Floor Statements

Mr. President, now on another matter, it has been a full year since Putin escalated Russia's brutal war against Ukraine and nearly 9 years since he began his military effort to take over the sovereign country in early 2014. Putin's nonmilitary efforts to meddle in Ukraine, undermine it, and control its population long predated even 2014. It has been 15 years since Putin invaded Georgia. A few years before that, he said publicly the breakup of the Soviet Union was ``the greatest geopolitical catastrophe of the 20th century.''

The former KGB agent who has run the Kremlin for two decades has been very, very consistent: repression at home, aggression abroad, assassinations, invasions, poisonings, and political interference. And whenever the rest of the world responded with accommodation rather than with resolve, Putin drew the natural conclusion that he could do whatever he wanted.

But for the past 11 months, the brave men and women in Ukraine have defied the odds. They have endured tremendous hardship and stood their ground. They have fought bravely for their families, their freedom, and their country.

At every step of the way, investments from the United States and our allies have equipped the Ukrainian people to exact a heavy price from the Russian invaders. Western assistance has played a key role, but it has come too slowly and haltingly.

Despite my urging the Biden administration to act sooner, aid did not come early enough to help Ukraine deter Putin's escalation before it actually happened, nor to slow down Russia's brutal and rapid advance in the east and the south. It has not come quickly enough to help Ukraine sustain counteroffensives or fully defend its cities against missile and drone attacks.

The United States and our friends and our partners have done enough to prevent Ukraine from losing--from losing--but we have not yet done enough to help Ukraine actually win.

A protracted stalemate is neither in Ukraine's interest nor ours. The solution that is both the most humane and the most advantageous to America's interests is quite simple: Help Ukraine win this war.

We know what it will take to make this possible. As our colleague Senator Wicker said, ``We can shift this war immediately in Ukraine's favor by providing a range of advanced weapons, including tanks, drones, and tactical missiles.'' And as Chairman McCaul from the House said this past weekend, it is not the United States that will be provocative if we send stronger assistance.

Mr. Putin is the provocative one. . . . He invaded a

sovereign territory, aggressively [and] unprovoked.

Yet some of freedom's most powerful friends remain hesitant. For many months, Germany has not only resisted calls to send Leopard 2 tanks to Ukraine but has actually also prevented other European nations from transferring their own German-produced Leopards to Ukraine. Time is short, and while Berlin agonizes over its own decision whether to provide Leopards to Ukraine, it should proactively and explicitly make clear that other allies are free to do so.

What about the Biden administration here at home? The administration's latest deliveries failed to include--failed to include--the longer range missiles and more sophisticated munitions that Ukraine has been requesting literally for months--for months.

Ukraine's brave resistance deserves our continued praise, but more importantly, it needs our concrete and consistent materiel support. Ukraine's strengths cannot keep self-deterring ourselves and letting the aggressors, the invaders, dictate the pace. So it is time--past time--for the Biden administration and our allies to get serious about helping Ukraine finish the job and retake their country.

I suggest the absence of a quorum.

Moments ago, the Senate returned to our full 100- person strength as Nebraska's new junior Senator took the oath of office.

The Cornhusker State expects a lot from its leaders. For the last 8 years, Nebraskans could rest easy knowing they had Deb Fischer and Ben Sasse on the job here in Washington. And during that same time, of course, they also had an outstanding leader even closer to home. As Governor, Pete Ricketts applied private-sector savvy to the work of public administration with great effect. He secured for Nebraska families and small businesses the biggest tax relief in that State's history. He championed parents' rights and defended civics education.

In the face of a global pandemic, he built the State's response on common sense--saving lives but also safeguarding livelihoods; preserving liberties and protecting kids' educations, all at the same time. The people of Nebraska chose wisely in electing and re-electing Governor Ricketts by huge margins. And their new Governor chose wisely in sending his predecessor here to this Chamber.

I know I speak for the entire Senate in extending a warm welcome to Senator Ricketts and his wife Susanne.

Pete, we are glad to have you here on the team.

118th Congress

Madam President, on another matter, the American people want and need this 118th Congress to work differently than the past 2 years that were just finished. We just had 2 years of one-party Democratic control, 2 years of spending us into record inflation on party-line votes, 2 years of ignoring top priorities of the American people like violent crime and open borders, two years of Senate Democrats procrastinating on basic government duties in order to push radical proposals like an unprecedented elections takeover and unlimited abortion on demand for all 9 months.

The American people put an end to that one-party government because they wanted change.

This year, the Senate leadership must not put off our most basic jobs, like intelligently funding our Federal Government and providing for our Armed Forces, before the very last minute. Basic duties like the appropriations process and the National Defense Authorization Act need more thoughtfulness, more bipartisanship, and more regular order. And they must not be shoved into late December after the Senate Democrats waste literally months looking for ways to placate the radical left.

The American people elected a bipartisan, divided government. The country voted to change Washington. So this Chamber's Democratic leadership needs to change accordingly.

Madam President, I ask unanimous consent that the order for the quorum call be rescinded.

Madam President, when the Biden administration put out their budget proposal, the Republicans knew it was literally wrong for the country. The administration wanted to cut funding for our Armed Forces, after inflation, while massively increasing spending on nondefense.

Republicans have taken the President's bizarre position and flipped it on its head. The bipartisan government funding bill that Senators Leahy and Shelby have finished negotiating does exactly the opposite of what the Biden administration first proposed. This bill provides a substantial real-dollar increase to the defense baseline and a substantial real-dollar cut to the nondefense, nonveterans baseline.

Let me say that again. President Biden wanted to cut defense spending and grow liberal domestic spending in real dollars, but Congress is rejecting the Biden administration's vision and doing the exact opposite. This bill will grow defense spending and cut nondefense, nonveterans spending after inflation.

Just last week, the Senate passed the National Defense Authorization Act on an overwhelming bipartisan basis. Senators on both sides acknowledged that President Biden and his administration had failed-- failed--to request the level of resources that our servicemembers and their commanders actually needed. So on a bipartisan basis, we ignored the administration's request and authorized what our Armed Forces actually need.

But the landmark investments in upgrading and modernizing our Armed Forces that we just laid out in the NDAA will not happen unless Congress follows through and appropriates the money to pay the bills. That is what Senators Shelby and Leahy have given us the opportunity to achieve: make good on our commitments in the NDAA by following through with actual funding.

Americans want our Nation to remain the preeminent global superpower. We want our country to remain the mightiest civilization the world has ever seen. We want to keep helping Ukraine, keep outcompeting Russia, and keep pace with the huge investments that China is making in their own military and new technologies.

So it is a strange position, to say the least, when Republicans in Congress have to poke and prod a Democratic Commander in Chief into sufficiently funding the men and women that he actually commands. But as I said all along, funding our Armed Forces is a basic governing duty. Republicans were not going to let our Democratic colleagues demand extra leftwing goodies in exchange for doing their job and funding our troops. The President's own party does not get to take our national defense hostage and demand rewards.

So I am grateful that our Democratic colleagues backed down and accepted our position. The bipartisan bill that our colleagues have negotiated equips our Armed Forces with the resources they need while cutting nondefense, nonveterans spending in real dollars.

This is a strong outcome for Republicans and, much more importantly, it is the outcome that our Nation's security actually needs. So I want to thank our distinguished colleague, Senator Shelby, for his hard work, and I look forward to reviewing the full text soon.

Mr. President, I ask unanimous consent that the order for the quorum call be rescinded.

All year, Senate Republicans have urged Democrats to prioritize two basic governing duties, two tasks that are essential to keeping America safe, keeping us on track to remain the world's superpower, and doing right by our men and women in uniform.

No. 1 is the annual Defense bill, where we authorize the investments, tools, and training that our commanders, leaders, and servicemembers need.

No. 2 is passing government funding, where we back up the NDAA's ambitions with the actual dollars and cents that turn plans into reality.

Bipartisan negotiators are still working on the second item. I hope they are able to produce text of a bipartisan government funding bill that can pass the Senate before our hard deadline next Thursday. Otherwise, I will support pivoting next week to a short-term continuing resolution into the new year.

But I am glad that, in the very near future, the Senate will finally fulfill the first key duty and pass a strong NDAA named for our retiring ranking member, Senator Inhofe.

I have spent all week discussing ways this legislation will help our Armed Forces and national security professionals, safeguard our homeland, bolster our partnerships, and keep adversaries like Russia on their back feet. Today, I want to focus on what most Senators agree is the single greatest medium-term and long-term national security challenge that our Nation faces, and that is the Chinese Communist Party.

The legislation we will pass today includes provisions to extend our security assistance to Taiwan. It steps up our investments and capabilities that are essentially crucial to operations in the Indo- Pacific, from space assets to naval mines.

It reprioritizes countering China's nuclear breakout by curbing the Biden administration's naive efforts to retire critical elements of our nuclear arsenal.

It tightens security on our cutting-edge research and bolsters sea- launch strategic deterrent capabilities.

And that is not all.

This strong bipartisan bill puts new weight behind our long-term commitments to stand with both vulnerable countries in China's orbit and vulnerable people actually within its own borders.

It will authorize a new Joint Force Headquarters right there in the region and make sure that U.S. military installations are not commercial destinations for goods that have been produced with Uighur slave labor in the Xinjiang Province.

This bill will also help stiffen the spine of the liberal entertainment industry that apparently lacks the courage to cross Beijing without clearer incentives. This year's NDAA will prohibit the use of U.S. military assets, like ships or bases, in movies where the producers then turn around and allow Chinese censors to have final signoff. If Hollywood wants to trample on American principles of free expression in order to please the Communist Party, they won't get to use our Armed Forces as props in the process.

Of course, stepping up our competition with China and limiting the risks to America from the CCP does not mean walking away from the world stage more broadly--quite the contrary. Checking the CCP will take a coordinated effort with even stronger, deeper ties between the United States and our like-minded friends and partners.

That means everything from basing access to joint exercises and operations, to strengthening our own defense industrial base so that we can continue to score win-wins, in both security and economic terms, by selling our partners the defensive capabilities they need.

Protecting America and winning the future does not entail pulling up our drawbridge, turning inward, and pretending the world will leave us alone.

China is actively--actively--trying to undercut American interests and partnerships everywhere from Asia itself to the Middle East, to Africa and beyond.

This NDAA will strengthen our hand. It prioritizes crucial partnerships in the Indo-Pacific. It adds New Zealand to the National Technological Industrial Base. It expands our ability to share cyber capabilities with operational partners, and it preserves vital security cooperation efforts in the Middle East and invests in expanding partnerships in Africa, South America, and beyond.

The NDAA is only a first step toward the investments, modernization, and stronger strategies that we need to compete and to win against rivals who don't wish us well. But it is a crucial first step.

Therefore, I encourage every Senator on both sides to support this important legislation.

I suggest the absence of a quorum.

Madam President, the Senate is often labeled as the world's greatest deliberative body--a place where generations of titanic statesmen have asked the deep questions about America, questions like: How do we balance individual liberty with the common good? What role should we play on the world stage? and ``How should tax depreciation affect a small restaurant owner who is buying a new Fry-o- lator?''

Anyone around the Senate would recognize that last query as the work of our detail-oriented, hometown-focused, economic whiz--the junior Senator from Pennsylvania, Pat Toomey.

Pat's entire sterling career--from the private sector to the House, to nonprofit activism, to the Senate--has revolved around the reality that economics is central to daily life. What can seem like dry details or esoteric issues can determine whether whole societies rise or fall and whether hard-working families struggle or succeed. For two terms in the Senate and almost two decades total in Congress, Pat's commanding mastery of economic issues has had a massive, massive impact on his State and his country.

Our friend takes particular pride, as he should, in his leading role in delivering the generational tax reform of 2017. Most people involved in that massive effort found it exhausting. Pat considered it energizing. Our resident economist was actually in his element, and the work he helped lead created one of the best economic moments for working Americans in a generation, before the pandemic.

But tax reform is far from the only fruit of Pat's labors. From the JOBS Act of 2012, which put financial markets more within the reach of everyday investors, to the CARES Act, where Pat helped steer our bedrock financial institutions through pandemic turmoil, we knew we were getting a principled firebrand when our friend joined the Senate.

We have also gotten a collegial consensus-builder. Whether it was Pat's work on the 2011 supercommittee or his tenure at the top of the Banking Committee, Pat has blended principle, pragmatism, and persuasion.

He is always professional and respectful to his colleagues, to nominees--to everybody. He is unusually skilled at fighting the fight and unusually skilled at getting an outcome.

Pat's life and career have brought him a long way, but you still see the seeds that were planted by his father--a marine vet and utility worker. There wasn't any legacy fast track into the Ivy League, but thanks to a good upbringing, it was hard work and sheer brainpower that paved our friend's Path to a prep school merit scholarship and then on to Harvard.

Pat cut his professional teeth as a trader in New York and Hong Kong--a free marketeer right from the start. But right as his Wall Street opportunities were taking off, Pat hit pause on his big city rise and put his economic instincts to an even higher stakes test: He actually headed back to Allentown to set up a family business from scratch. The small restaurant Pat and his brothers started was a proving ground for Pat's deep convictions in the community-building, life-changing power of free enterprise and entrepreneurship.

I understand Pat's first venture into elected office, a local commission, was mostly just an effort to make sure bureaucrats didn't meddle with the success of Rookies Restaurant and others like it.

The rest, of course, is history. Pat Toomey became a formidable Congressman, then a pivotal outside player, and finally a masterful and essential Senator. Pat has led the charge for his fellow Pennsylvanians on one front after another.

In one instance, he responded to tragedy close to home with a solution for the entire country. Heinous buck-passing on child abuse in public schools, known as passing the trash, had let an offender who had abused a child in Pennsylvania proceed to strike again in West Virginia. With the help of the senior Senator from that State, Pat spearheaded legislation that compels States to crack down on this abhorrent practice.

Another time, through sheer willpower, Pat literally became a lifesaving legislative guardian angel for a young Pennsylvanian battling cystic fibrosis. Sarah Murnaghan was only 12 years old when outdated and tangled rules around lung transplants put her young life in serious peril. Pat rallied a coalition of Members. They relentlessly lobbied the executive branch. A Federal judge weighed in, and, long story short, that young lady got her transplant and is still with us today.

Pat's creative problem-solving has known few bounds. The way I hear it, one time, our colleague literally leveraged the America's Cup sailboat race as a way to get a specialized transport ship reflagged so that Pennsylvania's natural gas industry could keep moving useful byproducts to market.

In the midst of all of this, Pat made sure his office's casework for Pennsylvanians was just as superlative. His team's incredibly tight turnaround for responding to constituents has earned Pat praise from unlikely corners. I understand that, one time, former President Clinton went out of his way to inform our colleague that a friend of his in the Keystone State couldn't believe how quick and substantive was a reply he or she had gotten from Senator Toomey's office.

While many Capitol Hill offices struggle just to turn around the correspondence that comes in, I have it on good authority that Pat will literally go combing through local newspapers' ``Letters to the Editor'' so that he can proactively initiate contact with Pennsylvanians who haven't even sought him out.

Even the most eager morning people on Pat's staff have learned to expect the lights will already be on when they get to the office--their boss, already primed with ideas and questions: ``I think we could come at this a few different ways'' or ``Have you seen how German Government bonds are trading today?''

But our colleague is also known for his thoughtful, almost fatherly leadership style. Pat holds everyone to a high standard, especially himself, but if something goes amiss, there is no quick temper, are no harsh words--just a facial expression that his team affectionately calls ``that `disappointed dad' look.'' And no matter what happens, everyone is invited to the annual pool party at Pat's house.

Talk about an interesting Senate creature--a man with a brain formed on the trading floor and a heart shaped by Lehigh Valley kitchen tables.

Pat's true loves are family and free enterprise. This combination has made him a formidable Senator, but it has

also shown us the writing on the wall: The Senate was never going to keep our friend forever.

Pat is always careful to refer to his Senate service as the ``greatest professional honor of my life.'' Note the caveat, because everyone knows what Pat sees as the greatest honor overall. We have seen our friend fiercely guard every possible moment of family normalcy with Kris and their three kids. We have seen hours blocked off on Pat's calendar on a weeknight under the label ``Duncan's Baseball Practice.'' We have heard about evening sprints to the train station in order to make it to a Christmas pageant--only to see our friend right back here the very next morning.

So like I said, Madam President, family and free enterprise--the two great loves.

I heard a classic Pat Toomey story where a young intern in his office was excitedly telling his friends about the prestigious ivory tower Path that he was aspiring to. Apparently, his boss, the Senator, chimed in with something to the effect of, Yeah, that sounds great, but have you ever considered opening up a small business?

So while we are going to miss Pat around these parts, none of us can claim surprise that family and free enterprise have teamed up to steal him back.

Since we are talking about an all-star Senate dad, let me put it this way: Pat, your colleagues and I aren't mad. We are just disappointed.

(Laughter.)

You have achieved so much. You have done just what you hoped to.

Congratulations, and thank you.

Today is December 14. The Senate Republicans have spent months--literally months--begging our Democratic colleagues to stop fiddling with partisan nonsense and focus on two core things: the NDAA and government funding.

I have been talking about the need for a strong National Defense Authorization Act all year long--all year long. I am glad we are finally going to wrap up the basic governing duty that we have in the next few days.

With respect to government funding, I was glad to hear Senator Shelby announce yesterday evening that negotiators have reached a bipartisan, bicameral framework for a full-year government funding bill.

Long-term continuing resolutions cheat our Armed Forces out of the resources and the certainty that our commanders and civilian leaders need to keep modernizing our forces, investing in crucial weapons, and outcompeting adversaries such as China.

I am glad that our Democratic colleagues finally accepted reality and conceded to the Republican position that we need to prioritize our national security.

Republicans simply were not going to lavish extra liberal spending on the Commander in Chief's own party as a reward for adequately funding our national defense. It simply wasn't going to happen. Funding defense is a basic, bipartisan duty of our government, not something that earns Democrats special treats.

As Senator Shelby stated last night, this framework agreement doesn't mean the hard work is over; it means the hard work can finally start. It will take seriousness and good faith on both sides to produce actual legislation that follows the framework.

Poison pills, especially far-left demands to overturn longstanding and commonsense policy riders will need to stay away from the process. And even then, the calendar will still make this a challenging sprint. Our side has made it clear that the Senate has until December 22 to complete either a full-year funding bill or a short-term CR into early next year. That is the deadline, and those are the two options.

If a truly bipartisan full-year bill without poison pills is ready for final Senate passage by late next week, then I will support it, for our Armed Forces particularly. Otherwise, we will be passing a short- term continuing resolution into the new year.

Inflation

Mr. President, now on a different matter, against the backdrop of punishing 13.8 percent cumulative inflation since January 2021, an open borders crisis, spiking deaths from drug overdoses, and surging violent crime from coast to coast, President Biden has decided that his A-1 priority needs to be--listen to this--cracking down on charter schools and harming the educational opportunities available to millions of low- income students in the process.

Charter schools have long injected a huge dose of choice and competition into the schooling options available to low-income Americans and communities of color. This became especially true and especially important back during the pandemic.

Big Labor teachers unions spent the entire pandemic forcing government-run public schools to keep their doors shut long after private schools, parochial schools, and schools across Europe were all back operating safely in person.

Charter schools became a haven. They offered an escape rope out of the learning loss for kids who would otherwise have been left behind. No wonder that, according to one analysis, charter school enrollment has surged since the pandemic started, even as public school enrollments have fallen off.

But, sadly, whenever kids' best interests and Big Labor's pocketbooks come into conflict, we know where most of today's Democratic Party will come down. The Biden administration has dutifully written a harsh new regulation that would intentionally chip away at the Federal charter schools program and strip funding from many public charter schools. President Biden and his team are trying to force charter schools to conform to a whole new set of top-down, one-size-fits-all rules that the teachers unions want to be forced onto their competitors.

The Democrats' rule is designed to hamstring charter schools and leave them more reliant on government bureaucracies in everything from what they teach to how kids get to school in the morning. Perhaps worst of all, they want charter schools' Federal funding to be heavily contingent on whether the Democrats' Federal bureaucracy agrees there is a ``need'' for their existence.

This is a plan to take options away from parents, to take opportunities away from kids, to take choice away from families, and to transfer that power directly to Big Labor bosses and Big Government bureaucrats--yet another example of Democrats' trying every trick to make end-runs around parents' rights in education, stripping power away from parents, and handing it over to the bureaucrats.

So I want to commend the Senator from South Carolina, Senator Tim Scott, for bringing forward a Congressional Review Act resolution to right this wrong. I would urge every Member of the Senate to put families first and vote for Senator Scott's commonsense resolution.

I suggest the absence of a quorum.

Mr. President, I ask unanimous consent that the order for the quorum call be rescinded.

Mr. President, Senate Republicans have spent, literally, months focused on the need for a strong bipartisan National Defense Authorization Act, as well as robust funding for our Armed Forces. Defending our homeland, deterring future threats, and supporting our allies and partners should not be last-minute, low priorities. They are fundamental duties if we want to remain the strongest power in the world, and investing in strength today protects our country, our servicemembers, and the American taxpayer tomorrow.

Let's take, for example, Ukraine. For nearly a year now, the free people of a sovereign nation have stood firm and battled against brutal and lawless aggression. The Ukrainians' brave stand was made possible, in part, because the United States and a number of other countries have realized that supporting their self-defense directly serves our own interests.

Europe together constitutes America's largest trading partner. Instability in Europe poses a direct threat to countless American producers who sell to our friends across the Atlantic. Further, huge disruptions to European markets would only add to the inflationary challenges that the Democrats' spending has caused us already here at home.

What is more, a successful Russian invasion would embolden the entire club of anti-American thug regimes to take bolder and more brazen steps toward further conflict, including direct threats to American lives.

Every day Russia spends on the back foot in Ukraine degrades its own ability to wage further wars and dramatically changes the cost-benefit calculus for others who might contemplate similar violence.

Continuing support for Ukraine is the popular mainstream view that stretches across the ideological spectrum.

On my side of the aisle, for example, the former Director of National Intelligence, John Ratcliffe, said recently that supporting Ukraine ``fully and completely'' is in the best interest of the United States.

The top foreign policy expert at the Heritage Foundation, James Carafano, has spoken out forcefully about the need for continued military assistance, and so has former Secretary of State Pompeo, former Vice President Pence, and virtually every other leading national security official from the previous administration.

Now, while the conflict has exposed serious weaknesses in Russia's ability to wage a conventional war, it has also exposed shortcomings in the West, particularly with our defense industrial bases.

Our European friends who had treated themselves to holidays from history after the Cold War, who presumed a new normal of stability and security and shifted spending disproportionately into domestic programs, have received a harsh--harsh--wake-up call. They are rushing to reinvest more in their own defenses. Some politicians here in America fell victim to the same lullaby.

Now, fortunately, supplying the specific kinds of American armaments that Ukraine needs does not cut our readiness in other important regions, such as the Pacific. China and its neighbors are watching the conflict in Ukraine closely, and the CCP would be delighted if Ukraine fell to Russia.

But the long lead times to replenish what we are sending still provide us with a sober reminder. We know, for a fact, that the world's foremost military and economic superpower can and should both produce all the capabilities that we need for ourselves and serve as freedom's arsenal for our friends at the same time. We just need to organize our resources and make critical, overdue investments in our defense industrial capacity.

That is why the National Defense Authorization Act we will take up soon provides multiyear procurement authority for longer term certainty, planning, and efficiency. It authorizes significant investments in modernizing our forces and capabilities.

But following through on these promises also requires that we pass robust appropriations. I made that clear at

last week's briefing with the Biden officials.

I will say it again: Providing for the common defense is a fundamental governing responsibility. It is not extra credit.

Our Democratic colleagues will not receive a goody bag of domestic spending in exchange for fulfilling this solemn duty.

Tribute to Richard Burr

Mr. President, now on an entirely different matter, I would like to begin my tribute to another of our distinguished departing colleagues by quoting his own words from a letter written back in 2009. Here is what he said:

Dear Mr. and Mrs. Carver, Thank you for entrusting me with

[your son's] memorial bracelet at the Asheville Veterans Day

Ceremony. I wish there had been more time to talk that day. I

returned to Washington, DC with the bracelet on my wrist . .

. [your son's] unrelenting courage and zeal for life are what

I will think of when I look at his name on my wrist. Rest

assured that I will wear [this] bracelet forever.

A quiet gesture, unheralded and understated, but leaving hugely impactful ripples in its wake. A perfect case study of Senator Richard Burr.

At first glance, it might appear to the uninitiated that our distinguished friend is a man of contrasts or contradictions. For example, this impeccably dressed Southern gentleman has been known to drive around town in a rickety old Volkswagen. I think that our dear departed colleague John McCain once called it ``an assault on the senses''; or take the fact that when most of us were happy enough to finish high school as either a successful jock or a successful student, Richard was both a standout scholarship football player and winner of the science fair; or consider that our unflappable, calm colleague with an easy manner--almost casual, really--has been one of this Chamber's most dogged legislators and most relentless champions across a whole array of critically important causes.

That special bracelet bearing Army Chief Warrant Officer Mitch Carver's name isn't just a comfort to one Gold Star family; it is an outward sign of Richard Burr's entire approach to his job: supporting service, honoring sacrifice, and making life better for folks in North Carolina and across the Nation.

For 5 years, Richard's colleagues tasked him with helming the Intelligence Committee. Some of this institution's most sensitive and critical responsibilities wound up right in his lap.

But Senators on both sides knew that Richard's thoughtfulness, fairmindedness, and discretion tailor-made made him for the role--no showy victory laps, no braggy press tours. He led with the serious, collegial, and patriotic tone that the issues actually demanded.

This quiet competence has been part of the Richard Burr brand from the very beginning. As a backbench House freshman, Richard spearheaded massive reforms of the Food and Drug Administration. Long before COVID- 19, he had a personal passion for helping to equip BARDA and other pandemic preparedness initiatives.

Richard has authored transformational legislation that disability advocates called the most important advance for their cause in a quarter century. He reached across the aisle to help deliver justice for victims of decades-old hate crimes. He drove bipartisan consensus on a measure that has helped save students and families near $100 billion in loan payments.

In a situation folks in my own State know well, he stepped up to help tobacco farmers transition to succeed in a freer market, and as the ranking member of the Veterans' Affairs Committee, Richard delivered much needed relief to men and women who served our Nation with the Veterans Choice Act of 2014.

It is truly amazing what you can accomplish when you are willing to be patient, keep an even keel, share some credit--oh, and occasionally, even jump out a window. Let me explain. This is creative problem- solving in action.

Back during sequestration, when staffing shortages had closed some of the normal entrances and exits around the Capitol campus, our friend found himself in the Russell Building while the only open exit was all the way over in Dirksen. Rather than lengthen his commute, this ever- pragmatic man of mystery found the lowest window around, grabbed his dry cleaning, shimmied out, and hopped right down to the sidewalk.

Now the day is fast approaching when our colleague will escape from this institution for good, but Richard's remarkable legacy here will endure--whether that has meant using his charm and judgment of character to disarm committee witnesses and get to the bottom of complex issues under investigation or using his fluency in House-speak to translate key happenings for us, his colleagues over here in the upper Chamber.

And I would be remiss if I didn't mention how Richard excels at turning up the pressure to break a stalemate. You see, if an issue is dragging out and no solution appears forthcoming, unless Richard was the point person himself, he would frequently just threaten to leave town altogether until things got worked out.

We are talking about a colleague who is famous for keeping closer tabs on the Senate's weekly wrapup proceedings than just about anyone.

In fact, as I understand it, Richard's team became so famous for tracking the timing of final votes so closely that some other offices would try calling Team Burr for the scoop before they would even try the cloakroom.

Now, with Richard's seemingly laid-back demeanor, you might assume our friend was just eager to get out to the beach or hit the links, but that would be another one of those deceptive appearances. The truth is, Richard didn't become an expert at speedy getaways because he wanted to shortchange his duties. In fact, it was just the opposite. Even as devoted a public servant as Senator Burr is, he knew that, in the final analysis, another set of duties was even more essential.

When our colleague was first elected to the House in 1994, he and his beloved wife Brooke had two young sons, and Brooke was carving out her own tremendously successful career in business.

So our friend was bound and determined that serving the people of North Carolina would not mean skimping on his proudest job of all--as father to Tyler and William, and now as a grandfather as well.

Through decades of committed service, he has found a way to do it all. But even so, I know Richard is excited to make up for lost time.

So we thank our colleague for his outstanding work for our country. And I have it on good authority that our friend has a favorite catch phrase that he has used to bid farewell to his office after they have spent a long day doing good work. So, Richard, as you like to say, ``Dilly dilly.''

I suggest the absence of a quorum.

Madam President, the Senate gavels in today with our annual defense bill still unpassed, with less than 1 week remaining of government funding, and less than 2 weeks left until our hard stop for the holidays on December 23. That is the bad news. But the good news is that both sides have a clear understanding of what it takes to finish our work on a bipartisan basis.

First, Senators Inhofe and Reed and their House counterparts have passed out a strong bipartisan National Defense Authorization Act. The Senate should turn to it as soon as possible.

But, of course, Congress authorizing the tools, training, and equipment that our Armed Forces need will accomplish very little if we fail to then provide the actual funding.

Both sides know what it would take for the Senate to pass a full-year government funding bill into law. There is no mystery here. A funding agreement would need to fully fund our national defense at the level written into the NDAA without--without--lavishing extra funding beyond what President Biden even requested onto Democrats' partisan domestic priorities. In other words, do not go beyond what the President asked for earlier this year on the domestic side.

Our Democratic colleagues have already spent 2 years massively-- massively--increasing domestic spending, using party-line reconciliation bills outside the normal appropriations process.

So, clearly, our colleagues cannot now demand even more--more-- domestic spending than President Biden even requested in exchange for funding the U.S. military. Funding our national defense is a basic governing duty.

The Commander in Chief's own party does not get to demand a pile of unrelated goodies in exchange for doing their job and funding our Armed Forces.

If House and Senate Democratic colleagues can accept these realities in the very near future, we may still have a shot at assembling a full- year funding bill that will give our military commanders the certainty they need to invest, plan, and stay competitive with rivals like China.

If our Democratic colleagues can't accept those realities, the option will be a short-term, bipartisan funding bill into early next year.

Mr. President, Kentucky is approaching the 1-year anniversary of one of the deadliest tornado outbreaks in our Commonwealth's history--1 year since 80 lives were lost and a deep scar was cut through Western Kentucky. We still remember the lost and pray for their loved ones.

A few days after the storm, I visited some of the hardest hit towns. I saw how the pictures of the damage in the newspaper and on television didn't even begin to capture the local devastation in places like Mayfield, Campbellsville, Bowling Green, and Dawson Springs. Homes were literally ripped off their foundations; trees scattered like twigs; whole neighborhoods gone in an instant. The pain is still fresh, but as I have seen in multiple return visits, slowly but surely, Western Kentucky is coming back.

This weekend, Kentuckians are carving out time to honor those whose lives were lost and continue helping those whose lives were severely disrupted. Dawson Springs just erected a beautiful, solemn memorial to the 19 residents that the city lost that day. In Bowling Green, an organization is delivering handmade Christmas ornaments to storm victims. In Mayfield, even as members of the high school football team fought to rebuild their families' lives off the field, the community cheered the team to an undefeated regular season. Even in tough times-- actually, especially in tough times--Kentuckians stick together.

I am thankful to all the volunteers and charities helping us in Kentucky remember this tragic anniversary and for all the men and women who spent days and weeks working tirelessly to remove debris and to rebuild.

Things are looking hopeful in the region this Christmas. Homes and businesses are coming back. Families will gather again under one roof. The road to recovery remains quite long, but Kentuckians will stand shoulder to shoulder until the rebuilding is done, and I will keep standing right beside them.

Mr. President, on another matter, yesterday, I explained a simple and obvious reality that will determine whether the NDAA and government funding legislation succeeds or fails. Here is the simple fact: Protecting America and supporting our troops is not some partisan Republican priority that we will cajole and reward Democrats into accepting. Providing for the common defense is a basic, minimum responsibility of those of us in government. Passing a Defense authorization bill and appropriating the money our military needs are not rightwing demands that Democrats get unrelated goodies for going along with. The Commander in Chief's own party does not get to take our troops hostage for unrelated policy aims. Democrats will not be getting special rewards for simply doing their job.

Yesterday, I praised the bipartisan deal that our Senate and House Armed Services Committees have struck on the NDAA. The House was supposed to advance the bill yesterday, but instead the Democratic majority fell into disarray.

Some Democrats want to scuttle the Defense bill by attaching unrelated liberal demands that would guarantee its collapse. Attaching partisan non sequiturs to this carefully negotiated NDAA would achieve one and only one outcome: It would ensure that neither the NDAA nor their wish list would become law. The only outcome that partisan game- playing would produce is the collapse of this bill--a massive injury for the U.S. Armed Forces at the hands of President Biden's party on President Biden's watch.

The House needs to send us the agreed-upon bipartisan NDAA and do so without delay.

The same reality applies to appropriations. Democrats just spent 2 years using the partisan reconciliation process to lavish trillions of extra dollars on liberal domestic demands while our Armed Forces were languishing on the back burner. The Biden administration printed and spent trillions on things like welfare and solar panels like there was no tomorrow, but they couldn't even assemble a budget proposal that sufficiently funded our troops.

So my friends across the aisle have zero standing to demand actually even

more--at this point, even more--liberal domestic spending in exchange for giving our Armed Forces what they actually need. Our Commander in Chief and his party have spent huge sums on domestic priorities outside the normal appropriations process without a penny for the Defense Department. Obviously, we won't allow them to now hijack the government funding process as well and take our troops hostage for even more spending.

Protecting America is our job. Republicans will not be bribing our Democratic colleagues with special treats, as if they need to be bargained into defending America. The sooner the Democrats fully accept this reality, the sooner we can get on with the people's business. That goes for both the NDAA and the government funding as well.

Mr. President, now on one final matter, fewer than 40 miles from Ohio's border with Kentucky, about halfway between Cincinnati and Dayton, is a suburb called Lebanon. The corner of Main Street and Broadway looks much like it did almost a century ago in 1926. That is when a young couple, Robert and Virginia Jones, bought and renovated an unassuming brick building called the Golden Lamb Restaurant and Hotel. But the Golden Lamb's modest exterior conceals major history. Its prime location on the highway between Cincinnati and Columbus made it a key stopover for important travelers.

By 1926, each of our country's eight Presidents from Ohio, plus Henry Clay, plus a long list of other luminaries--every one of them had spent a night at this particular inn or at least broken bread in its dining room.

The Joneses' smalltown American entrepreneurial spirit wrote their family right into the history of American statesmanship. As it turned out, it also started a family tradition because a few years later, those newly minted innkeepers had a daughter named Joan, and then Joan and her husband Bill had their own kids. Although Bill Portman would pass away just a few months before the swearing-in, his son would one day cap an incredible career in government by representing Ohio right here in the U.S. Senate.

As Rob explained in his maiden speech, he spent his own formative years in and around a different family business. Bill risked everything in early middle age to strike out and start an equipment business. Joan kept the books. And the way I have heard it, young Rob's own involvement was about as hands-on as it gets.

There wasn't just no nepotism, there was negative nepotism. One summer break, Rob was put to work grinding old paint off the trucks. Even his supervisor called it ``the lowest job in the place.''

This whole-team effort grew Portman Equipment from 5 jobs created to more than 300. Rob saw firsthand how growing prosperity, if it is done right, can create big win-wins for both small business owners and well- paid workers.

So there were two family businesses in Rob's bloodline: a crossroads where statesman hashed out consequential decisions and a company that created jobs and helped workers support their families. And our distinguished colleague has spent his career continuing both of those things at an even greater scale.

For decades now, from the executive branch to the House to the Senate, Rob's desk and phone line have been the site of history- changing conversations, just like his grandparents' inn, and he has worked to create a national climate where millions more Main Street entrepreneurs like his father can literally lift up workers and communities.

Now, I suspect that from time to time, Rob has felt like law, economics, and policy may not be so different from grinding paint off of rusty trucks; but the gifts and talents that our friend commands have been making an impact--an incredible impact.

Our future colleague was such a top-notch lawyer that he wound up as a young associate White House counsel and then Director of Legislative Affairs for President Bush 41. Then, he was such a whiz at the legislative process that his Ohio neighbors sent him back to Washington as their Congressman. Then, he was such a leader on economic policy that President Bush 43 made Rob U.S. Trade Representative and then turned around and asked him to run the Office of Management and Budget.

So no wonder Rob fit right in and hit the ground running when he came to the Senate in 2011.

Sometimes our friend even fit in a bit too well. See, Rob has a great talent for impersonations. He had spent several Presidential cycles impersonating some of our prior colleagues for Republican tickets' debate prep. Rob's talent became such an open secret that during the 2000 campaign, Joe Lieberman joked he was going to start dispatching Rob to handle campaign stops in his stead.

But the real reasons for Rob's impact are his deep knowledge, his work ethic, and his passion for finding his way through the thick of each consequential issue.

Our friend's focus on growth and prosperity landed him at the center of the most consequential tax reform in a generation. Rob spearheaded the complex overhaul of international tax policy that passed as part of the 2017 tax bill and helped unlock a literal tidal wave of growth, reinvestment, and job creation.

He spent long nights securing huge bipartisan wins on infrastructure policy--not unlike Ohio statesmen 150 years earlier may have discussed internal improvements around a wooden table at the Golden Lamb.

But Rob isn't just a macro-level policy whiz who focuses on topline numbers. As much as Rob is passionate about growing the overall pie, he also knows that rising tides don't automatically lift every boat. Sometimes Ohioans and Americans face challenges that call for a special champion. So Rob stepped up. He has been one of this body's sharpest early-warning signals on crises like opioid addiction and human trafficking. He has used Congress' investigative powers to craft solutions, and he has built the relationships to make law.

The Comprehensive Addiction and Recovery Act and its sequels have brought hope to families in Ohio and across the country who have battled the onslaught of opioids. The Stop Enabling Sex Traffickers Act forced Big Tech, kicking and screaming, to finally crack down on exploitation. And on and on, from international trade to national parks and everything in between.

Even at the tail end of a long session, Rob has been known to linger even longer in the Cloakroom, patiently resolving the last few objections to some final policy he has gotten all the way to the 1-yard line.

But even when you get results at this scale, even when you leave Ohio and our country in a better place, late-night policy vigils eventually lose their luster when you've got an even more appealing home front.

We know Rob loves public service, but we also know that even that passion comes second to his beloved wife and partner Jane and their three kids, Jed, Will, and Sally, who I know Rob considers his proudest accomplishment of all.

For years, Washington's and Ohio's great gain have been their sacrifice. So while the Senate is sorry to lose our friend, we can't be too upset that we now have to repay the favor.

So, Rob, congratulations on your outstanding service.

Madam President, yesterday evening, the Senate and House Armed Services Committee released its strong, bipartisan National Defense Authorization Act.

As Republicans have said for months, and I repeated yesterday, our servicemembers, commanders, and civilian leaders should not have had to wait until mid-December to gain certainty for a fiscal year that is already more than 2 months over. We have to take our national defense military modernization, and defense industrial base as seriously as our rivals take theirs.

Fortunately, this strong, bipartisan NDAA is a huge step in that direction. The bill tees up a significant and badly needed increase in defense funding--$45 billion above President Biden's insufficient request and roughly $75 billion over last year's level. Once again, Congress agreed on a bipartisan basis that President Biden's defense budget request was anemic and insufficient.

This NDAA authorizes crucial projects like nuclear modernization. It directs critical investments in our defense industrial base so America can both defend ourselves and remain the arsenal of democracy for the world. It delivers for our servicemembers, their families, and our military installations and communities around the country.

Thanks to the leadership from our colleague Senator Blackburn, among others, this NDAA will repeal the President's military vaccine mandate--a policy which this Democratic administration had stubbornly clung to, even as it had clearly undermined readiness and hurt retention.

And just as Republicans insisted, just as our servicemembers deserve, this NDAA is not getting dragged down by unrelated liberal nonsense. Good, smart policies were kept in, and unrelated nonsense, like easier financing for illegal drugs, was kept out.

I am glad this Democratic-led Congress finally realized that defending America is a basic governing duty. It is not some Republican priority that Democrats can demand unrelated goodies to be wheedled into.

Neither party, let alone a sitting President's party, can ever have the mindset that they need to be goaded or bartered into supporting our troops. We made it clear we wouldn't be going down that road; our Democratic colleagues finally accepted it; and Senators Reed and Inhofe did a great job landing the plane.

Now, that same lesson must carry over into our subsequent conversations about government funding. Democrats must be ready to actually fund the national defense, which this bipartisan NDAA authorizes.

Just like on this bill, neither party has any standing to demand unrelated goodies in exchange for doing our job and funding defense. And let's hope this new acceptance of reality also helps shape President Biden's next defense budget request. We have yet to see a proposed budget from this administration that takes growing threats very seriously.

Why do bipartisan majorities in Congress keep having to force this Commander in Chief to adequately resource our Armed Forces?

Today is December 7, the anniversary of Pearl Harbor. No American wants us to ever receive another painful reminder like December 7 or September 11 of the painful price we pay when we let our guard down, soften our defenses, or diminish our worldwide presence.

This strong NDAA is one important step in keeping our guard up. But only one. We need to put it on the President's desk quickly and then stay equally serious on this subject.

Mr. President, well, here we are, again, into the month of December with crucial business unfinished. Republicans spent months urging the Democratic majority not to neglect this year's National Defense Authorization Act, not to leave our Armed Forces to the last minute.

Five months ago, I called on our colleagues to process the Defense bill as soon as possible; but, instead, the majority has prioritized not just gigantic partisan spending sprees, but also a parade of mid- level nominations.

The Democratic leader didn't even bring a Senate NDAA to the floor, forcing Senators Reed and Inhofe to conduct an informal conference with the House with a weakened hand. When the Republicans controlled the government, we put our servicemembers first.

In 2017, the Senate passed our version of NDAA in September, and we had voice-voted the conference report by Thanksgiving. In 2018, the Republican Senate was completely finished with NDAA by early August. But on Democrats' watch, the Senate's schedule has not matched the Nation's needs. We have spent time on less important matters while both the authorization and funding for our servicemembers have languished until the eleventh hour.

Even now--even now--House and Senate Democrats are still obstructing

efforts to close out the NDAA by trying to jam in unrelated items with no relationship whatsoever to defense. We are talking about a grab bag of miscellaneous pet priorities--like making our financial system more sympathetic to illegal drugs or the phony partisan-permitting reform in-name-only language that has already failed to pass the Senate earlier this year.

If Democrats wanted these controversial items so badly, they had 2 years to move them across the floor. Heck, they could have scheduled those matters for votes this week. But, no, we are doing more mid-level nominations while Democrats keep half-threatening to take our Armed Forces hostage over these extraneous matters.

So there is an old saying that goes ``Poor planning on your part does not necessitate an emergency on the part of other people.'' The Democrats' failure to plan ahead for unrelated liberal pet priorities should not be creating uncertainty and confusion for the brave servicemembers who keep us safe.

My colleagues across the aisle need to cut their unrelated hostage- taking and put a bipartisan NDAA on the floor.