Floor Statements

Mr. President, I don't think I have had a better friend in the U.S. Senate than Senator Kyrsten Sinema. We are best friends. I would not have predicted that at the outset. By all appearance, we are about as different as we can be. But actually, our roots are very much in the same soil. We have grown up with the kinds of values that have shaped our lives and our public service.

When she first came to the Senate floor, her appearance was quite striking and her personality was, in a similar vein, highly noticeable. And I turned to one of my Senate colleagues, and I said: What do you think about that new Senator from Arizona?

And he said: I can tell you right now, she is going to be trouble.

She obtained the nickname ``Trouble'' at that point and has carried it ever since, at least in my lexicon.

The truth is, she has been so far from trouble, it is hard to imagine a less appropriate name. Why is that? One, I believe she has been the most productive U.S. Senator in the last 6 years of anyone in this body.

Now, there may be a competition, here and there, from other people, but I don't think so. If you look at all the legislation of significance that has been passed over the last 6 years, she has been critical to it, generally leading it, at least a co-chair, in virtually all of that legislation.

At the same time, she gets along with everybody. I think those are related. There are some Members of my own caucus which I believe are an acquired taste--which I haven't acquired yet--and yet she has, from the outset, been able to make friends with people who are dramatically different in politics but also different in personal style. She likes some very difficult-to-like people. As a result of those friendships, she has been able to get people to come across the aisle, from time to time, when it was critical to get things done.

But if I had to say what has distinguished her most as a Member of this body--not just the fact that she has been the most productive and has been able to get people on both sides of the aisle to work through tough issues and to make the Senate work when we were stalled--what I think sets her apart most is the degree of her principle and character. She is an individual who was raised in a home with principles, went to institutions, including my alma mater, Brigham Young University. She graduated a lot faster than I did and made it through that university in a short period of time.

But, at one point, my colleagues asked me: Is she going to be able to stand up to the pressure that is going to be placed on her for preserving the institution of the Senate, because there is going to be enormous political pressure rained upon her, and will she be able to resist that pressure? I volunteered at our caucus lunch to go sound out whether she would have the capacity to overcome what was a groundswell on her side of the aisle to take action which would have devastated, in my view, the institution of the Senate.

I approached her and said: Kyrsten, will you be able to vote no? Will you be able to defend the principle that has made the Senate work over these decades?

And she said: Mitt, you ought to know me by now. I was raised with the same values you have. I am a person of principle, and I stand by my principles.

And I have watched her time and again do that very thing.

I spoke with one of the leaders in my party, and I said: How is the Senate going to work without Kyrsten Sinema to bridge the divide that often exists between us? And he said: I am not sure it will be able to work without her. How in the world she is not coming back as a United States Senator is one of the great mysteries to me. She should be coming back. We need her in this body. She has been an essential Member of this body.

I will just close with this: I used to love reading books by Louis L'Amour. He writes about the American West. I read them all; I probably still love them. I am getting old enough to forget his earlier books, so I could read them again and still love them. But he had an expression about people that were just really individuals you could count on, rely on, people of character and capacity and principle. He said they had ``sand.''

And if there is someone who has sand in this body, it is Kyrsten Sinema. She is going to continue to make a huge imprint on the United States of America. It has been an honor to serve with her.

I feel we have been blessed by having her in this body.

Mr. President, I know something about failed Presidential campaigns. I made an assessment that President Biden was not going to go the distance. So I approached three Democrats and suggested they ought to run for President. I just heard from them. One was Cory Booker. One was Mark Warner. One was Jon Tester.

Now, why did I approach those three men--not just once, but multiple times--and say, ``You ought to run for President''? Not because I agree with them. I disagree with them on almost every issue. It is because I happen to find these three men--and Jon Tester is the one I am looking at right now--to be men of character, integrity, of honesty, of purpose, who hold fast to the values that made America the hope of the Earth.

I know that, over the years, policy comes and goes, and, sometimes, I have read history and I find my party is on one side of a policy position and changes, and now we are on the other side. I recognize the country can handle bad policy. We have. Heaven knows there have been times when your party has been in charge, and we suffered through it. You would say the same is true of mine, and that is probably the case.

But what we have not suffered is a lack of character. Going from the very beginning of our country until now, we have had men of great character. And, someday, we will have women of character, as well, in that great Office.

I wanted Jon Tester to be the next President of the United States because he is a man of extraordinary character. He is as honest as his hair is short and as strong as his physique is imposing.

I learned something about that character when we worked together. He mentioned the infrastructure bill that I had the privilege of joining him on to help negotiate. There was a time, toward the very, very end, when I made a beginner's mistake. I am just a freshman Senator, after all. I was about to do something which would be as harmful for my political career and my welcome back home and might even be helpful to the opposition forces. And everybody was telling me: Don't worry about this. We can paper it over later. Don't worry. Don't worry.

Jon Tester stood up and said: No, this is going to hurt Mitt. It is not fair. We have to fix this.

I didn't know that. But he stood up for me and convinced the other Members of our group to do something that was not in their interest, not in his interest, but in my interest, because he is a man of character and a friend.

I am not going to be here. Jon is not going to be here. We may see each other sometime in the hills of Montana. He is a man who--one couldn't have a better friend than Jon Tester. The people of Montana could not have had a better friend--a man who loves the land, who loves the people, who loves the values of the people of Montana.

I am proud to have been able to serve with Jon Tester and wish him godspeed. God bless America and God bless Jon Tester and his dear family.

I yield the floor.

Mr. President, I rise today to first thank the leader for those generous comments and to mark for my colleagues the departure soon from my service here in the Senate.

During my life, I have rarely been truly alone--maybe taking tests at school or running cross country or on my uncle's tractor, cultivating corn. But I am impressed with people who have achieved great things largely on their own: Washington commanding the Continental Army, Lincoln guiding the Civil War, Edison in his laboratory. Not me. I have consistently been surrounded by others--usually smarter, often more experienced, always becoming friends.

In business, I chose partners with skills that exceeded mine, the proof of which has been their stunning success after I left. As Governor, my team helped craft the health plan that insured nearly every citizen in Massachusetts. My wingman, Bob White, counseled me in business, the Olympics, and politics. My counselor, Beth Myers, advised and managed multiple campaigns and administrations. Spencer Zwick financed and helped guide almost every one of my endeavors. My Senate chiefs of staff, Matt Waldrip and Liz Johnson, built and brilliantly led an exceptional team and, with our policy directors, Chris Barkley and Stephen Newton, crafted and negotiated more legislation that became law than could possibly have been expected for a freshman Senator.

Mr. President, I ask unanimous consent that the names of my excellent current and former staff members be printed in the Record.

So my life's work has been a group affair. At its center, is my wife Ann. She is my most trusted adviser, my indefatigable ally, the love of

my life for 54 married years. Our five sons are just as loyal and are the source of profound pride, joy, and 25 grandchildren.

During my first months in the Senate, I was mostly on my own and, thus, mostly unproductive, and then Lisa Murkowski invited five Democrats to join with five Republicans at her home for a takeout dinner. With COVID then active, we were spaced far apart, with windows open despite the winter cold. Our conjecture on how to bridge the impasse between the President and Congress on COVID relief led us over the next several weeks to dig in, negotiate, draft, and eventually see our work become the basis of law. I was fortunate to also be a part of what this team worked on that followed: the bipartisan infrastructure law, the Electoral Count Reform Act, gun safety legislation, and marriage legislation that included religious protections.

Our group was Rob Portman, Kyrsten Sinema, Susan Collins, Joe Manchin, Mark Warner, Jon Tester, Bill Cassidy, Jeanne Shaheen, and Lisa Murkowski. We had each come to Washington to enact law that would help people, and that is just what we did. We accomplished together what we could have never done alone.

So I will leave this Chamber with a sense of achievement, but in truth, I will also leave with the recognition that I did not achieve everything I had hoped. Among other things, the scourge of partisan politics has frustrated repeated efforts to stabilize our national debt. Without the burden of the interest on that debt, we would be able to spend three times as much as we do on military procurement--three times as many aircraft, three times as many ships, three times as many drones, spacecraft, and cyber defenses. Alternatively, we could spend double the amount we spend on Social Security benefits every month. Our national credit card is almost maxed out, and America risks becoming debt poor.

My biggest surprise in the Senate has been how much I enjoy the other Senators on both sides of the aisle. The truth is that while I may not miss the Senate itself terribly much--the 10-minute votes that last an hour, the unknowable schedule of votes, the myriad meaningless votes, and the absurd passion about inconsequential votes--I will very much miss you, my fellow Senators, for among you are some brilliant, some entertaining, some kind and generous, and all patriotic. It is an honor to have been able to serve with you.

It has also been an honor to represent the people of Utah, the State of my family heritage. What sets Utah apart is not just its beauty and vibrant economy, it is the admirable character of its people.

Now, it is customary to end remarks with these words: God bless America. That has never seemed jarring or out of place to me because Americans have always been fundamentally good. From our earliest days, we have rushed to help neighbors in need, as de Tocqueville noted. We welcomed the poor, the huddled masses yearning to breathe free. We have respected different faiths as our first President confirmed to Muslims and Jews. ``United we stand'' is a fitting refrain. As the leader of the free world, our sons and daughters have fought time and again for liberty, and our treasure has buoyed freedom fighters around the globe. Like all people, we have made mistakes, some grievous, but often our mistakes have come from misguided understanding. God has blessed America because America is good.

There are some today who would tear at our unity, who would replace love with hate, who deride our foundation of virtues, and who debase the values upon which the blessings of Heaven depend.

I have been in public service for 25 years. I have learned that politics alone cannot measure up to the challenges we face. Our country's character is a reflection not just of its elected officials but also of its people. I leave Washington to return to be one among them and hope to be a voice of unity and virtue, for it is only if the American people merit His benevolence that God will continue to bless America.

May He do so is my prayer.

(Applause, Senators rising.)

I object to that.

Mr. President, I am not going to take long because I know we are delayed from a vote. But I had the privilege of working with this young man from West Virginia for some time. As a matter of fact, as the chairman of the Energy and Natural Resources Committee, he took responsibility for overseeing the national parks, and he had never been to the State that has five of them, the State of Utah. So I invited him and his wife Gayle to come visit us in Utah and visit some of our national parks. And we walked together and hiked together, and he made sure that Gayle was able to make it through all of the rocks and crevices and see the beauty of our great land, one more State.

But I have come to know this man not just by virtue of his physical prowess but as a man of character. And a number of people have spoken about the legislation that he has worked on, and we worked together on several pieces of legislation and accomplished a great deal. But that which has stood out in my experience with Joe Manchin is that he is a man who stands by his belief. He is a man of principle and character. And my life's lesson has been that one person of conscience and character can change a whole nation. And Joe has had that kind of influence on the people of his State and the people around him, the people in this body, and the people in our Nation. And so I salute, along with my colleagues, the great Senator from the State of West Virginia, Joe Manchin.

Thank you, my friend.

(Applause.)

I ask unanimous consent that the 5:45 vote occur now.

Mr. President, I rise today to offer my full support for Judge Ann Marie McIff Allen--a native of my home State--to serve as United States District Court Judge for the District of Utah.

Judge Allen has had an impressive career as a prosecutor, public defender, private civil attorney, and general counsel for Southern Utah University, and she currently serves as associate presiding judge on Utah's Fifth District Court.

Furthermore, she has used her skills and talents to serve the community as a trustee of SUU, a commissioner on the Judicial Performance Evaluation Commission, and a Rotarian. She earned her law degree from the J. Reuben Clark Law School at Brigham Young University and, like me, studied English at BYU for her undergraduate education.

Judge Allen's record and qualifications make it clear that she is exceptionally qualified to serve on the Federal bench. She is an exemplary jurist and I have no doubt that she will serve our State and country with honor and integrity as a district court judge.

I urge my colleagues to confirm Judge Allen as United States District Court Judge for the District of Utah.

Madam President, the vote we will soon take to provide military weapons for Ukraine is the most important vote we will ever take as U.S. Senators. We are not being asked to send American troops into war. We are asked to help the Ukrainians defend themselves.

If we fail to help Ukraine, Putin will invade a NATO nation. He may delay his next invasion until he rebuilds his decimated military, but we must be clear-eyed. Ukraine is not the end; it is a step.

If we fail to help Ukraine, China will eventually absorb Taiwan. If we fail to help Ukraine, we will abandon our word and our commitment, providing to our friends a view that America cannot be trusted.

The Chinese Communist Party is already spreading propaganda, using our delay as a warning to Taiwan that the United States will not be there to help in the face of China's threat.

If we fail to help Ukraine, NATO, the alliance that has prevented great power conflict for over 75 years, will falter and eventually disintegrate.

If we fail to help Ukraine, America will cease to be the arsenal of democracy. It will cease to be the leader of the free world. We will be replaced by the authoritarians: China, Russia, Iran, and North Korea.

If we fail to help Ukraine, we will be known not as our fathers and mothers were, the ``greatest generation,'' but as the worst generation.

Now, for months, I have listened to the arguments for denying help to the Ukrainian people. I have observed that the reasons have evolved over time. First, it was claimed that Europe was not paying their fair share. That was proven incorrect. Our allies have already contributed more than $96 billion in aid, and the EU earlier this month agreed to provide $54 billion more over the next 4 years.

Next, it was argued that we should, instead, focus on the Pacific and Taiwan, but Taiwan and Japan and South Korea tell us that the single best thing we can do to dissuade China's aggression is to support Ukraine.

Next, we were told that we couldn't afford $60 billion for Ukraine- related funding. But, somehow, we can afford an $850 billion annual defense budget, an annual trillion-dollar deficits--which has happened under both former President Trump and President Biden.

Next, it was claimed that we would have insufficient weapons to defend America and Israel if we send more weapons to Ukraine. But the Department of Defense has explained that helping Ukraine will actually strengthen our national security by helping to rebuild our depleted military-industrial base.

The latest excuse for denying aid to Ukraine is that this bill is a clever disguise to set up an impeachment of Donald Trump at some point in the future. Under this so-called logic, Trump has to be elected, Democrats have to win the House, and those Democrats have to be unable to find any other discretion of Donald Trump's upon which to base an impeachment.

Now, I know that the shock jocks and online instigators have effectively riled up many in the far reaches of my party. But if your position is being cheered by Vladimir Putin, it is time to reconsider your position.

Now, I can't see into the future. But there are no guarantees that Ukraine will defeat Russia, but that does not mean that we should stand back and let Putin have his way with Europe.

What sending weapons to Ukraine does do is help discourage further Russian and Chinese invasions, which could draw us in. It helps preserve NATO. It allows America to remain the leader of the free world, and it shows that we honor our word to our friends and allies.

Lech Walesa, the first democratically elected President of Poland since 1926 and someone I have been fortunate enough to meet with, recently wrote to all the U.S. Senators. He said this:

You are obliged to assure a peaceful future for your

children. Our grandchildren will never forgive us if we fail

to stop Russia now. If the U.S. does not lead, nobody will.

I couldn't agree more. Helping a free people defend their freedom is simply the right thing to do.

Mr. President, I rise today to pay tribute to the exemplary service and leadership of Dr. Deneece G. Huftalin, who will soon conclude a decade of service as the eighth president of Salt Lake Community College, SLCC.

Deneece grew up in Millcreek, UT, and studied at the University of Utah, where she fell in love with university life and decided to dedicate her professional career to advancing higher education. After working at several education institutions throughout the country, Deneece returned to Utah and joined Salt Lake Community College in 1992. She has been a fixture at SLCC ever since, holding various roles at the college before being inaugurated as its president in 2014. Throughout her more than three decades at SLCC, she displayed an unwavering devotion to community and State service commitments while balancing the demands of a young family.

During her tenure, the college has experienced significant growth. SLCC now boasts the largest and most diverse student body of any 2-year college in the State, with 10 campuses throughout Utah. Students come from an array of backgrounds to pursue studies in more than 200 degree and certificate programs. At SLCC, students succeed in pursuing their passions, in large part because of how President Huftalin has created innovative educational opportunities.

A champion of the learner, regardless of background, President Huftalin has consistently created education pathways instead of barriers. Some of her crowning achievements include expanding initiatives that bolster college readiness for high schoolers, providing funding for students when Federal aid falls short and making online education resources mainstream and accessible. The Open Educational Resources initiative alone has saved students more than $21 million. Another program which President Huftalin was instrumental in creating, SLCC's Prison Education Program, made a difference in the lives of many. One of the program's graduates spoke about its impact, saying: ``For many of us, education served as a lifeline, a way to rise above our circumstances and make a difference . . . it became important to me to take charge of my life to secure my future and try to enlighten those around me.''

Buoyed by the dedication of remarkable students and the tireless work of the entire SLCC faculty and staff, President Huftalin has created a ripple effect that will long outlast her tenure. Her family--husband Tim and sons Max and Eli--have supported her throughout her journey and helped make it all possible. I have no doubt that Deneece will continue to serve those around her in meaningful ways. The State of Utah thanks her for tireless service to the noble endeavor of education. Thank you.

Mr. President, I rise out of great concern for our military, for its readiness in a time of great peril but also out of concern for the men and women who are being held up and whose careers and prospects and families and plans are being interrupted by virtue of the decision by, in this case, two people--one is Secretary Austin and the other is Senator Tuberville--to take intractable positions.

And it is simply a, in my opinion, an abuse of the powers we have as Senators to say if there is something we vehemently disagree with, that we are going to use that power to hold up the promotion of over 350 men and women in our military.

We each have things we might disagree with, with the military, and some would come with deep personal convictions about their morality. But if each Senator felt empowered to hold up all promotions in our military unless we got our way on one of those issues, why, our military would grind to a halt.

This power is extraordinary that we are given as individual Senators, but it is incumbent upon us to use it in a reasonable way and not to abuse it in such a way that we end up putting in harm's way the capabilities of our military and the well-being of our men and women in uniform.

Senator Tuberville correctly pointed out--I believe he is absolutely right--that what Secretary Austin did was in contravention of the Hyde amendment, against the law. We have a process for pursuing things that are done by an administration that are against the law. It is the court process. I am happy to join with an amicus brief or even file a legal action to reverse the Pentagon's policy. That is the process we should follow in a circumstance like this, not one that is being exacted upon 350 men and women whom we need to have in service and whose lives are being so badly disrupted.

I would also offer this: Senator Tuberville, if the Department of Defense, Secretary Austin were to say: OK. We will no longer pay for the travel of these individuals and their dependents but instead allow a private charity to do so, would that be acceptable to you and allow this to go away?

I am looking for--yes. So for instance, if Secretary Austin agrees, all right, we will eliminate this policy, but we will allow a private charity to provide for the travel for someone who wants to receive an abortion in a State where that procedure is legal, would that satisfy you and allow this impasse to be resolved?

Would that be an acceptable alternative?

Yes. Well, I have ways of doing that, which is I will pick up the phone and have that conversation. But we have to make sure that we do not continue to hold up 350-plus people from being able to get promoted. That is essential to our military.

Mr. President, I thank Senator Manchin. We have collaborated on quite a number of things together. It has been a great experience and a joy for me. I thank Leader Schumer for beginning this process and making sure that we reach a favorable and bipartisan conclusion.

This is not the biggest thing going on in Washington today. It is not even one of the biggest things going on in Washington today. Nonetheless, it is a good thing. It is another example of Republicans and Democrats being able to work together and solve, in this case, what may not be a really big problem but what is an important thing that makes a difference to a lot of people.

I have been thinking about the extraordinary Founders of our country and the leaders in the early days who decided to build this building. I mean, George Washington approved this building. In the years that followed, huge sacrifices were made. They could have built a building that looked like a Walmart, with La-Z-Boy chairs. Instead, they built this extraordinary edifice with columns and marble. Why did they do that? Why make that huge investment? For one, I think it was to show the respect and admiration that we have for the institution of the Government of the United States of America. This was at a time when we were an agricultural society. Yet they made this enormous sacrifice and built this amazing edifice.

I think it is in keeping with that spirit that we say we want those who serve inside this room, in this Hall, to show a level of dignity and respect which is consistent with the sacrifice they made and with the beauty of the surroundings.

So I appreciate the effort that Senator Manchin has led and that Senator Schumer has put on the floor this evening such that we might be able to proceed and codify what has been a longstanding practice of showing our admiration and respect for the institution in which we serve, the very building in which we are able to serve it,

and our respect for the people whom we represent.

I thank the Senator from Oregon. I agree with him that this amendment is critical.

Congress needs to push the Federal Government on this policy. Our government must acknowledge the reality that China is no longer a developing country. I commit to working with the chairman of the Finance Committee, in good faith, in conference.

Mr. President, I yield back all time.

Mr. President, yes, the vote is at 1:45.

Madam President, I have had both the good fortune and the misfortune of working closely with Senator Rob Portman.

I had the misfortune of debating him in 2012. He was kind enough to play the part of President Obama in my debate practice sessions. He was relentless, determined, unforgiving, and anxious to delve into the most minute facts and figures in order to defeat me and to knock any complacency I might have had out of my heart.

He more than made up for my debate whooping by tirelessly and repeatedly accompanying me across Ohio and other States, drumming up support for my campaign, raising money, and jousting with the wing nuts that tried to derail my campaign.

When I came to the Senate, I found that many of those same qualities--his relentlessness, determination, tirelessness, and ability to dig into the details--have made him a singularly successful United States Senator.

I worked alongside him on several bills. On each occasion, they became law because he dug into them, negotiated the most thorny of issues, drove the process to a result, and never, ever gave up.

We formed eight working groups on the bipartisan infrastructure bill because there were too many conflicts, too many subjects, too many obstacles for our entire group of 10 to resolve without dividing it into parts we could deal with one by one.

He then decided that he would be a member of every single one of those subgroups, knowing that he would be needed to actually drive each of us to a conclusion and a result.

You see, there are some people in politics who believe that a fiery speech or a bold appearance on a cable show and a reputation for fighting the opposition, that that is the measure of success. Not so Rob Portman.

He came here to pass bills and actually shape policy that would help the American people and strengthen our country. He came to fight and win, not just to fight. And he has won for America time and time again.

More important to me personally than all his winning is his friendship, his honor, and his character. He is a genuinely good man, and he is blessed to have married an even better woman. I will miss Rob Portman in the Senate. As I think many of my colleagues know, he has been a bit of a stabilizer for me here. I will miss him and Jane in the neighborhood of our lives.

God bless you, Rob Portman.

Mr. President, I rise today to honor Jewish Family Service on their remarkable sesquicentennial celebration, an organization whose spirited generosity and longstanding charity continues to benefit the health and well-being of our Utah communities.

Over two decades before Utah statehood, a group of Jewish women founded the Hebrew Women's Benevolent Society in 1872. During this time, many families journeyed West to escape persecution and build new lives, often with little to no resources. With open arms, the Hebrew Women's Benevolent Society welcomed new arrivals at their most vulnerable and ensured that their critical needs were met.

The organization abides by the same selfless mission today as Jewish Family Service, still grounded in the traditional values of tikkun olam, kavod, and tzedek--repair the world, honor, and justice. These values translate into action while the group runs food pantries, provides senior care, and offers mental health counseling to anyone in need, regardless of religious affiliation or financial means.

Today, we recognize and thank Jewish Family Service for their outstanding and indelible impact on Utahns as they continue to inspire us to turn outward and serve our brothers and sisters.