Floor Statements

Mr. President, for just a few minutes, I would like to call our colleagues' attention to a rather rarified milestone in Washington and in our national political discourse--50 years of columns from George Will of the Washington Post.

Perhaps in some other biography of some other figure approaching George's intellectual stature, the eye might be drawn to the doctorate in political science. Among the credentials of some impressive journalists, you might notice above all a Pulitzer Prize. But in the story of George Will, the most remarkable thing is the consistent, unrelenting rhythm.

Twice a week for half a century, he has commanded a place in the most consequential conversations; twice a week, inviting and sometimes insisting that the most powerful city in the most powerful Nation on Earth actually consider a well-reasoned argument.

Of course, George Will's columns are usually a great deal more than air-tight, logical cases; they are full of historical trivia, sharp wit, delicious sarcasm, and more often than not, allusions to or outright lessons in America's pastime.

Like Buckley and Reagan, George Will quite evidently enjoys his vocation as a happy warrior. He clearly relishes every chance to gently remind readers that the answers to the biggest questions of the day so often lie in the wisdom and traditions of the past.

In his own reflections on 50 years at the Post, George remarked that the great luxury of a columnist is assuming that the mental pantries of one's readers are well stocked with baseline knowledge. Well, the mental pantries of George's loyal readers, in fact, overflow--in no small part thanks to his consistent deposits of earnest produce.

As always, we look forward to reading what he has to say next.

Mr. President, on an entirely different matter, it has been a week since Israel and Hezbollah agreed to a cease-fire. War is hell, and I hope sincerely that this marks a durable end to the immediate conflict. But hope is not a strategy, and I know better than to expect honest dealings from hardened terrorists. It would be naive enough a year and a half ago to believe that Iran and its proxies had suddenly decided to accept Israel's right to exist. But in light of the horrors of October 7 and the sustained campaign of terror since then, it is more likely that Iran and its proxies mean to alleviate the pressure of Israel's successful operations and give Hezbollah--the A-team of international terrorism and the vanguard of Iran's axis of anti-Semitic violence-- simply a chance to catch its breath.

In the weeks and months to come, the strength of this cease-fire will be tested repeatedly. Will it prevent Iran from resupplying and regenerating Hezbollah's capacity to wage terror? Will it enable Lebanon's political leaders to chart a new path out of Hezbollah's stranglehold of their country? Will it allow residents of northern Israel to feel safe enough to return home?

It is important to remember why Israel faced this terror in the first place: Despite chapter 7 U.N. Security Council resolutions demanding compliance, the cease-fire agreement that ended hostilities in 2006 was never enforced.

Even with Lebanese Armed Forces and U.N. peacekeepers on the ground, Hezbollah rearmed and Iranian influence reached deeper into Lebanon. Such a tragic farce must not be allowed to repeat itself.

This cease-fire is not a solution. If regional powers want peace, they need to act.

First, Israel's neighbors must decide whether they want to be peaceful and sovereign countries or vassals of Iran and legitimate targets at war. This applies to Syria, Iraq, and Lebanon's fractured governments.

The United States, for its part, must ensure Israel has the freedom to maneuver to target and destroy Iran's military and logistical lifelines, and America should move quickly to restore Israel's munitions stockpiles. As I expect the incoming administration already knows, this means removing restrictions on the sale of needed weapons like 2,000-pound smart bombs.

But there is a broader, more fundamental lesson I hope we will take away from Israel's stunningly successful campaign against Hezbollah. It is about the credibility of threats. It was Israel's bold and decisive operations, not the overly cautious calls for restraint from Washington, that made a cessation of hostilities possible. The Jewish State has left Iran with no reason to doubt Israel's capacity and its willingness to protect its citizens and restore its sovereignty by force.

America ought to apply this lesson to our own approach to the Iran- backed groups that continue to attack American forces across the region--and to Ukraine as well. Too many in Washington still believe that the path to peace lies in restraining our friends.

The evidence of coordination between our adversaries--China, Russia, Iran, and North Korea--is incontrovertible. It is high time that America's support for our friends carried real weight.

Madam President, I ask unanimous consent that the order for the quorum call be rescinded.

Madam President, well, the Senate has 3 weeks to complete some of the most important business of the year, and at this late hour, we will have to act on legislation that comes to us over from the House. But let's be absolutely clear: December drama is not the way to demonstrate we are serious about our most basic governing responsibilities.

With the exception of urgent supplemental assistance to States and communities hit hard by natural disasters in recent months, essential and predictable annual assignments like the NDAA and government funding are now well overdue.

Our colleagues on the Armed Services Committee completed their work on the NDAA back in June. They conducted extensive hearings, considered a wide array of amendments, and, thanks to the work of Ranking Member Wicker, secured an increase to top-line authorization, and they did it with bipartisan support. They handed the legislation off to the Democratic leader with months to spare.

Similarly, over in the Appropriations Committee, they worked diligently to present full-year funding bills ahead of the start of the fiscal year. I am particularly proud of the work of committee Republicans, under Vice Chair Collins' leadership, to secure higher top-line funding for national defense.

The most important power in the Senate is the power to set our agenda. Only the majority leader holds that power.

Last year, the majority leader said publicly that ``the United States is ready to compete vigorously with the PRC.'' The overwhelming consensus of U.S. national security experts contradicts that view.

But even if we were once ready to compete and deter aggression from the adversaries who are working together to threaten us, letting critical national security legislation collect dust for months while the Senate rubberstamps radical nominees is one heck of a way to sustain that elusive readiness or project American resolve.

The full Senate was denied a chance to work its will on the NDAA. As a result, the ranking member of the Armed Services Committee was forced to negotiate against the House's much lower top line for defense spending from a much weaker position.

The same is true for Defense appropriations and Vice Chair Collins' efforts.

As Ranking Member Wicker has pointed out repeatedly, we have got a lot of work to do to repair America's military and rebuild our defense industrial base, and finishing urgent business in December certainly is no cause for celebration. It will be just the end of an utterly avoidable delay.

Mr. President, I ask unanimous consent that the order for the quorum call be rescinded.

Mr. President, well, it is a busy time around Washington. Newly elected colleagues who will join us in January are hiring staff and getting acquainted with the rhythms of the Nation's Capital. I imagine that seasoned veterans are passing along a familiar piece of advice from Harry Truman:

If you want a friend in Washington, get a dog.

It is an observation colored by exposure to the more cutthroat, double-dealing corners of public policy. It seems to suggest that loyal, devoted counsel that you can trust implicitly is so rare that you might as well quit looking for it. Clearly, the 33rd President of the United States never had the privilege of meeting my friend David Popp.

Certain corners of the Capitol press corps may be surprised to learn that, indeed, my communications director actually has a first name. But like most folks in the building, I call him ``Popp'' as well. Around my office and, frankly, across Capitol Hill, this is one word that has become shorthand for fierce loyalty and a peerless capacity for hard work.

Early on, it wasn't exactly obvious that the proud son of Wilmington, OH, would end up applying these qualities at the highest levels of American politics. For many years, Popp's highest political loyalty and most significant vote went to his mom Leilani and her campaign for the school board. And at least until college, his appreciation for hard work had him following in the footsteps of his dad Tom, a longtime community banker. But for those of us who have seen Popp on the clock here in the Capitol, it is hard to imagine him winding up anywhere else.

By the time I got the chance to hire him, Popp was already a seasoned pro here on the Hill. And being the humble, self-effacing guy he is, I am sure he met the opportunity to join Senate leadership staff with the awe and wonder that the upper Chamber rightly commands.

Still, the thought must have crossed Popp's mind that working in communications for a notoriously tight-lipped principal might be a welcome break from the rambunctious world of the House, where he had cut his teeth. That, of course, was not to be. As it turns out, when I stay mum in the hallway and members of the Fourth Estate don't get the answers they are looking for from me directly, they simply go to Popp.

One of the immense luxuries of my time as leader is knowing that when you turn to staff to tackle challenges, you get your pick of the very best. I have never doubted that the man with ultimate responsibility for broadcasting my views, eyeing blind spots, squashing rumors, and shaping stories is among the very best.

As the very best tend to be, Popp is modest. He often tries to convince his colleagues that he is really not much of a writer, that he couldn't cut it as a pure flack, that he doesn't have an eye for the creative side of political communications. But nobody buys that. Popp is a pro.

He is also an incredible teammate. Deflecting praise from his own work usually means showering it instead on the team he leads so capably. Popp treats the rest of my communications staff like his own family. When the Senate pulls a late night, he is quick to send as many of them home as possible. After a long session, he is known to appear with a stack of Italian subs from a favorite spot down Pennsylvania Avenue.

If Popp treats team like family, I should note that his real family makes a great team as well. Popp's wife and ultimate teammate, Monica, is herself a proven veteran of Senate leadership. As chief of staff in the whip's office, she was an essential member of our extended team. For anyone who has met Monica, there is no question where Dave Popp learned grace under pressure.

My field general for communications brings an invaluable combination of skills. He has both the warrior's instinct to anticipate and prepare for everything that could possibly go wrong and the even keel to stay on course when big waves do inevitably crash across the deck.

At moments of immense national importance, Popp is unflinching. In chapters of great personal significance to me, he has my utmost confidence. Around the office, no matter the news of the day, Popp is quick to remind us: all eyes on stakeout. And in the mold of a certain one-named predecessor who was once mistaken for an automated email system, he is even quicker to keep me and my team informed of the latest developments at all hours.

But lest anybody worry that I am working Popp too hard, I should point out that he does have hobbies outside of work. After all but the most demanding weeks in the Capitol, he and Monica find time to escape to their happy place on the water. In the near future, I suspect he will have a bit more energy to devote to the hunt for par--and a club championship--on the golf course and to more sundowners on the Bay with Tilly and Captain in tow. Until then, I will relish having such a trusted hand and consummate public servant in my corner.

So, Popp, my friend, thanks for everything.

I suggest the absence of a quorum.

Mr. President, Congress writes the Nation's laws, and the executive branch sticks to enforcing them. That idea is actually not new. It is written plainly into our article I powers right in the Constitution. But half a century of ceding legislative authority to an unelected bureaucracy has thrown this balance off-kilter.

Earlier this year, of course, the article III branch quite clearly restored the boundaries on freelance regulatory interpretation in the executive branch. But there is more work to be done to rein in Washington bureaucrats' expansive interpretation of their powers over working Americans, and fortunately Congress has a powerful tool called the Congressional Review Act that does exactly that.

To great effect, Senate Republicans used the CRA to scrap a slew of bureaucratic rules after 8 years of runaway regulation under the Obama administration. Republicans worked to end a coal-mining rule that threatened hundreds of thousands of workers, including many in Kentucky. We took a hammer to a pair of far-reaching and aggressive Obama-era education rules, and we dramatically scaled back DC bureaucrats' control of lands that should be managed with local input.

Between 2017 and 2018, Republicans used the CRA 16 times to impose an ambitious regulatory housecleaning that gave farmers and miners, landowners and job creators, small businesses and builders the certainty and confidence to stay producing on American soil.

We did all of this with hardly any Democratic support. So it is not surprising that, under the Biden administration, Democrats have worked relentlessly to resurrect the Obama administration's regulatory regime, from student loan socialism to job-killing energy policies, to blatant infringements on property rights. Literally, on day one, President Biden signed an Executive order that began tearing down the regulatory certainty that Republicans had restored.

Now, with just over a month left in the year, the Biden administration's 2024 regulations alone amount to the

second highest annual total by pages in the Federal Register. On the whole, President Biden's agenda has imposed regulatory costs that, by one estimate, surpass $1.8 trillion. That is trillion with a ``t.''

So it is safe to say Congress once again has an opportunity. Two weeks ago, the American people gave Republicans a legitimate, crystal- clear mandate, and come January we ought to use it to hit the brakes on runaway regulation.

Mr. President, now, on another matter, I would like to take some time today to salute the outstanding Senate staff whom my team and I have relied on during our time in the Republican leader's office.

First, I would like to offer more fulsome thanks to the Official Reporters of Debates, the ears of the Nation here on the floor--always listening, carefully recording, and much to the relief of my staff, meticulously reconciling remarks as prepared with remarks as delivered.

The Official Reporters are integral to the life of the Senate and central to the construction of the historical record. But, by definition, they fly under the radar, blending almost intentionally into the fabric of this Chamber.

So I take particular pleasure today in asking to record in all caps, as the live transcript goes, my sincere gratitude to each of the Senate's Official Reporters of Debates for their essential work.

Mr. President, I ask unanimous consent that the order for the quorum call be rescinded.

Mr. President, this week concluded the latest act in a familiar play on the world stage. It goes something like this:

First, Russia commits acts of aggression and pounds Ukrainian military and civilian targets with overwhelming force.

Then Western observers urge their leaders to equip Ukraine's defenders with decisive countermeasures.

Then, setting aside the fact that Russia is demonstrably more likely to escalate in the face of weakness than in strength, the Biden administration refuses, citing unsubstantiated fears of--you guessed it--escalation.

Next, precious opportunities for Ukraine to seize the advantage over Russian invaders come and go.

Then, after months of dithering, the Biden administration provides belated assistance or permission to use more advanced or longer range weapons on the battlefield.

Finally, administration officials brag to the media about the decision and pretend that it is not months--months--late.

In earlier acts of this tired production, the administration dragged out the authorization of HIMARS, fighter jets, and long-range artillery, to name just a few.

History will record hesitation, indecision, and cowardice as the hallmarks of this administration's Ukraine policy from the beginning.

This time, if recent press reports are true, Ukraine at long last has permission to use long-range American ATACMS weapons systems against military targets in Russia. Some of our colleagues might be conflicted about this development. I would ask them, would helping Taiwan or the Philippines defend themselves in the event of Chinese aggression be provocative? Was it escalatory to help equip the United Kingdom to defend itself against Nazi aggression before America's entry into World War II?

Needless to say, Ranking Member Wicker and I have urged the administration to authorize ATACMS strikes against Russia for months. Starting a full 6 months ago, so has the Speaker of the House. So has a chorus of policymakers on both sides of the aisle who understand that maximizing Ukraine's leverage over Putin's forces will be critical to the resolution of the conflict.

It is too early to tell just how much the Biden administration's needless delays have allowed Russia to move weapons they use to strike Ukraine's cities out of range of the ATACMS or let Russia's North Korean mercenaries take over. But one thing is certain: In Europe, as in Asia and the Middle East, the next Commander in Chief will inherit a world of threats made worse by the Biden administration's hesitation and half measures.

Next year, it will fall to the Republican government the American people elected this month to shore up America's position in the face of very real and directly linked threats to our interests. After 4 years of proposed net cuts to defense spending, it will fall on us to start investing seriously in the sort of hard power to contend with the coordinated efforts of Russia, Iran, North Korea, and China.

Consider just the most recent evidence of overlapping aims of the world's authoritarians. Reports this week indicate that in operations against Iran-backed Hezbollah in Lebanon, Israeli forces have uncovered caches of modern Russian weapons--the same sort of caches on which another butcher relied further east in Syria.

Russia and Iran are strategic partners. Russia is using Iranian drones

against Ukraine. It is not a mystery how these weapons made their way into terrorist hands.

So in the wake of an administration that squandered leverage over the world's most active state sponsor of terror, tied the hands of a sovereign democracy in the face of neo-Soviet imperialism, browbeat a close ally fighting to restore its security against savage terrorists, and met the looming aggression of our greatest strategic adversary with a toothless climate diplomacy, we have our work cut out for us.

Of course, an executive branch allergy to deterrence and the exercise of hard power is not our only challenge. Even after January 20, we will still have to contend here in the Senate with efforts to weaken America's commitments to our friends and constrain the authorities that keep our adversaries on their toes.

This week, we will deal with exhibit A: resolutions from the senior Senator from Vermont to ban lethal arms sales to Israel.

I could lay out yet again why Israel deserves the time, the space, and support to restore its security and why the aftermath of the deadliest slaughter of Jews since the Holocaust requires moral clarity, but instead I would like to take the case Senator Sanders made in the pages of the Washington Post yesterday and respond to just a few of its most outrageous assertions.

Our colleague began by characterizing Israel's response to the horrors of October 7 as ``all-out war against the Palestinian people.'' There is indeed a side in this conflict waging all-out war, but it is not the sovereign democracy that issues evacuation warnings before striking targets, knowing the terrorist combatants will escape along with civilians. No, the side waging all-out war is the one for whom civilian casualties are the end goal--the side that butchered, raped, and kidnapped Israeli civilians and continues to use Palestinian civilians as human shields; the side that pilfers humanitarian aid intended for its own citizens. Recognizing this distinction isn't just important to the discussion; it ought to be the price of admission.

Let's take another of our colleague's effort to blame Israel's war on an ``extremist government.'' Well, I suspect that would be news to the large shares of Israeli citizens across the political spectrum who have called for even more extensive operations against Hamas and Hezbollah, to the opposition leader who criticized IDF retaliatory strikes against Iran as not sufficiently aggressive, or to diverse members who have served in Israeli's war cabinet and made consensus decisions about the conduct of a war thrust upon them by genocidal terrorists.

How about another of his claims--that Israel is ``becoming a pariah nation condemned by governments around the world.'' This one has a shred--a shred--of truth to it, but the hounding condemnations of the Jewish State are hardly news.

Since 2015, the United Nations has adopted 156 resolutions condemning Israel. By comparison, the Iranian regime that chants for Israel's extermination has attracted similar condemnation 8 times--156 condemnations of Israel; 8 of Iran--while the Syrian regime responsible for slaughtering its own citizens received 11 condemnations. Some might suggest these figures say more about the U.N. and the scourge of anti- Semitism worldwide than about Israel.

Frankly, if Israel is becoming ``a pariah nation'' specifically since October 7, it is because this attack on Jews unleashed a new wave of emboldened anti-Semitism all across the West. And I worry that my colleague's misplaced criticism only provides cover for disgusting anti-Semitism right here in our own country, most visibly on university campuses.

Our colleague, for some reason, seems to take the U.N. very seriously. He points out that ``U.N. bodies have called for an end to the arms shipment fueling the conflict.'' Could it be that the senior Senator from Vermont wants us to get serious about Iran's pipeline of support to terrorist proxies? Guess again.

But as long as we are discussing international organizations, the best way for the U.N. to prevent ``fueling conflict'' would be to stop putting genocidal terrorists on its payroll. As long as I have anything to say about it, not a single taxpayer dollar will foot UNRWA's bills.

Our colleague's case is a maze of internal contradictions. Reasonable people have no need to grapple with it point by point. Those who mourn senseless human suffering should have no trouble assigning blame to the terrorists who exploit civilians, schools, hospitals, and mosques as cover. Those who seek peace should know better than to pretend we can achieve it with such savages holding power.

This week, obviously I hope the Senate will reject the Senator's resolutions outright.

I suggest the absence of a quorum.

Madam President, I ask unanimous consent that the order for the quorum call be rescinded.

Madam President, I was talking before about the ongoing campaign to undermine the Federal judiciary. Leftwing activists and elected colleagues, alike, continue to make their disapproval of constitutionalist orthodoxy known at all levels, and Federal judges who are worried about where things are headed are in a bind.

They can't retaliate using their office because they swore an oath to uphold the law without respect to persons. They can't go on social media to defend themselves or put out press statements. That is because the American people rightly expect their judges to focus on deciding cases and interpreting the law, and not engaging in crisis communications.

Of course, the Founders anticipated some of this dynamic by giving Federal judges life tenure. They hold their offices until they give them up, regardless of how loudly law professors may complain.

So recent unanswered attacks may not have professional consequences for individual judges, but they do have an alarming effect on the judiciary as a whole. The article III branch lacks Congress's power of the purse. It can't exercise force like the President. Instead, it relies on the legitimacy of its judgments for its power, and these constant attacks are designed to erode that legitimacy.

Leftist law professors and journalists attack the courts seemingly with impunity. They know they can affect the institution, while their targets have to just sit there and take it. That is why I am so vocal and consistent in my defense of the Federal judiciary.

Sometimes--very rarely--the tables turn. Sometimes a judge does get a chance to respond to those who seek to undermine the integrity of the judiciary. It actually happened just last week.

At the latest Federalist Society convention, Judge Edith Jones of the Fifth Circuit was on a panel with one of the field marshals of the academic project to undermine the judiciary. Any of our colleagues who know Judge Jones wouldn't be surprised to hear that, in this academic context, she let the law professor have it.

When he complained that this is unfair and that he wanted to talk about abstract legal principles of judicial integrity, she pulled out his tweets denigrating conservative judges in Texas. The reaction from liberals in the legal academy--although I repeat myself--was outrage. How dare, they said, the judge give one of their own the sort of tongue-lashing they give conservative judges every day.

Well, bullies always cry foul when they are the ones who get punched right in the nose. So kudos to Judge Jones for standing up for her colleagues. She proved yet again why she is a lion of the bench.

And even if organizations like the American Bar Association and the American Law Institute continue to refuse to defend the judiciary from partisan attacks, our Federal judges can know that I, at least, will be in their corner.

Mr. President, since its founding, the Kentucky Farm Bureau (KFB) has been one of the strongest voices for agricultural communities in the Commonwealth, enhancing the quality of life for Kentucky's growers, processors, and all of us who enjoy the fruits of their labors. Each year, KFB recognizes a number of farmers in Kentucky for their longstanding contributions to the industry and their communities. This year, I am honored to join KFB and the Daviess County Farm Bureau in recognizing my good friend Mack Estes, recipient of the Kentucky Farm Bureau Legacy Farm Award.

A third-generation farmer, Mack began farming full-time in 1963, shortly after graduating high school. On his family farm in eastern Daviess County, he has devoted his life to carrying on his family's legacy, growing corn and soybeans, two of our State's most prominent and versatile crops. Mack has remained an active leader in Daviess County throughout his life, serving on agricultural organizations like the Daviess County Farm Bureau, the Kentucky Young Farmers Association, and the Kentucky Corn Promotion Council.

I first had the privilege of meeting Mack through his many years at the Daviess County Farm Bureau, where he served across its leadership ranks for nearly four decades. As president of Daviess County Farm Bureau, Mack was always ready with recommendations and new ideas to improve the local Farm Bureau's success in Daviess County. He was instrumental in establishing the Farm Bureau's online footprint and building out its growing team, and he has put in countless hours to expand their presence both in the community and beyond Kentucky, traveling to Washington on numerous occasions to advocate on behalf of farm families in Daviess County. He has even taken his outreach beyond our borders to promote American agriculture abroad with farmers in sister countries, like Australia and the United Kingdom. His work earned him not one but two terms as president of the Daviess County Farm Bureau, a first in the county's history.

While much of his work lay on preserving farmers' way of life, Mack also understands the deep importance of paving the way for the next generation of Kentucky farmers, establishing the Farm Bureau's scholarship program for local high school seniors and encouraging young farmers to get involved in their communities and make their voices heard. Though Mack has taken a step back from farming full-time after six decades in the business, there is no doubt his friends and colleagues will continue to rely on his good judgement and mentorship for years to come. As one local official put it best, ``I know he's always just a phone call away.''

So I am proud to join the Kentucky Farm Bureau and the Daviess County Farm Bureau in recognizing Mack's lifelong commitment to advancing the agricultural community in Kentucky. On behalf of the Senate, I commend Mack and his entire family for three generations of the Estes Farm and for their stewardship of an industry that none of us could live without.

Mr. President, I ask unanimous consent that the order for the quorum call be rescinded.

Yesterday, Senate Republicans elected leaders to steer our incoming majority through the 119th Congress. Senator Thune, Senator Barrasso, Senator Cotton, Senator Capito, Senator Lankford, and Senator Tim Scott have earned the trust and support of their colleagues.

I would like to congratulate each of them and reiterate that the entire Republican conference stands united and ready to tackle the important work of the country.

As I have said before, I am very much looking forward to taking on this next chapter from a different seat here on the floor. But before the year is out, I would like to continue thanking the many individuals and teams who have served this institution so well during my time as Republican leader.

I have had the privilege of working with consummate experts and relying on the professionalism of so many unsung heroes.

Take the Office of the Sergeant at Arms. Under the leadership of a distinguished career Army officer, Karen Gibson, and with the deep bicameral experience of senior staff like Jennifer Hemingway, the SAA shoulders enormous responsibilities--from the day-to-day security procedures to telecommunications infrastructure.

I am particularly grateful to the staffs of the Protocol Office, whose work helps us navigate the most solemn and visible occasions; the Chief Information Office, telecom, and the Help Desk, who keep essential communications and technology across the Senate running smoothly; Capitol facilities, including Gary ``Tiny'' Richardson, who clean and maintain this magnificent building and the campus around it with unfailing care; the Employee Assistance Program, who help dedicated public servants around the Senate access important resources; the doorkeepers and Press Gallery, who carefully control access to this Chamber and make constituents feel welcome here in the Gallery; the Appointment Desk, who greet and direct a steady stream of distinguished individuals--in particular Patty Reilly, who has made a habit of sharing a daily word of motivation with my chief of staff; the Senate Recording Studio and Photo Studio, who capture the Senate for posterity; the Office of Printing, Graphics, and Direct Mail and State office operations, who put Senate business within reach for the American people; and the Office of Security, Emergency Preparedness, and Continuity, whose careful attention, training, and planning ensure that the Senate is able to discharge its constitutional duties even under the most trying circumstances.

So to everyone whose work under the Sergeant at Arms keeps the Senate safe and operating smoothly, thank you very much.

Now, every day, my team also relies on the work of several more teams working under the leadership of the Secretary of the Senate, Ann Berry, and her professional staff, like Sydney Butler. Stretching from here on the floor to outposts across the Senate campus, the Secretary's Office is involved in a dizzying array of critical operations.

I would like to thank the staffs of the Senate Library, who collect and maintain a rich archive of institutional knowledge and help Senators and staff tap into it; the Senate Historical Office, the Office of the Senate Curator, and the Office of Conservation and Preservation--including the frame shop--who dedicate deep expertise to understanding the Senate's history and maintaining its home here in the Capitol for posterity; the Office of Senate Security, who maintain our ability to conduct oversight and address highly sensitive matters of national security here in the Capitol; the Office of Interparliamentary Services--particularly Sally Walsh--who support Senate delegations and conferences overall; the Office of Printing and Document Services, the Daily Digest, and the Office of the Official Reporters of Debate, who carefully transcribe, format, and preserve Senate proceedings, and the Office of Captioning Services who make them accessible to all Americans; the Stationery Room and the Senate Gift Shop, who keep every office supply closet well-stocked and offer mementos for every occasion; the Disbursing Office, who diligently process all Senate

compensation and patiently answer all manner of staff questions; the faculty and staff of the Page School, under the leadership of Principal Joshua Dorsey, who make the page program such an enriching experience for bright, aspiring public servants throughout the year; and, of course, the Secretary's most visible teams here on the Senate floor, from our formidable Parliamentarian Elizabeth McDonough, and her capable team: Leigh Hildebrand, Christy Amatos, and Josh Moscow; our Bill Clerk Lindsey Gibmeyer and her team: Ryan Lefferts, Mark Amato, and Emily Harris; Enrolling Clerk Cassie Byrd, along with Allys Lasky; Executive Clerk Rachel Creviston, along with Alaina Skalski and Chris Ferrari; Journal Clerk Megan Pickel, along with Adam Gottlieb and Skyler Mansell; and our dulcet-toned Legislative Clerks John Merlino and Mary Anne Clarkson.

So to all of you who devote yourselves to the important work of the Secretary's Office, thank you so much.

There are, of course, still many more proud members of the Senate family who deserve our thanks, including the youngest members of the institution.

Mr. President, if I may speak directly to our impressive class of pages here on the floor, it is not easy throwing a full-time job on top of full-time schoolwork, and we are so grateful for your interest in public service and for all you do to keep this place humming. We are glad you are here, and we will be proud to watch as you step into careers of leadership and service.

I also want to thank Chaplain Black--Barry Black--and his staff, including Suzanne Chapuis, an honorary member of the McTeam, who tend with grace and care to the spiritual needs of a flock who so often carry heavy weights, as well as the staffs of the Architect of the Capitol, who manage the many moving pieces of an ancient building and its many occupants; the Rules Committee, who oversee the protocol that keeps the Senate a safe and smoothly functioning environment for conducting the American people's business; the Congressional Budget Office and the Congressional Research Service, whose work informs many of the most consequential votes we have; the Office of Legislative Counsel, who work often in demanding circumstances, under tight deadlines, to put the will of the Senate and the Nation on paper; the Office of Senate Legal Counsel and the Chief Counsel for Employment, whose sober assessments and reliable representation are a tremendous access to the Members and staff of the article I branch; the Office of the Attending Physician, whose care helps the Senate meet mundane ailments and grave public health challenges alike; the Food Service Program, who feed thousands of daily meals, both delicious and nutritious, and greet staff and visitors alike with a smile; and the Training and Development Office, who help cultivate professional excellence among Senate staff at all stages of their careers.

Now, I could go on thanking the outstanding members of the Senate staff a good while longer, and in the coming weeks, I will, but for today, I will close with the men and women who form the Senate's first line of defense. The U.S. Capitol Police--and in particular the Senate Division--make all of the other work we do possible. They ensure that the Senators and their staff can work in safety, that members of the public can visit in safety, and that this institution carries on in the face of very real threats to its security.

As I look back on my time in party leadership, I am particularly grateful for the devoted service of the members of the Dignitary Protection Division, who safeguard the continuity of our government by surrounding me and other senior leaders with around-the-clock security.

Sometimes, it has meant spending long hours on the road. Other times, it has meant making split-second decisions to avert danger. In every case, I have been so fortunate to have these professionals on duty.

So to members of my detail past and present, to members of the Senate Division here in the Chamber and across the campus, and to the entire force of the Capitol Police, my staff and I are deeply grateful for your service and your sacrifice.

So, as I said, the work of thanking the outstanding staff that have made my job easier over the years continues. I will look forward to paying tribute to more of them very soon.

I suggest the absence of a quorum.