Floor Statements

Mr. President, now on another matter, I have spoken in recent days about the most common arguments deployed against U.S. assistance to the fight against Putin in Ukraine and how they fall short. Today, I would like to address the misconception that America's lethal aid lacks necessary accountability and protections against misuse.

The United States probably has a deeper understanding of how Ukraine is using weapons provided by the United States and our allies than we have had with any other partner nation, period. There are many reasons for this.

First, Ukraine is not Iraq or Afghanistan; it is a modern democracy, firmly committed to integration with the West.

Second, Russia's escalation last year led to a political sea change in how Ukraine treats corruption. Today, corruption and misuse of funds or weapons can mean the death of loved ones or imperil critical Western support.

I am not saying that corruption has vanished. Even in the worst conflicts or most advanced democracies, human nature remains. But the cost calculus has changed, and robust, independent anti-corruption bodies are making a difference.

Third, American diplomats, military officers, and USAID employees have finally returned to Kyiv. Their presence allows for more oversight and accountability of our assistance.

Senators who have visited the American-led headquarters in Germany and seen the professional, multinational effort supporting Ukraine firsthand have come away impressed. They have also been impressed by LTG Tony Aguto, the senior American officer who runs this effort and was confirmed by the Senate last year by a voice vote.

Through these coalition efforts, we have unprecedented insight into how nearly 30 types of Western weapons systems and vehicles are being used by Ukraine, often down to the serial number.

Take for example an American-led effort in Poland that remotely assists Ukrainian units on the frontlines to maintain and prepare various weapons and vehicles. When trouble arises, Ukrainian units have every incentive to share data, photos, and video in real time about the status of their weapons and benefit from engineering solutions we have provided to help maintain and prepare these weapons out in the field.

This is a win-win. The United States gets unprecedented insight into how our weapons are being used--often overused--in combat, which helps us improve and maintain America's own arsenal. U.S. forces also get a unique view into the situation on the battlefield and the challenges Ukrainian forces are facing.

Given his oversight role and regular contact with Ukrainian commanders, I have requested the administration make Lieutenant General Aguto available to brief Senators on these insights.

Finally, here in the Senate, Ranking Member Risch, Ranking Member Wicker, Vice Chairman Collins, and Vice Chairman Rubio have been conducting proactive oversight based on lessons learned in Iraq and Afghanistan.

We have ensured that $50 million was included in previous supplementals specifically to conduct oversight of assistance to Ukraine. We have added dozens of transparency and reporting requirements so Congress has more insight than ever.

Tomorrow, my colleagues will have an opportunity to learn even more. At my request, the inspectors general for the Pentagon, the State Department, and USAID will come to brief Republican Senators on the state of their own independent oversight of these assistance efforts. Already, as the State Department's IG put it, ``Our completed work has not substantiated any allegations of diversion.''

So it is my hope that each of our colleagues will take the opportunity to get the facts from these independent auditors.

Mr. President, I ask unanimous consent that the order for the quorum call be rescinded.

Mr. President, today marks 22 years since terrorists shattered a peaceful morning in New York, Pennsylvania, and here in Washington; 22 years since enemies of America's freedom and leadership killed 2,977 innocent people; 22 years, but the shock of that day and the pain of loss are still every bit as real.

Today, we remember the parents and the children and spouses and siblings who never returned home. We thank the first responders who ran toward danger in service of others. And we honor the servicemembers, intelligence professionals, and law enforcement officers who kept America safe since that awful day. But today is not just about remembering the past.

Year after year, September 11 is a reminder of our commitment to confront growing threats from global terror and to preserve the tools and authorities our national security community need to carry out this essential mission.

Mr. President, on another matter, as I discussed last week, skeptics of American leadership like to hang their hats on the notion that support for Ukraine somehow saps our ability to compete with and deter communist China. This view does not hold up to serious scrutiny.

For one thing, the patina of hawkishness on China is too often just a mask--a mask--for isolationism. If critics of U.S. support for Ukraine disparage the principle that we should oppose adversaries who evade and destroy Western-aligned neighbors, how credible--how credible--is their commitment to defend Taiwan or other vulnerable allies?

Of course, this isn't a debate about abstract principles or philanthropy. The United States isn't arming Ukraine out of a sense of charity. We are backing a fellow democracy because it is in our direct interest to do so--in our interest to do so.

To rebut one ad hominem accusation in particular, there is nothing ``neoconservative'' about support for Ukraine. Helping a democratic partner defend its sovereign territory against an unprovoked attack from a common enemy is obviously in America's interest.

Let me stress, we aren't defending Ukraine from aggression. The Ukrainians are doing that. America's two most powerful adversaries have struck up a ``friendship without limits.'' If we fail to help Ukraine stop Russia in its tracks, there is every reason to believe Russia and China will both be emboldened.

Our closest allies and partners in Asia--people with even more to lose from PRC aggression than armchair isolationists here in Washington--understand this fundamental reality.

It is why Taiwan provides humanitarian assistance to Ukraine. It is why the leaders of Japan and South Korea have traveled to Kyiv and pledged billions of dollars in assistance.

Our partners in Europe and Asia are joining us in investing in our military readiness and expanding our defense production capacity. If not for the conflict in Ukraine, it is difficult to imagine any of this happening.

Republicans should welcome Democrats who are finally willing to spend money on our defense industrial base. Such a bipartisan consensus will not survive if we turn our backs on this conflict.

And why would we pull the plug on the transatlantic alliance just when European allies are making credible investments in their own defenses and also coming around to share our concern about Chinese aggression?

Competition with China is a global proposition. And the strength of our closest military and economic allies in Europe affects China's calculus. Beijing would love to see the transatlantic alliance fracture in the wake of America turning our back on our closest trading partner.

If the United States proves we cannot be trusted to back our allies in Europe, why on Earth should our allies in Asia expect different treatment in the face of Chinese aggression?

War in Ukraine has taught the West a crucial lesson about the importance of investment in defense industrial capacity. And as I discussed last week, it has directed billions and billions of dollars toward restocking America's arsenal with American weapons built here by American workers.

This is a fundamental prerequisite for competition with China, and we are accomplishing it using a tiny fraction of the historically small and insufficient defense budgets President Biden has sent up to Congress.

Put another way, America is making urgent strides in the race to compete with our biggest adversary, China. And in the process, we are helping degrade Russian military strength and encouraging our allies to ``Buy American'' and invest in their own defense.

This is American leadership, and Republicans should be pressing President Biden to show more of it instead of dreaming about American retreat.

Mr. President, last week, the Biden administration rolled out the first targets of the scheme it has been working on for years--prescription drug socialism.

Ironically enough, Washington Democrats' plan to fix prices in the market for world-leading medical innovations is baked into legislation they produced after their own runaway spending sent consumer prices through the roof.

As we know, the Inflation Reduction Act did nothing to reduce inflation, and by one estimate, the government price controls it created may well cost the American economy 676,000 jobs.

Before Democrats rammed the IRA through on party lines, the average net prices for drugs were actually stable or falling, but that didn't stop the Biden administration from storming ahead with a drug-by-drug Federal power grab.

So let's be clear about what this means. Companies that don't comply with the administration's scheme will be forced to pay an unprecedented and excessive fine or withdraw their products from Medicare coverage, leaving American seniors with fewer options for lifesaving treatments. Meanwhile, researchers will have less certainty to dedicate years to creating the high-quality, consumer-friendly, affordable medications American industry is known for.

Research from the University of Chicago estimates that prescription drug socialism will result in 135 fewer new drugs--135 fewer new drugs, 188 fewer new treatments, and a $663 billion drop in innovative research and development. It will impact 60 percent of cancer medications on the market today and inevitably freeze innovations on future treatments.

To make matters worse, limits on price increases will force manufacturers to launch new drugs at much higher prices to cover future rising costs and leave many low-income and elderly Americans simply out of luck.

Price fixing is not some bright new idea cooked up on a liberal college campus. It is the sort of decrepit socialism that has been tried with disastrous results in places like China, Cuba, Venezuela, and the former Soviet Union.

We cannot afford for America's world-leading medical innovators to be next on the leftwing chopping block, and the millions of Americans living with rare and aggressive diseases can afford it least of all.

Mr. President, on another matter, the loudest critics of American assistance to Ukraine tend to rest their case on three dubious claims: first, that somehow our support for Ukraine is a distraction--a distraction--from China, when, in fact, there are many reasons to believe exactly the opposite; second, that there is no accountability of lethal U.S. assistance when, in fact--in fact--we have unprecedented visibility into how the weapons and vehicles we are providing Ukraine are being utilized; and third, that somehow this whole thing is a zero-sum proposition, that support for Ukraine or European security comes at the expense of American prosperity and security, that we are spending too much.

I will discuss each of these faulty arguments in detail in the coming days, but today I would like to discuss this last one, in particular. Set aside the fact, recognized by the previous administration's National Security Strategy, that ``a strong and vital Europe is of vital importance to the United States.''

Standing with our allies against Putin is directly and measurably strengthening the U.S. military, growing the U.S. industrial base, and supporting thousands of good-paying American jobs. The overwhelming majority of the money that we have appropriated is being spent here in America, right here in this country. This is especially true for the security assistance we have appropriated for Ukraine. This assistance falls into two basic buckets.

The first, smaller portion is for the Ukraine Security Assistance Initiative--USAI for short. USAI predates the Biden administration. It was used by the previous administration to enhance Ukraine's military capabilities.

The second, larger portion isn't even for Ukraine. It is referred to as ``backfill'' or ``replenishment'' money, and it is used to purchase new versions of weapons and vehicles to replace the old--sometimes very old--versions the United States has taken from stockpiles and warehouses and transferred to Ukraine.

Now, the Biden administration often announces tranches of assistance as though it is new, direct aid to Ukraine. In fact, it is previously authorized or appropriated assistance that is only too slowly actually being disbursed. But, in both cases, the money we are talking about doesn't go to Ukraine; it goes to defense manufacturing facilities all across America and supports tens of thousands of American jobs-- expanding our defense industrial capacity to better compete with China, replenishing America's arsenal with weapons built by American workers.

But don't take my word for it. Just look at where some of these resources are going. Nearly $1.4 billion is buying the U.S. military new Javelin anti-tank missiles. These weapons are manufactured at facilities in Troy, AL; Ocala, FL; Farmington, NM; and Tucson, AZ, that employ hundreds of thousands of Americans.

Another $3 billion is producing new precision rockets and Patriot missiles for our military. That work is underway at a plant in Camden, AR, that employs nearly 1,000 workers. Dozens of suppliers across the country are doing work to support these high-end weapons.

Hundreds of millions of dollars in new air-to-air weapons systems bound for the U.S. military are rolling off production lines across the country--from a Massachusetts facility that employs 400 people to one in Arizona that employs 14,000. And this work is made possible by suppliers all across America, including in Iowa, Missouri, Texas, Florida, Alabama, Utah, and my home State of Kentucky--tens of billions of dollars directly invested in American military strength, directly supporting thousands of American jobs, and expanding our defense industry's capability to produce the weapons needed to deter adversaries like Russia and China.

Our support to Ukraine is grinding down one of America's biggest strategic adversaries and showing the other one the strength of our resolve; and it is providing Western forces, from NATO to Taiwan, with valuable operational lessons to apply to their own defense.

The value of that to American interests can hardly be measured simply in dollars or jobs; but critics of this investment cannot ignore its returns: American industry and workers are stronger for it; our warfighters are stronger for it; and our Nation is stronger for it.

Mr. President, I would like to begin today by quoting a concise assessment of threats facing the United States and our interests.

A central continuity in history is the contest for power. .

. . Three main sets of challengers--the revisionist powers of

China and Russia, the rogue states of Iran and North Korea,

and transnational threat organizations, particularly jihadist

terrorist groups--are actively competing against the United

States and our allies and partners. . . . China and Russia

want to shape a world antithetical to U.S. values and

interests. China seeks to displace the United States in the

Indo-Pacific region, expand the reaches of its state-driven

economic model, and reorder the region in its favor. Russia

seeks to restore its great power status and establish spheres

of influence near its borders.

That was the previous administration's national security strategy back in 2017. If anything, the threats it warned about at the end of its first year in office are even greater today.

Russia and China have both become more repressive at home and more aggressive abroad. Just before Russia's escalation of its war against Ukraine, our two most significant revisionist adversaries announced a ``friendship without limits.'' In the past year and a half, Putin has aligned Russia even more openly with rogue regimes hostile to the United States, like Iran and North Korea. We must not ignore this contest for power.

Here is another passage from the 2017 strategy:

To prevail, we must integrate all elements of America's

national power--political, economic, and military. Our allies

and partners must also contribute [to] the capabilities, and

demonstrate the will, to confront shared threats. Experience

suggests that the willingness of rivals to abandon or forgo

aggression depends on their perception of U.S. strength and

the vitality of our alliances.

In my view, the lessons are clear.

Under the previous administration, we began to rebuild America's strength with defense budget increases. Under the current administration, that strength has been undermined by a disastrous withdrawal from Afghanistan, desperate diplomacy towards Tehran, and a head-in-the-sand approach to North Korea.

Our enemies have been encouraged by meager defense budgets across NATO, including repeated budget requests by this administration that failed to even keep up with inflation.

Since Putin's escalation in Ukraine, President Biden has not been as decisive as many of us would have preferred, but this is no excuse for Congress to compound his administration's failures with failures of our own.

Now, with NATO unified and Europe awakened from its defense holiday and starting to spend real money on our collective defense, is certainly not the time to go wobbly. Now, with Ukraine bravely defending its sovereignty and

eroding Russia's capacity to threaten NATO, is not the time to ease up. Now, with Russia and China's ``friendship without limits'' and Putin's embrace of Iran and North Korea, is not the time for America to step back.

I will have more to say on the conflict in Ukraine, how the President hasn't been decisive enough, how our assistance is being used to good effect, and how additional appropriations are critical for our defense industrial base and competition with China, but for now, let's just be absolutely clear about a few things.

Helping Ukraine retake its territory means weakening--means weakening--one of America's biggest strategic adversaries without firing a shot and deterring another one in the process. It means investing directly in American strength, both military and economic. Our colleagues will have the opportunity to do all of these when we pass supplemental appropriations before the month is out.

I ask unanimous consent that the order for the quorum call be rescinded.

Well, Mr. President, I am glad to welcome our colleagues back from the August work period. Spending time back in our States with the folks we represent isn't just part of our job; more than anything else, it is what allows us to be effective here in Washington.

Now, one particular moment of my time back home has received its fair share of attention in the press over the past week, but I assure you, August was a busy and productive month for me and my staff back in the Commonwealth.

I kicked off the month in West Kentucky and then in my hometown of Louisville, where I met with small businesses and community leaders. We had a candid conversation on the critical issues facing our State, from relentless inflation straining families and business owners to the challenge of finding workers in a lagging labor market.

I also had a chance to travel to the eastern part of Kentucky, where I met with healthcare and recovery workers in Manchester. Tragically, the substance abuse crisis has become even deadlier in recent years, especially in my home State. So we discussed what we are doing to combat it and find ways the Federal Government can fill the gaps.

I also welcomed Dr. Rahul Gupta, the national drug czar, back to the Commonwealth to hear more about what we are doing to fight back against addiction. I look forward to continue working with Dr. Gupta to make Kentucky a safe and healthier place.

Throughout the month, I was pleased to see over $6 million go toward addressing the opioid crisis at home. This Federal funding will go a long way in supporting programs that offer a lifeline to countless Kentuckians who struggle with substance abuse.

In Bowling Green, I met with community bankers to discuss what Senate Republicans are doing to put a check on the Biden administration's reckless spending and regulatory overreach.

At the Kentucky State Fair I had a chance to indulge in some of the best that the Bluegrass has to offer, like the Farm Bureau's famous Ham Breakfast. This event is a highlight of mine every August, and this year was no exception.

I met with farmers from across the State to discuss their priorities and concerns as Congress takes up the all-important farm bill. This input will be vital to our work here in the Senate in the months ahead.

In Northern Kentucky, I wrapped up the month with local business leaders to talk about some of our landmark infrastructure investments underway in the State, like overhauling the Brent Spence Bridge and revitalizing our riverports and railroads.

From rural farm families to businesses of all sizes, every Kentuckian I met voiced the same message: There is too much government and too little being done to boost the economy and help everyday people.

So as the Senate gets back to work in Washington, I will keep these conversations and concerns in the forefront of my mind.

Mr. President, I ask unanimous consent that the order for the quorum call be rescinded.

Mr. President, yesterday, Senate Democrats celebrated the anniversary of their reckless taxing-and-spending spree. As the Democratic leader put it, ``this legislation is paying huge dividends.'' Well, he is right about that, but the windfalls from the deluge of liberal spending are headed all in the wrong directions.

Last year, Senate Republicans warned anyone who would listen about the dangers of our colleagues' plan. We explained how green slush funds dreamed up by leftwing activists wouldn't bring on the American industrial renaissance that Democrats were claiming it would, how half- baked climate schemes that relied on Chinese components and raw materials would give American workers and job creators the short end of the stick, and how crucial industries would face even heavier reliance on foreign supply chains.

But Washington Democrats paid these warnings no mind. They rammed through their radical spending on a party-line basis. Afterward, the senior Senator from West Virginia boasted that he ``did it to help America.'' The senior Senator from Montana said he ``look(s) forward to seeing the benefits of that bill.'' And President Biden summed up their action by saying:

We are going to invest in America again. . . . That's been

my economic vision.

Well, it is now crystal clear. Either Democrats didn't know what their own bill was actually designed to do or they knew exactly what it would do and decided to sell out American workers and job creators.

Here is the inconvenient--and dangerous--truth. Of the $110 billion this scheme has spent on green projects so far, foreign companies are involved in over 60 percent of it. In fact, foreign entities have their hand in 15 of the 20 biggest projects receiving money from the bill, and a full $8 billion is benefiting companies either based in or with significant ties to the People's Republic of China--over $100 billion in leftwing spending, and the majority has some tie to foreign countries, including America's biggest strategic adversary.

So our Democrat colleagues sold their reckless spending spree as a ``Made in America'' investment, but the only thing it appears to be making in America is a mess.

Mr. President, I want to associate myself with the remarks of the majority leader. Everybody on this side of the aisle feels exactly the same way.

Mr. President, in 2018, we reestablished the Senate NATO Observer Group. I ask for the following Republican Senators to participate in the group: Tillis, cochair; Barrasso, Ernst, Rounds, Hagerty, Moran, and Scott of South Carolina.

The Biden administration has been working overtime to sell the American people a fantasy. The President would like working families who struggled under 2 years of soaring inflation to believe their refrain that ``Bidenomics is working for America.''

The White House Press Secretary declared recently that ``people are feeling better about their personal finances.'' If only that were true. Unfortunately, the American people have too many reasons to believe their financial outlook is worse today--worse--than when the President took office.

According to a survey conducted last month, just 24 percent of voters say the American economy is on the right track; less than a third buy the claim that this administration's policies are bringing costs down for working families; and just 22 percent think inflation is getting any better.

No matter how many ways the administration officials spin the numbers, folks who work for a living and manage a family budget know that Bidenomics has made their lives harder. They know that prices have risen 16.6 percent since the President took office because they feel it every time they pay their bills. Energy prices, for example, are 38 percent higher than they were in January of 2021, and groceries are 20 percent more expensive.

In Washington State, one man reported recently that soaring rent had forced him to move, take on a longer commute, spend more on gas, and put his goal of homeownership on hold.

In Illinois, one woman told a reporter recently that she had paid $90 for groceries that would feed her family of three for 3 days. They might have to start visiting food pantries. ``You have no choice but to sacrifice,'' she said.

So look at it this way: During the first terms of the last four administrations before this one, year-on-year inflation never cracked 4 percent. Under President Biden, it happened 26 times. To borrow the President's own phrase, that is Bidenomics in action.

As one top Democratic economist put it last year, ``This is Biden's inflation and he needs to own it.''

So it is fitting that the President finally slapped his name on our current economic situation. He is right to take credit. Working families wouldn't be in this mess if he hadn't spent his first few months in office cramming $2 trillion in leftwing spending down the throat of our economy. So owning the runaway inflation Washington Democrats helped produce is one thing, but it is about time they focused on fixing it.

Now, on a different matter, tomorrow, Prime Minister Meloni of Italy will visit Washington for a series of meetings. I look forward to welcoming her to the Capitol at an important time for our two countries' friendship and for Italy's role in the transatlantic alliance.

Prime Minister Meloni took office as Europe faced its first large- scale land war in decades and Italy faced the increasing economic vulnerabilities of reliance on China. By all accounts, she has addressed these challenges head-on.

The Prime Minister has repeatedly asserted Italy's commitment to helping Ukraine beat Russian aggression and rebuild its economy. Importantly, like some leaders, she has done so with refreshing clarity to the Italian people about their own country's concrete interest in helping Ukraine defend itself.

Earlier this spring, in an address to the Italian Senate, Prime Minister Meloni summed up the reality. She said:

We are also sending [arms] to the Ukrainians to prevent the

possibility of having to use them ourselves one day. We are

sending arms to Ukraine also to keep the war far away from

the rest of Europe and our home.

Not vaguely defining philanthropy; just cold, hard investments in our own security.

At the NATO summit in Vilnius earlier this month, Italy's leader rightly declared:

Our freedom has a cost. . . . [W]hat is invested in defence

comes back tenfold, a hundredfold, in terms of our ability to

defend our national interests.

Secretary General Stoltenberg has recognized the Prime Minister's ``strong, personal commitment to NATO, [and] to our trans-Atlantic alliance.''

And the Italian Government has expressed its intention to accelerate progress toward the alliance's 2-percent defense spending program. I hope and expect to see Italy and all NATO allies meet this goal.

This shift in Italy's approach to defense and security policy reflects what allies have recognized across Europe: that the long holiday from history is over, and their investments and hard power are overdue.

But as Prime Minister Meloni meets with President Biden tomorrow, it is important to remember that our shared interests extend beyond Europe. Italy is rightly concerned about growing instability, terrorism, and migration flows in Africa--yet another area where Russian and Chinese influence has played a corrosive and threatening role. America has a shared interest in keeping pressure on the global terrorist resurgence that has followed the disastrous withdrawal from Afghanistan.

I am also encouraged that the Italian government is unraveling its involvement with China's so-called Belt and Road Initiative, another indication our European allies are taking steps to protect themselves against China's economic force.

So if we are serious about competition with the PRC, we need to work more closely with allies and partners who share our interest in preserving a world of free and fair trade and secure supply chains.

I am hopeful that President Biden and Prime Minister Meloni have a productive meeting tomorrow. I look forward to discussing our two nations' common challenges and priorities with her directly.

In the meantime, I am hopeful our colleagues will continue to work diligently to provide for common defense and equip America and our allies to meet and deter common threats.

I suggest the absence of a quorum.

I ask unanimous consent that the order for the quorum call be rescinded.

Mr. President, I need to begin my remarks today by acknowledging two solemn anniversaries.

Yesterday marked 25 years since a deranged gunman shattered the calm of a summer afternoon here at the Capitol, 25 years since two brave members of the United States Capitol Police--Jacob Joseph Chestnut and Detective John Michael Gibson--paid the ultimate price to keep us safe.

The senseless tragedy of July 24, 1998, robbed two families of beloved husbands and fathers. It deprived fellow officers of devoted colleagues and friends. But that day, the sacrifice of Officer Chestnut and Detective Gibson saved lives. They protected the lawmakers and staff who come here to work, the tourists who come here to encounter the heart of our democracy, and the institutions of Congress themselves. And they reminded an entire nation of the vital service the men and women of the Capitol Police render honorably every day.

Time will not heal the pain of losing these fine men, but in a special way today, I know my colleagues join me in extending our sympathies to the families of Jacob Chestnut and John Gibson and to their comrades in the Capitol Police. America will never forget their service and sacrifice.

Kentucky Flooding

Mr. President, tomorrow will mark 1 year since the brave people of Eastern Kentucky endured some of the worst flooding in the Commonwealth's history. Heavy rains and rising water caused mass evacuations and over 40 deaths, including a number of children. Roads turned to rapids, neighborhoods were swept away overnight, and families were left stranded.

In communities like Lost Creek, where I stood with Jackson Mayor Laura Thomas, not a single home was left untouched. From Lost Creek to communities and counties like Pike, Letcher, Knott, and Breathitt, I saw similar scenes of devastation and heard the painful stories of families displaced by the floods. But in the face of devastation, Kentucky's first responders rushed to help neighbors in their time of need.

As the full scope of the disaster became clear, I worked with leaders at FEMA to cut through redtape and encouraged a rapid Federal response. I made sure that Eastern Kentucky received big investments in recovery and that local leaders got more autonomy to restore communities, rebuild homes, and revitalize the economy.

Last year's tragedy tested Eastern Kentucky's resolve, and today, there is still work to be done. But Kentuckians are resilient. We rise up to the big challenges. I will continue to work with folks in Eastern Kentucky to build their communities back even stronger than before.

U.S. Supreme Court

Mr. President, on an entirely different matter, Democrats on the Judiciary Committee spent last Thursday considering the best way to reach from article I of the Constitution into article III and tell a coequal branch of government how to conduct its business.

The pretext for this latest chapter in Democrats' war on the institution of the Supreme Court was ``ethics and

transparency.'' They had a supposedly urgent legislative bone to pick with Justices who take vacations and publish children's books. But for all our colleagues' heartburn over a textualist Court that won't reliably affirm their political preferences, for all of the baseless commotion about undue outside influence, Senate Democrats have proven themselves to be quite thoroughly influenced by the far left's most notorious dark money advocates and discredited causes.

Here are some of the recent marching orders our colleagues have received from the activist left:

``Start taking on the court rhetorically as a political villain.''

``We'd like to amplify anyone who uses this corruption/legitimacy messaging.''

``Restrain MAGA justices immediately.''

``Rip the veil off.''

Well, Mr. President, Senate Democrats have dutifully followed their orders. In their words:

The Supreme Court is ``MAGA-captured.''

We have a ``stilted, illegitimate'' Court.

``We need to expand the Court.''

One Senator let the cat out of the bag, saying that this supposed ``ethics'' inquiry is just a predicate to Court packing. Quote: ``I don't think we should foreclose that in an amendment.''

Our colleagues understand what the far left expects of them. They know that their party's base has long since discarded any desire to achieve its goals from within our institutions. So last week, they rammed a blatant power grab through the Judiciary Committee as part of their effort to tear down a branch of government they can't control.

Well, Senate Republicans are going to keep fighting this dangerous campaign at every step of the way, and in the meantime, our Nation's highest Court should continue to pay it no mind.

Ukraine

Mr. President, now on one final matter, Russia's violence against civil infrastructure in Ukraine continues, but the consequences of this unilateral destruction extend far beyond Ukraine's borders.

Just a week has passed since Vladimir Putin pulled out of the agreement that had allowed critical Ukrainian grain shipments to transit the Black Sea unharmed. But already, Russia has expanded from threatening vessels carrying the world's grain supply to attacking grain storage in Odessa and other coastal cities.

Yesterday's attacks are the latest in the wave of violence against agricultural infrastructure that will punish the world's poorest and hungriest nations. Leaders in the developing world who have hesitated to cast blame in this conflict should take a careful look at Russia's unprovoked behavior.

But Russia hasn't limited its nonmilitary targets to grain supplies. On Sunday, Russia struck Odessa's largest Orthodox cathedral with a deadly missile barrage. So much for Russian propaganda efforts to present the Kremlin as a defender of the faithful. Of course, Putin, like many of his Soviet predecessors, has already done so much to corrupt and control the Russian Orthodox Church that we should not be surprised by his disrespect for religious institutions.

So let's be very clear. A regime that exploits the clerics as propagandists and agents of influence and that destroys historical houses of worship is not--not--a friend to believers.

Now, as Ukraine's counteroffensive makes slow progress, the United States and our allies can be sure of a few things.

First, our friends are using the munitions we have sent them, including the cluster munitions that are now hammering Russian positions in occupied Ukraine.

Second, at every step of the way, the Biden administration's indecision and inaction have meant certain key capabilities have arrived late--late--to the battlefield.

And, third, additional long-range firearms would help Ukraine put Russian invaders on the back foot as our friends have already demonstrated by successfully using British Storm Shadow cruise missiles.

So the Biden administration needs to start moving at the speed of relevance--at the speed of relevance--and give our friends in Ukraine the lethal tools they need to finish their fight.

For our part, as we work to provide for the common defense, the Senate must invest in a defense industrial base that can sustain America's support for Ukraine while equipping our own forces to deter further threats from Russia and China.

Mr. President, I ask unanimous consent that the order for the quorum call be rescinded.