that the President finally slapped his name on our current economic situation. He is right to take credit. Working families wouldn't be in this mess if he hadn't spent his first few months in office cramming $2 trillion in leftwing spending down the throat of our economy. So owning the runaway inflation Washington Democrats helped produce is one thing, but it is about time they focused on fixing it.

Now, on a different matter, tomorrow, Prime Minister Meloni of Italy will visit Washington for a series of meetings. I look forward to welcoming her to the Capitol at an important time for our two countries' friendship and for Italy's role in the transatlantic alliance.

Prime Minister Meloni took office as Europe faced its first large- scale land war in decades and Italy faced the increasing economic vulnerabilities of reliance on China. By all accounts, she has addressed these challenges head-on.

The Prime Minister has repeatedly asserted Italy's commitment to helping Ukraine beat Russian aggression and rebuild its economy. Importantly, like some leaders, she has done so with refreshing clarity to the Italian people about their own country's concrete interest in helping Ukraine defend itself.

Earlier this spring, in an address to the Italian Senate, Prime Minister Meloni summed up the reality. She said:

We are also sending [arms] to the Ukrainians to prevent the

possibility of having to use them ourselves one day. We are

sending arms to Ukraine also to keep the war far away from

the rest of Europe and our home.

Not vaguely defining philanthropy; just cold, hard investments in our own security.

At the NATO summit in Vilnius earlier this month, Italy's leader rightly declared:

Our freedom has a cost. . . . [W]hat is invested in defence

comes back tenfold, a hundredfold, in terms of our ability to

defend our national interests.

Secretary General Stoltenberg has recognized the Prime Minister's ``strong, personal commitment to NATO, [and] to our trans-Atlantic alliance.''

And the Italian Government has expressed its intention to accelerate progress toward the alliance's 2-percent defense spending program. I hope and expect to see Italy and all NATO allies meet this goal.

This shift in Italy's approach to defense and security policy reflects what allies have recognized across Europe: that the long holiday from history is over, and their investments and hard power are overdue.

But as Prime Minister Meloni meets with President Biden tomorrow, it is important to remember that our shared interests extend beyond Europe. Italy is rightly concerned about growing instability, terrorism, and migration flows in Africa--yet another area where Russian and Chinese influence has played a corrosive and threatening role. America has a shared interest in keeping pressure on the global terrorist resurgence that has followed the disastrous withdrawal from Afghanistan.

I am also encouraged that the Italian government is unraveling its involvement with China's so-called Belt and Road Initiative, another indication our European allies are taking steps to protect themselves against China's economic force.

So if we are serious about competition with the PRC, we need to work more closely with allies and partners who share our interest in preserving a world of free and fair trade and secure supply chains.

I am hopeful that President Biden and Prime Minister Meloni have a productive meeting tomorrow. I look forward to discussing our two nations' common challenges and priorities with her directly.

In the meantime, I am hopeful our colleagues will continue to work diligently to provide for common defense and equip America and our allies to meet and deter common threats.

I suggest the absence of a quorum.

I ask unanimous consent that the order for the quorum call be rescinded.

Mr. President, I need to begin my remarks today by acknowledging two solemn anniversaries.

Yesterday marked 25 years since a deranged gunman shattered the calm of a summer afternoon here at the Capitol, 25 years since two brave members of the United States Capitol Police--Jacob Joseph Chestnut and Detective John Michael Gibson--paid the ultimate price to keep us safe.

The senseless tragedy of July 24, 1998, robbed two families of beloved husbands and fathers. It deprived fellow officers of devoted colleagues and friends. But that day, the sacrifice of Officer Chestnut and Detective Gibson saved lives. They protected the lawmakers and staff who come here to work, the tourists who come here to encounter the heart of our democracy, and the institutions of Congress themselves. And they reminded an entire nation of the vital service the men and women of the Capitol Police render honorably every day.

Time will not heal the pain of losing these fine men, but in a special way today, I know my colleagues join me in extending our sympathies to the families of Jacob Chestnut and John Gibson and to their comrades in the Capitol Police. America will never forget their service and sacrifice.

Kentucky Flooding

Mr. President, tomorrow will mark 1 year since the brave people of Eastern Kentucky endured some of the worst flooding in the Commonwealth's history. Heavy rains and rising water caused mass evacuations and over 40 deaths, including a number of children. Roads turned to rapids, neighborhoods were swept away overnight, and families were left stranded.

In communities like Lost Creek, where I stood with Jackson Mayor Laura Thomas, not a single home was left untouched. From Lost Creek to communities and counties like Pike, Letcher, Knott, and Breathitt, I saw similar scenes of devastation and heard the painful stories of families displaced by the floods. But in the face of devastation, Kentucky's first responders rushed to help neighbors in their time of need.

As the full scope of the disaster became clear, I worked with leaders at FEMA to cut through redtape and encouraged a rapid Federal response. I made sure that Eastern Kentucky received big investments in recovery and that local leaders got more autonomy to restore communities, rebuild homes, and revitalize the economy.

Last year's tragedy tested Eastern Kentucky's resolve, and today, there is still work to be done. But Kentuckians are resilient. We rise up to the big challenges. I will continue to work with folks in Eastern Kentucky to build their communities back even stronger than before.

U.S. Supreme Court

Mr. President, on an entirely different matter, Democrats on the Judiciary Committee spent last Thursday considering the best way to reach from article I of the Constitution into article III and tell a coequal branch of government how to conduct its business.

The pretext for this latest chapter in Democrats' war on the institution of the Supreme Court was ``ethics and

transparency.'' They had a supposedly urgent legislative bone to pick with Justices who take vacations and publish children's books. But for all our colleagues' heartburn over a textualist Court that won't reliably affirm their political preferences, for all of the baseless commotion about undue outside influence, Senate Democrats have proven themselves to be quite thoroughly influenced by the far left's most notorious dark money advocates and discredited causes.

Here are some of the recent marching orders our colleagues have received from the activist left:

``Start taking on the court rhetorically as a political villain.''

``We'd like to amplify anyone who uses this corruption/legitimacy messaging.''

``Restrain MAGA justices immediately.''

``Rip the veil off.''

Well, Mr. President, Senate Democrats have dutifully followed their orders. In their words:

The Supreme Court is ``MAGA-captured.''

We have a ``stilted, illegitimate'' Court.

``We need to expand the Court.''

One Senator let the cat out of the bag, saying that this supposed ``ethics'' inquiry is just a predicate to Court packing. Quote: ``I don't think we should foreclose that in an amendment.''

Our colleagues understand what the far left expects of them. They know that their party's base has long since discarded any desire to achieve its goals from within our institutions. So last week, they rammed a blatant power grab through the Judiciary Committee as part of their effort to tear down a branch of government they can't control.

Well, Senate Republicans are going to keep fighting this dangerous campaign at every step of the way, and in the meantime, our Nation's highest Court should continue to pay it no mind.

Ukraine

Mr. President, now on one final matter, Russia's violence against civil infrastructure in Ukraine continues, but the consequences of this unilateral destruction extend far beyond Ukraine's borders.

Just a week has passed since Vladimir Putin pulled out of the agreement that had allowed critical Ukrainian grain shipments to transit the Black Sea unharmed. But already, Russia has expanded from threatening vessels carrying the world's grain supply to attacking grain storage in Odessa and other coastal cities.

Yesterday's attacks are the latest in the wave of violence against agricultural infrastructure that will punish the world's poorest and hungriest nations. Leaders in the developing world who have hesitated to cast blame in this conflict should take a careful look at Russia's unprovoked behavior.

But Russia hasn't limited its nonmilitary targets to grain supplies. On Sunday, Russia struck Odessa's largest Orthodox cathedral with a deadly missile barrage. So much for Russian propaganda efforts to present the Kremlin as a defender of the faithful. Of course, Putin, like many of his Soviet predecessors, has already done so much to corrupt and control the Russian Orthodox Church that we should not be surprised by his disrespect for religious institutions.

So let's be very clear. A regime that exploits the clerics as propagandists and agents of influence and that destroys historical houses of worship is not--not--a friend to believers.

Now, as Ukraine's counteroffensive makes slow progress, the United States and our allies can be sure of a few things.

First, our friends are using the munitions we have sent them, including the cluster munitions that are now hammering Russian positions in occupied Ukraine.

Second, at every step of the way, the Biden administration's indecision and inaction have meant certain key capabilities have arrived late--late--to the battlefield.

And, third, additional long-range firearms would help Ukraine put Russian invaders on the back foot as our friends have already demonstrated by successfully using British Storm Shadow cruise missiles.

So the Biden administration needs to start moving at the speed of relevance--at the speed of relevance--and give our friends in Ukraine the lethal tools they need to finish their fight.

For our part, as we work to provide for the common defense, the Senate must invest in a defense industrial base that can sustain America's support for Ukraine while equipping our own forces to deter further threats from Russia and China.

Mr. President, I ask unanimous consent that the order for the quorum call be rescinded.

Mr. President, yesterday, communities across my home State endured another spate of heavy rains. Flash flooding was especially severe in Western Kentucky, where residents are still rebuilding after tornadoes pummeled the region just 19 months ago.

First responders have been moving quickly to rescue and evacuate those impacted, and I understand that so far, there are no reported injuries or deaths. I am thankful for the heroic work to keep Kentuckians safe.

My team is in touch with State and local officials to help however we can, and later today, I will speak with the mayor of Mayfield to get an update on the situation in her community.

Elaine and I continue to pray for the safety of West Kentuckians as they recover and rebuild in this time of need.

Mr. President, on an entirely different matter, ``The administration's plan is working as intended.'' That is the Department of Homeland Security's assessment of the situation at our southern border since President Biden ended title 42 authorities back in May.

On the Biden administration's watch, Customs and Border Protection reported record-shattering numbers of illegal border crossings. Yet Washington Democrats would like us to believe that with the flip of a switch, they have brought the crisis they helped create under control. Believe me, I wish that were true. But the American communities dealing with the effects of President Biden's open borders, like the record flows of deadly drugs, know different.

And so do the thousands of migrants caught up in this administration's humanitarian catastrophe along the border. Here, unfortunately, are the facts. While the Biden administration crows about migrant encounters declining, the month of May 2023 saw nearly 35,000 inadmissible persons arriving at southern border points of entry. That is double the May total from just a year before. And last month, in June, the number jumped to over 45,000.

Meanwhile, the number of FBI Terror Watch List suspects arrested at the border thus far this fiscal year has already set a new annual record. President Biden's HHS Department still can't seem to account for over 85,000 children who arrived at the border unaccompanied and were released into the United States.

I know several of our colleagues on this side of the aisle will have more to say on the subject later today, but if this is what the Biden administration calls a plan that is working as intended, I hate to see what they think failure looks like.

Mr. President, on another matter, for more than 2 years now, the Biden administration has sent the Senate a steady stream of radical and unqualified nominees. That much is hardly news. But today, the President's pick to serve as Secretary of Labor made an especially ignominious bit of history. Julie Su has now waited longer for confirmation by the Senate of the same party as the President than any previous Cabinet nominee on record.

Her nomination has spent 4\1/2\ months in limbo while Senate Democrats decide whether they can even muster a party line confirmation vote.

``We're still taking input.'' That has become sort of our colleagues' go-to line as they decide whether to hold their noses and vote this scandal-plagued, leftwing activist into the job. Well, I would suggest to our colleagues that there is not much that Ms. Su's radical record has left to the imagination.

This is a nominee who managed to botch her previous job so royally that

the biggest newspaper in her home State, The Los Angeles Times, called one department's performance on her watch an ``epic failure.'' That was the L.A. Times describing the performance of this California department head.

As head of California's labor authority, Ms. Su was responsible for tens of billions of dollars in fraudulent unemployment insurance payments--tens of billions of dollars in fraud. Why on Earth would the Biden administration think that sort of performance deserves an encore?

Well, maybe because Ms. Su has a penchant for doing the bidding of favorite liberal activists and Big Labor allies. On the job in California, Ms. Su reportedly instructed employees on how to hide illegal immigrants from Customs authorities working to enforce the law. Here in Washington, she has worked overtime to give unions access to more of the workers' paychecks and veto power over vast-evolving industries where independent contractors and gig workers thrive.

So American taxpayers have seen enough--enough--of Julie Su. When will Senate Democrats finally decide they have as well?

Mr. President, yesterday, President Biden welcomed the President of Israel, Isaac Herzog, to Washington.

Unfortunately, some of the loudest anti-Israel voices in the President's own party took President Herzog's visit as an opportunity to call the world's only Jewish state racist, and House Democrats' leftwing boycotted President Herzog's joint address to Congress this morning.

These activist theatrics are unbecoming of elected American officials, and they are a distraction from the real threats that America, Israel, and our Arab friends face in the Middle East. I hope these threats were the focus of the conversation between the two Presidents.

Of course, threats to our shared interests have grown, in large part due to the Biden administration's naive approach to the world's largest state sponsor of terror, Iran.

Over the last 2\1/2\ years, Iran has dramatically increased its nuclear activities and even rebuffed the administration's repeated begging for a return to President Obama's flawed deal.

It has consolidated influence in Iraq, Syria, and Lebanon. It funds and

equips terrorist groups dedicated to Israel's destruction, and the deadly arm of its IRGC extends right up to Israel's borders.

In the Arabian Gulf, Iranian military vessels have targeted or seized commercial vessels offshore nearly 20 times since 2021. On the Arabian Peninsula, Iranian weapons have rained down on America's Saudi and Emirati partners.

In Iraq, Tehran works directly with Shia paramilitaries that threaten Iraq's sovereignty as well as Iraq's neighbors and U.S. forces and Hezbollah, Hamas, and other terrorist groups channel massive flows of Iranian support into increasing attacks on Israeli and American lives.

Violent flareups along the border with Lebanon earlier this month have Israel's forces on particularly high alert, but as our friends face growing threats, they need more bipartisan solidarity from Washington, not performative BDS or lectures from politicians in glass houses.

Earlier this year, the President warned ominously that Israel ``cannot continue down this road'' in its efforts to pass domestic judicial reforms. According to reports, it is a message he intends to continue delivering to the Israeli Prime Minister in the weeks to come.

Well, Mr. President, nobody here in Congress seems to like it when foreign politicians weigh in on American domestic politics and tell us how to do our job, so I try to stay out of the domestic politics of fellow democracies.

I have confidence in the Israeli people and their democratically elected leaders, including President Herzog, whom we welcomed to the Capitol today, and Prime Minister Netanyahu, who will travel soon to Washington.

Ironically, the radical House Democrats who crowed about boycotting the President's historic address are the ones who could benefit the most from his perspective on guiding a coalition government and a diverse nation toward greater security, prosperity, and peace.

President Herzog's remarks were a reminder to anyone willing to listen that, even in the face of growing threats, Israel and its Arab neighbors continue to offer tremendous opportunities to actually promote peace.

I was in the region earlier this year, and I can assure any skeptics that the promise of the Abraham Accords is real. It is changing the geopolitical and economic climate of a region that remains extremely important to the United States.

I hope President Biden will seize on this progress and help Israel and Saudi Arabia improve their relationship--an achievable and transformational goal. Here in Congress, we have a tremendous opportunity before us to demonstrate our commitment to Israel by prioritizing American strength with the NDAA.

I hope our colleagues will continue to work swiftly to finish this essential business.

U.S. Supreme Court

Mr. President, now, on another matter, while Democrats like President Biden may not like the Israeli Government's attempts at judicial reform, they are obsessed with doing it themselves here in the United States.

For the past several months, when they are not rubberstamping radical nominees for the Federal bench, Senate Democrats have been laser- focused on pushing a coequal branch of government and bending it to their political will. To do so, our colleagues plan to steer the Judiciary Committee onto the thinnest constitutional ice.

This week, the committee will mark up what Democrats are calling the Supreme Court Ethics, Recusal, and Transparency Act. But in the interests of actual transparency, let's discuss what our colleagues' intentions here actually are.

For months now, the Justices of the Court have been the subject of an uptick in pearl-clutching and hysterics from the political left and their media allies. We have been told we should be outraged that the Justices dare to buy and sell property and take vacations, that they speak at universities and write children's books, and that their spouses dare to pursue careers of their own.

As I have said before, I believe in the integrity and honesty of each member of the Court, and the Justices and their families should continue to ignore desperate attacks peddled by Democrats and organs of yellow journalism.

But no matter which headline is chosen as a pretext on any given day, it is the same old intimidation campaign by the left to undermine the Court.

By their own example, Senate Democrats have repeatedly told the American people that the entire Federal judiciary exists for no other reason than to fulfill their changing political whims. They have threatened Justices by name from the steps of the Court and threatened the institution itself in unfriendly amicus briefs. In each instance, Democrats have signaled their open disdain for a body that refuses to interpret the Constitution through the lens of their party's platform.

They have shown how afraid they are of a Court that upholds our laws as they were actually written, and they have expressed their profound misunderstanding of the Supreme Court's purpose in our Republic.

But this week, the same Senate Democrats who recently threatened to strip the Court's security budget would like us to believe that they are driven by nothing more than the pursuit of ethics and transparency. The same Democrats who warn solemnly about defending democracy would like to shatter the independence of a coequal pillar of our government.

The partisan bill before the Judiciary Committee this week deserves neither the Court's cooperation nor any Senator's support. I would urge each of our colleagues to reject it.