Floor Statements

Madam Speaker, I submit the following memorandum regarding authorization of the Department of Homeland Security:

We, the chairs of the committees with jurisdiction over the

Department of Homeland Security or its components, are hereby

recording our agreement on the following principles for the

117th Congress:

1. The Department of Homeland Security (``the Department'')

and its components should be authorized on a regular basis to

ensure robust oversight and improve its operation.

2. Committees with jurisdiction over the Department and its

components will prioritize any expired or expiring

authorizations within the Department and its components in

that committee's jurisdiction.

3. To the maximum extent practicable, the committees with

jurisdiction over components of the Department will

coordinate with the Committee on Homeland Security to produce

comprehensive authorization legislation for the Department

and consult with the Committee on Homeland Security prior to

consideration of component authorization legislation in a

committee markup. Prior to consideration of component

authorization legislation in a committee markup, the

Committee on Homeland Security will consult with any other

committee that is a party to this agreement that is a

committee with jurisdiction over that component.

4. The Committee on Homeland Security will coordinate with

the committees with jurisdiction over components of the

Department in the development of any comprehensive

authorization bill for the Department.

5. The committees will work in good faith to expeditiously

consider any bill to comprehensively authorize the

Department, including timely resolution of any matters

subject to a sequential or additional referral.

6. To the extent that there are policy differences between

the committees regarding a provision of a bill or

comprehensive authorization bill for the Department, the

committees will make best efforts to resolve any such dispute

and where the Committee on Homeland Security has policy

differences regarding a measure to be advanced by another

committee that is a party to this agreement, the Committee on

Homeland Security will make best efforts to achieve a timely

resolution of such dispute.

7. Consistent with existing rules and precedents of the

House, the Committee on Homeland Security Committee shall not

include any provision in a bill that the chair of the

Committee on Ways and Means has determined to be a revenue

provision or a provision affecting revenue. Nothing in this

agreement shall be construed to preclude the Committee on

Ways and Means from exercising an additional or sequential

referral over any measure or to waive clause 5(a) of Rule XXI

of the Rules of the House of Representatives .

8. Nothing in this agreement shall be construed as altering

or expanding any committee's jurisdiction under rule X of the

Rules of the House of Representatives or the referral of any

measure thereunder and will not be construed as support for

any claim for sequential referral on legislation pertaining

to the Department generally, including policies, programs,

and general management of component agencies.

9. Further, nothing in this agreement shall be construed to

affect the provision of information by the Executive Branch

to committees of jurisdiction pursuant to law or otherwise.

10. Further, nothing in this agreement shall be construed

as altering any responsibilities or authority of any

committee under Rule XI of the House of Representatives.

11. Further, nothing in this agreement precludes a further

agreement between the committees with regard to the

implementation of a process to collaborate on comprehensive

authorization legislation and component-specific measures.

12. Consistent with past practice, committees that are

party to this agreement will consult with the Committee on

Oversight and Reform when statutes under its Rule X

jurisdiction are implicated by comprehensive reauthorization

legislation.

Signed,

David Scott,

Chair, Committee on Agriculture.

Frank Pallone, Jr.,

Chair, Committee on Energy and Commerce.

Maxine Waters,

Chair, Committee on Financial Services.

Bennie G. Thompson,

Chair Committee on Homeland Security.

Adam Schiff,

Chair, Permanent Select Committee on Intelligence.

Jerrold Nadler,

Chair, Committee on the Judiciary.

Carolyn B. Maloney,

Chair, Committee on Oversight and Reform.

Eddie Bernice Johnson,

Chair, Committee on Science, Space and Technology.

Peter A. DeFazio,

Chair, Committee on Transportation and Infrastructure.

Richard Neal,

Chair, Committee on Ways and Means.

Mr. Speaker, I thank the gentleman for yielding and for his extraordinary leadership as chair of the Armed Services Committee.

He brings us to the floor today for a very special privilege. We in the House really most of the time do not have too much say as to who will be a member of the Cabinet. That is, advise and consent responsibility lies with the Senate. But today, because of the special nature of the appointee, we are here to talk about a waiver.

As a Member of Congress, again, there is no more serious responsibility. It is the oath we take to protect and defend. Our responsibility is to protect the American people. That responsibility is why we must waste no time ensuring that President Joe Biden's national defense and national security team is confirmed, ready and able to keep our country and our people safe.

President Biden selected a highly qualified and widely respected leader in nominating General Lloyd Austin for Secretary of Defense. General Austin has led with honor and served with dignity. With over 40 years of decorated Army service, Secretary-designate Austin brings a great understanding of the challenges facing our Nation's defense and a deep appreciation for the sacrifice of our military and their families.

The historical circumstances of this nomination, in light of the deadly insurrection assault on the Capitol, the coronavirus pandemic, the undermining of the Pentagon by the previous President, and more, necessitate the expeditious confirmation of this extremely qualified leader.

I do want to say as a constitutional officer--the Speaker of the House is a constitutional officer, written into the Constitution--and as a former leader of the Intelligence Committee, a Democratic leader of the Intelligence Committee, my commitment to a strong civilian control of our military, as required by the Constitution, is strong.

It is not an issue with us, Mr. Speaker. It is a value, civilian control of the military. The Congress' power to grant or withhold an exemption for recent Active Duty military servicemembers to be the Secretary of Defense must be treated with gravity and extreme diligence.

That is why I am so glad that President Biden and General Austin insisted and met our request to come to speak to Armed Services Committee members. That did not happen under General Mattis. I am a big fan of General Mattis, but President Trump said he could not come speak to the Congress, and that is a big difference. That is a big difference.

Again, with gratitude to President Biden in recognizing the important role that the House of Representatives plays in this, I had the privilege, as have other Members, of hearing from General Austin as well as the committee today.

By the way, in case you didn't notice, when we are talking about timetables relating to committee ratios, 2 weeks ago, there was an insurrection in this Chamber. It was disruptive of the normal pattern unfolding. We all had to adjust our schedules and address the needs of our caucuses and this Congress accordingly, in case you didn't notice.

Again, my conversations with the Secretary-designate have assured me that he understands, respects, and will uphold the critical priority of civilian control of the military. He has spoken several times to the chairman of the House Armed Services Committee and members of the committee and has given similar assurances.

The Secretary-designate has further demonstrated his commitment to transparency with the Congress, respecting the weight of the decision that we now make by, as I mentioned, meeting with members of the Armed Services Committee to discuss this issue earlier today.

In the face of the many threats, both foreign and domestic, confronting our Nation, it is essential that Secretary-designate Austin be immediately confirmed. Blocking this waiver would be a mistake that, among other dangers, would delay the urgent work to be done to restore the independence and capabilities of the Defense Department, which we must do as soon as possible.

Mr. Speaker, I urge a strong bipartisan vote to grant this waiver for Secretary-designate Lloyd Austin to serve as Secretary of Defense. I salute him for his patriotism, thank him for his heroism, and look forward to calling him Mr. Secretary.

Madam Speaker, I thank the gentleman for yielding and for his leadership.

Madam Speaker, in his annual address to our predecessors in Congress in 1862, President Abraham Lincoln spoke of the duty of the patriot in an hour of decisive crisis for the American people.

``Fellow citizens,'' he said, ``we cannot escape history. We . . . will be remembered in spite of ourselves. No personal significance or insignificance can spare one or another of us. The fiery trial through which we pass will light us down in honor or dishonor to the latest generation. . . . We, even we here, hold the power and bear the responsibility.''

In the Bible, St. Paul wrote, ``Think on these things.'' We must think on what Lincoln told us. We, even here, even us here, hold the power and bear the responsibility.

We, you and I, hold in trust the power that derives most directly from the people of the United States, and we bear the responsibility to fulfill the oath that we all swear before God and before one another: the oath to defend the Constitution against all enemies, foreign and domestic, so help us God.

We know that we face enemies to that Constitution. We know. We experienced the insurrection that violated the sanctity of the people's Capitol and attempted to overturn the duly recorded will of the American people. And we know that the President of the United States incited this insurrection, this armed rebellion against our common country. He must go. He is a clear and present danger to the Nation that we all love.

Since the Presidential election in November, an election the President lost, he has repeatedly lied about the outcome, sowed self- serving doubt about democracy, and unconstitutionally sought to influence State officials to repeal reality. And then came that day of fire we all experienced.

The President must be impeached, and I believe the President must be convicted by the Senate, a constitutional remedy that will ensure that the Republic will be safe from this man who is so resolutely determined to tear down the things that we hold dear and that hold us together.

It gives me no pleasure to say this. It breaks my heart. It should break your heart. It should break all of our hearts, for your presence in this hallowed Chamber is testament to your love for our country, for America, and to your faith in the work of our Founders to create a more perfect Union.

Those insurrectionists were not patriots. They were not part of a political base to be catered to and managed. They were domestic terrorists, and justice must prevail.

But they did not appear out of a vacuum. They were sent here, sent here by the President with words such as a cry to ``fight like hell.'' Words matter. Truth matters. Accountability matters. In his public exhortations to them, the President saw the insurrectionists not as the foes of freedom, as they are, but as the means to a terrible goal: the goal of his personally clinging to power, the goal of thwarting the will of the people, the goal of ending in a fiery and bloody clash nearly two and a half centuries of our democracy.

This is not theoretical, and this is not motivated by partisanship. I stand before you today as an officer of the Constitution as Speaker of the House of Representatives. I stand before you as a wife, a mother, a grandmother, a daughter, a daughter whose father proudly served in this Congress, Thomas D'Alesandro, Jr., from Maryland, one of the first Italian Americans to serve in the Congress. And I stand here before you today as that noblest of things: a citizen of the United States of America.

With my voice and my vote, with a plea to all of you, Democrats and Republicans, I ask you to search your souls and answer these questions: Is the President's war on democracy in keeping with the Constitution? Were his words and insurrectionary mob a high crime and misdemeanor? Do we not have the duty to our oath to do all we constitutionally can to protect our Nation and our democracy from the appetites and ambitions of a man who has self-evidently demonstrated that he is a vital threat to liberty, to self-government, and to the rule of law?

Our country is divided. We all know that. There are lies abroad in the land, spread by a desperate President who feels his power slipping away. We know that, too. But I know this as well: that we here in this House have a sacred obligation to stand for truth, to stand up for the Constitution, to stand as guardians of the Republic.

In a speech he was prepared to give in Dallas on Friday, November 22, 1963, President John F. Kennedy was to say, ``We in this country, in this generation, are--by destiny rather than choice--the watchmen on the walls of world freedom. We ask, therefore, that we may be worthy of our power and responsibility.'' That we may be worthy.

President Kennedy was assassinated before he could deliver those words to the Nation, but they resonate more even now, in our time and in this place.

Let us be worthy of our power and responsibility, that what Lincoln thought of the world's last best hope, the United States of America, may long survive.

My fellow Members, my fellow Americans, we cannot escape history. Let us embrace our duty, fulfill our oath, and honor the trust of our Nation. We pray that God will continue to bless America.

Mr. Speaker, I thank the gentleman for yielding and applaud him and salute him as a constitutional scholar, an intellectual resource, and the force of justice that he has been as he has crafted and advanced this resolution.

I thank the entire House Democratic Caucus for their love of country, determination to protect our democracy, and the loyalty to our oath that had been so beautifully manifested in this dark past week.

Mr. Speaker, a dark week it has been indeed. On Wednesday, the President of the United States incited a deadly insurrection against America that targeted the very heart of our democracy, this temple of democracy, the United States Capitol, defiling the genius of the Constitution--separate but equal--attacking the first branch of government, trying to prevent us from carrying out our constitutional duty to ascertain that Joe Biden and Kamala Harris will be President and Vice President of the United States.

The gleeful desecration of the Capitol and the violence against Congress, our staff, and our workers are horrors that will forever stain our Nation's history. Five Americans have died following the violent attack. More than 50 police officers were seriously injured, including 15 officers who were hospitalized.

On behalf of the House, I salute and express deepest gratitude to the U.S. Capitol Police for the valor that they showed in protecting the lives of Members, especially protecting our staff and those who make Congress function.

Mr. Speaker, this is a sad day for our country, that we have to come to the floor in a way to defend the Constitution of the United States at this time.

The facts are very clear: The President called for this seditious attack. For days, he urged supporters to come to Washington for the insurrection. Wednesday morning, he participated in a rally to encourage the rioters to march on the Capitol and fight.

Not only did he urge people to march on the Capitol and fight, he further fanned the flames, and he and his family cheered and celebrated the desecration of the Capitol.

Later that day, as the dangers escalated, he ignored and then flat- out rejected the pleas of Congress, including those of his own party, to call off his supporters--the rioters, the terrorists--as they engaged in vandalism and violence.

Now, the President is saying that he is not responsible and that his incitement to violence was totally appropriate.

The President's actions demonstrate his absolute inability to discharge the most basic and fundamental powers and duties of his office. Therefore, the President must be removed from office immediately.

This is a decision we make with the utmost solemnity and prayerfulness which this crisis requires. Removal of the President is an unprecedented action, but it is required because it is an unprecedented moment in history because of the danger that he poses.

I heard the previous speaker say that we are objecting to the President because we don't like the way he executes his duties. No, we don't like it at all: acts of sedition, incitement to insurrection, treasonous activity. If you are associating yourself with that as the proper execution of the President's duties, then you are associating yourself with sedition and treason.

Yesterday, in a pro forma session, we introduced a unanimous consent request to take up Congressman Raskin's legislation, which calls on the Vice President to mobilize the Cabinet to activate the 25th Amendment to remove the President from office, again, to prevent him from causing more damage to our country. Who knows what he might do next?

But House Republicans rejected this legislation. So the President's unhinged, unstable, deranged acts of sedition may continue, endangering America and undermining our democracy.

Now we are taking up this legislation in regular session. After passage, we are calling on the Vice President to respond within 24 hours of passage. This resolution gives House Republicans the clear choice to honor the oath of office, to defend our democracy, and to uphold the sacred trust given to us by the Constitution and by those whom we represent.

Mr. Speaker, during the Trump Presidency, these 4 years, and especially during this sad time, I recall the words of the great Israeli poet Ehud Manor when he said:

I can't keep silent in light of

How my country's changed her face

Won't quit trying to remind her

In her ears, I'll sing my cries

Until she opens her eyes.

``I can't keep silent in light of how my country's changed

her face.'' I urge my Republican colleagues to open

their eyes and to finally hold this President

accountable. The security of our country and the future

of our very democracy are at stake.

When we pray for God to bless America, let us hope that that blessing comes down strongly on us in the next few days.

Again, Mr. Speaker, I applaud the great leadership of Mr. Raskin.

Mr. Speaker, I thank the gentleman for yielding. I thank him for his leadership in so many ways in this Congress.

Mr. Speaker, I commend Mr. Malinowski and Mr. Raskin for bringing this important resolution to the floor.

Mr. Speaker, I come to this floor prayerfully. It is really very sad. It was interesting to me--and I spoke out about this--that on Sunday in Catholic Masses, and I don't know beyond that, that the gospel of the day was the gospel of the Good Samaritan. A person asked Jesus, ``What do I have to do to enter the kingdom of Heaven?''

And Christ replied, ``Love thy neighbor as thyself. Show mercy.'' That very same day he went on to talk and then he said, ``Well, how do I do this?''

And Jesus gave him the example of the Good Samaritan. Everyone is familiar with how a stranger helped another stranger, a foreigner helped another foreigner, the Good Samaritan. Love thy neighbor as thyself, show mercy.

On that very same day, coincidentally, ironically, sadly, whatever adverb you want to use, the President was instituting raids into the homes of families.

I went to Spanish mass this weekend and saw the dignity of those families, the beauty of the children, and the fear that the President had struck in their hearts, as we were listening to the Gospel of the Good Samaritan to show mercy and love thy neighbor as thyself. That very same day, unfortunately, there were those who were not informed by that Gospel.

So here we are later in that day, it was stunning to hear the words that were used, go home, to some of our colleagues, the same words that were used to so many people in our country whether because they weren't born here or because they didn't look like some others here: Go home.

As annoyed and as insulted as we all should be about the President saying that about our colleagues, it is also not showing mercy for him to say that about so many people in our country, as he wants to split up families.

So, Mr. Speaker, I thank Mr. Malinowski and Mr. Raskin for the opportunity to speak to the statements that the President made later in the day of the Gospel of the Good Samaritan: Mr. Malinowski, who was born abroad; Mr. Raskin for his firm leadership in advancing this important resolution.

The House hopefully has come together standing as one to denounce the White House's xenophobic attacks on our Members, on our people, and to defend the values of America.

And what is America? America is many things: the land of a great Constitution, which is under threat; a beautiful land that God has given us, which is being degraded; values that we share that are being undermined. But America is also a Nation largely, but not totally, largely of immigrants.

As this resolution so beautifully states, `` . . . the Founders conceived America as a haven for refuge for people fleeing from religious and political persecution, and Thomas Jefferson, Alexander Hamilton, and James Madison all emphasized that the Nation gained as it attracted new people in search of freedom and livelihood for their families.''

The resolution quotes our most iconic Presidents, who all recognized that immigrants are the constant reinvigoration of America, of hope, determination, optimism, and courage to make the future better.

Those are American values. Those are American traits: hope, optimism, courage. Many of these immigrants, when they come here with those values and those traits, make America more American.

Franklin Roosevelt said: ``Remember always that all of us, and you and I especially, are descended from immigrants.''

President John F. Kennedy wrote that: ``The contribution of immigrants can be seen in every aspect of our national life.''

President Ronald Reagan so beautifully in his last speech as President of the United States, which is quoted in this resolution, said: ``If we ever closed the door to new Americans, our leadership in the world would soon be lost.''

Yet, the President's comments about our colleagues this weekend showed that he does not share those American values. These comments from the White House are disgraceful and disgusting, and the comments are racist. How shameful to hear him continue to defend those offensive words, words that we have all heard him repeat not only about our Members, but about countless others.

Our caucus will continue to forcefully respond to those attacks on our Members, which reflect a fundamental disrespect for the beautiful diversity of America. There is no place anywhere for the President's words, which are not only divisive, but dangerous, and have legitimized and increased fear and hatred of new Americans and people of color.

It is so sad, because you would think that there would be a given that we would universally in this body just say, of course. And there is no excuse for any response to those words but a swift and strong, unified condemnation.

Every single Member of this institution, Democratic and Republican, should join us in condemning the President's racist tweets. To do anything less would be a shocking rejection of our values and a shameful abdication of our oath of office.

To protect the American people, I urge a unanimous vote.

Mr. Speaker, I cleared my remarks with the Parliamentarian before I read them.

Point of Order

Madam Speaker, I thank the gentleman for yielding and for his kind remarks and for his tremendous leadership.

From the first minutes of the assault on our country, Chairman Nadler was there to meet the needs of our country as we protected, but also to meet the needs of those who rushed in to save lives.

I want to also salute Congresswoman Carolyn Maloney, who has worn a firefighters jacket through the heat of the summer now, but all spring, until this bill was brought up on the floor. I thank the gentlewoman for not only wearing the jacket, but for her relentless, persistent advocacy on behalf of our 9/11 heroes.

I am so proud that this time this bill is bipartisan, and I thank the distinguished gentleman, Mr. King from New York, for his leadership, for his recognition of the bipartisan nature of what we are doing, what we did then and what we are doing now. I thank the gentleman, Mr. King, for his leadership as well.

H.R. 1327 is the Never Forget the Heroes: James Zadroga, Ray Pfeifer, and Luis Alvarez Permanent Authorization of the September 11th Victim Compensation Fund Act--a big name, a tall order, and long overdue.

When we talk about 9/11, we tread on sacred ground. On that dark day, our Nation suffered loss we could never have imagined, and we witnessed heroism that we will never forget.

Because of our heroes, 9/11 is etched in our Nation's history not only as a day of profound loss and tragedy but also a day of powerful unity and resilience. On September 11 and in its aftermath, our brave first responders were there for us. We must always be there for them.

The Never Forget the Heroes Act takes long-overdue action to provide the financial security and support that 9/11 heroes, survivors, and families deserve. Today, we are honored to take this action to ensure that all people suffering from illnesses related to 9/11 or by the debris removal and cleanup efforts in their aftermath and their families get the full awards they have been promised.

It is critically important that we restore the compensation to those hit by drastic, unfair cuts and ensure that their claims will be fully paid in the future.

One of the reasons that we have to have this additional legislation is because there are so many more diagnoses of cancer and the rest that followed.

This bill honors the heroes after which it is named, James Zadroga, Ray Pfeifer, and Luis Alvarez. Those heroes showed courage beyond measure not only by running toward danger that day but by giving their last days to fight for all harmed on 9/11.

We are blessed by the presence of members of their families and other advocates, including first responders suffering from 9/11-related illnesses, here in the Capitol today. They have done the outside organizing as we did the inside maneuvering. They have made the complete difference.

I thank Jon Stewart for raising the profile of this issue so that when we pass the bill here today, it will be received positively by the United States Senate.

Two weeks ago, as we all know, America lost Luis Alvarez, an NYPD detective and advocate who died from 9/11-related cancer. It was a holy moment for us when he testified before Congress last month before he was scheduled to receive his 69th round of chemotherapy. He said then to Congress: ``You all said you would never forget. Well, I'm here to make sure that you don't.''

With this bill, we honor the sacrifice of Luis and many other heroes and say: We will never forget.

Madam Speaker, I urge a strong, overwhelming, bipartisan vote for this bill for our responders, survivors, and their families and do so with eternal gratitude to them for what they have done. I urge a ``yes'' vote.

Mr. Chair, I thank the gentlewoman from California for yielding and commend her for her extraordinary leadership in having a purpose and a mission to our national security. Her leadership on having an authorization for the use of military force has been unsurpassed in the Congress, and I thank her. I know she will have amendments to that effect this legislation, as well.

Mr. Chair, I want to salute so many members of the Armed Services Committee, starting with Chairman Smith, for his relentless efforts to advance this strong bipartisan defense authorization legislation which honors the values of our country, strengthens our security, and advances America's leadership in the world.

One week after our Nation celebrated the birth of our democracy, the Democratic House is proudly honoring that oath, the oath we take to support and defend the Constitution and to protect the American people. The Democratic majority is bringing forth responsible budgeting needed for safe, strong, and smart defense.

This legislation keeps America strong with vital action to improve the economic security and well-being of our servicemembers and families, including a much-needed pay raise.

It keeps America safe with critical steps to promote collaboration with our allies, harden our defenses against hostile foreign powers, and meet the challenges of the future, including the climate crisis, which is a national security issue.

And it keeps America smart by reaffirming Congress' constitutional oversight responsibility over the President's military actions, including by prohibiting funding for the deployment a new low-yield nuclear missile warheads.

We applaud Representative Ro Khanna and the many bipartisan cosponsors for their amendment to prohibit Federal funds from being used for any military force against Iran without congressional authorization.

As I rise to support the bill, I also rise to support Mr. Khanna's amendment.

The bill--getting back to the bill--also is about family. It is about survivor benefits. It protects children at the border who are facing an appalling situation that is beyond the pale of civilized behavior.

I always say the same thing when people ask me what are the three most important issues facing the Congress. I say the same thing: the children, the children, the children.

This legislation prohibits Department of Defense funds from being used to House unaccompanied children forcibly separated from their parents or legal guardian by Customs and Border Protection near the border or a port of entry. And it creates oversight, requiring DOD to submit a certification that any housing provided to unaccompanied children meets Department of Homeland Security standards, including those provided in the Flores settlement.

We must take every action we can at every opportunity we find to end this situation of the children and improve the health, safety, and well-being of the children in custody.

In coming weeks, we will advance Congresswoman Escobar's legislation to bring more accountability to the Department of Homeland Security and medical care standard legislation, led by Congressman Ruiz, to ensure the health and safety of children and/or adults in custody.

We support our Members who have led visits to the Border Patrol stations to find the facts and who are leading the battle cry of action on behalf of America's values about what we stand for.

So I urge my colleagues to vote ``yes'' on this important legislation. Keep America strong. It is about a pay raise for our troops, survivor benefits, about protecting our children, in addition to, again, helping us honor our oath of office to protect and defend. I urge a strong bipartisan vote for this bill to uphold our values and strengthen America.

Mr. Chair, I again thank the gentlewoman for yielding.

Madam Speaker, I thank the gentlewoman for yielding, the chair of the House Administration Committee, Congresswoman Zoe Lofgren, of whom we are very proud in California. I thank her for leading us on this path of patriotism and respecting the oath of office we take.

Madam Speaker, it is just a joy to be having this opportunity to speak out for the sacred oath to vote, the sacred blessing, the right to vote as we leave to go on the Fourth of July break.

Madam Speaker, I thank the members of the House Administration Committee: Mr. Butterfield, whom we heard from yesterday; Mr. Raskin; Mr. Aguilar; Congresswoman Susan Davis, who presented to us earlier; and to all of you.

Madam Speaker, I thank Mr. Sarbanes. He has been the face of the future. He has been speaking out against the misrepresentations that have happened, the propagandizing that has happened by foreign governments in our election.

Yes, we won the election. We won the election because the American people were sick and tired of what the Republicans were putting forth. We won the election in the most gerrymandered, voter suppressed political arena you could imagine, and yet the American people came forward.

One the biggest messages we had in the campaign was H.R. 1, to reduce the role of dark, special-interest money in politics, to stop the systemic intentional voter suppression by the Republicans across the country, to stop political gerrymandering on all sides.

Let's do it in a nonpartisan way. Let the chips fall where they may, and to do so in a way that we are taking a piece of it today to talk about protecting our electoral system.

In a short while, we will take up the Voting Rights Act that is also part of H.R. 1.

So this H.R. 1 was very supported by the Democrats, very publicized to the American people, and part of our For the People agenda: lower healthcare costs by lowering the cost of prescription drugs and protecting the preexisting conditions benefit; bigger paychecks by building the infrastructure of America in a green way; cleaner government by passing H.R. 1--one of the component parts of what we are coming together around today.

As we approach the Fourth of July, we must remember the oath that we take to support and defend the Constitution and to protect the American people, which demands that this House of Representatives take urgent action.

We must legislate, we must investigate, and we must litigate to protect our national security, defend our democracy for the people.

Special Counsel Robert Mueller's report revealed an all-out attack on our elections by the Russians, concluding that they ``interfered in the 2016 Presidential election in sweeping and systemic fashion.''

Top intelligence and security officials have made clear that these attacks continue. They are happening, and they are happening now.

This spring, FBI Director Chris Wray warned of a ``365-day-a-year threat'' from the Russians, explaining that their attacks in our elections were simply ``a dress rehearsal for the big show in 2020.''

This House has a patriotic duty to protect our democracy from these attacks. This is a matter of national security. That is why the Democrats first act in the majority was to advance, as I mentioned, H.R. 1, For the People Act, to secure our elections.

Today we are building on that progress with the Securing America's Federal Elections Act, which takes urgently needed action to further strengthen America's defenses.

This bill closes dangerous gaps in our election systems and brings our security into the 21st century.

I know that other Members have spoken about the provisions of the bill, but I just would really like to know from my Republican friends what is wrong with replacing outdated, vulnerable voting equipment? What is wrong with requiring paper ballot voting systems to ensure the integrity of our elections? What is wrong with enacting strong cybersecurity requirements for elections technology vendors and voting systems?

We must be relentless in the defense of our democracy, fighting on all fronts to keep America safe.

There is a reason why the Russians are interfering in our elections, and other countries may be too, but we can document with full confidence from the intelligence community that the Russians are. It is because they want to affect the outcome of the elections, so they can affect the policy.

I think it was really sad, I was sad to hear, and, hopefully, it will be retracted, that the President gave a green light to the Russians to do it again. Really? Really?

This week, we are advancing appropriations legislation that provides $600 million for election security grants to States, and increases funding for the Election Assistance Commission, which has been starved for funding for years, a couple of dollars for every person in our country to honor the vision of our Founders of a democracy where everyone who is eligible to vote can vote and everyone's vote is counted as cast.

Next month, we will advance further legislation to protect our national security and prevent foreign interference in our elections.

Madam Speaker, I commend the distinguished chairman of the Homeland Security Committee, Mr. Bennie Thompson, for the great work that he has been doing with his task force and his committee and other members who are working with him as we go forward.

We are pleased that the administration has agreed to provide an all- Member briefing on election security that will happen in July, so we can get the facts. We have been trying to get the facts.

Some people around here may think that it is okay to just make policy without the facts. We are evidence-based, scientifically oriented, truth-and-knowledge based on how we go forward, and we look forward to that briefing.

We also look forward to July 17, when Special Counsel Robert Mueller will come forward and give testimony.

Our national security is being threatened, and the American people need answers.

This is not to be fearmongering. This is to be smart and to anticipate a known challenge that exists and to do something about it.

We can't just talk about the Mueller report and saying what it says about the Russian interference in our elections, unless we are ready to do something about it. Today we are, thanks to our distinguished chair, Chairwoman Lofgren.

There is a need for bipartisan support for our critical commonsense action to secure our elections.

Unfortunately, Senator McConnell, a self-described crepehanger, has vowed to kill our bills in the Senate, while the President openly declares that he sees no problem with foreign interference in our elections.

The GOP Senate and the White House are giving foreign countries the green light to attack our country, but the House will do our patriotic duty to protect America.

Madam Speaker, as we approach the Fourth of July holiday, I urge my colleagues to remember the oath we took and the democracy we defend, and to join me in a strong bipartisan vote to defend America's security.

This isn't about politics. It is about patriotism. As our Founders said at the beginning of the Constitution in its preamble, we do this for the people.

Mr. Speaker, I thank the distinguished chairwoman for yielding and admire her for her distinguished and hard work to bring a solution to the floor. This is not the one that we had hoped for, but it is one that we will be voting on today.

Mr. Speaker, I thank Nita Lowey, Congresswoman Lucille Roybal-Allard, Congresswoman Rosa DeLauro, and all of the appropriators for their relentless good faith work on a strong bill that we had hoped would completely protect vulnerable children, keep America safe, and honor our values.

Today, sadly, and almost with a broken heart, those values are being undermined by failed policies which have intensified a situation of heartbreak and horror on the border, all of which challenges the conscience of America.

I will be brief in just saying, right now, children need their families. Right now, little children are enduring trauma and terror; many are living in squalor at the border station, patrol station; some are sleeping on the cold ground without warm blankets or hot meals.

Kids as young as 7 and 8 years old are watching over infants because no one else is there to care for them. As one little girl caring for two infants said: I need comfort, too. I am bigger than they are, but I am a child, too.

Mr. Speaker, we could have done so much better--so much better--than what we are faced with today. It is my belief, my colleagues, that our country is at a moment of truth in acting upon our values as we develop policies.

I am proud of the work that our appropriators in the House have done in passing a bill that received overwhelming Democratic support on Tuesday. It was even bipartisan.

The current situation on the border is shameful and does not reflect America's values. We don't need anyone--especially the United States Senate--to tell us what the needs are on the border and that we have to act expeditiously.

Our Members are very well versed and excellent representatives of the regions they represent and that are affected, but we want to find a path to

improve the conditions under which we are addressing and ministering to the needs of children and families there.

We are gravely disappointed in the actions taken by the Senate in opposing the regular order of the Congress of the United States. We will continue to fight for our values and priorities in our legislation and beyond.

Our strongest ally in getting a better policy than that which was passed by the Republican Senate is public opinion. And people and institutions of good faith in our country, our faith-based institutions who minister to the needs of our immigrants, know that this is not the best way to go. So as we go forward, we will continue to fight for our values with public opinion and faith-based organizations on our side.

The American people are constantly asking the question: Why aren't we doing a better job to respect the dignity and worth of our children? The dignity and worth of our children. The dignity and worth of our children.

That might amuse you, but it is not amusing to the children who are affected.

The children come first. At the end of the day, we have to make sure that the resources needed to protect the children are available. Therefore, we will not engage in the same disrespectful behavior that the Senate did in ignoring the House priorities.

In order to get resources to the children fastest, we will reluctantly put the Senate bill on the floor. As the Senate bill passes--when it does, if it does--it will not be the end of this debate. It will be the battle cry. It will be the battle cry as to how we go forward to protect children in a way that truly honors their dignity and worth, their spark of divinity that they are all children of God.

Mr. Speaker, I thank the gentlewoman from Texas (Ms. Escobar), our colleague, for the beautiful moment of silence that she held earlier.

Mr. Speaker, I thank my colleagues for their leadership to protect values, honor our values, keep America safe. As always, with every vote, it is a vote of conscience.

The situation at the border is a challenge to the conscience of America. It should be a challenge to the conscience of each and every one of us. As always, you must vote your conscience.

Madam Speaker, I thank the gentlewoman for yielding.

Madam Speaker, let me first salute Chairwoman Nita Lowey, Congresswoman Lucille Roybal-Allard, Congresswoman Rosa DeLauro, and all of the appropriators--also the ranking member--for their relentless good-faith work on a strong bill that protects vulnerable children, keeps America safe, and honors our values.

Madam Speaker, when people ask me, what are the three most important issues facing the Congress? I always say the same thing: children, children, children.

Today, we have the opportunity to help the children. We are ensuring that children have food, clothing, sanitary items, shelter, and medical care. We are providing access to legal assistance. And we are protecting families because families belong together.

Right now, children need their families. Right now, little children are enduring trauma and terror. Many are living in squalor at Border Patrol stations. Some are sleeping on the cold ground without warm blankets or hot meals. Kids as young as 7 and 8 years old are watching over infants because there is no one else there to care for them.

As one little girl caring for two infants said, I need comfort, too. I am bigger than they are, but I am a child, too.

Today, we found out that the administration is sending children back to a station in Clint, Texas, from where, just days earlier, those children had been removed after enduring weeks without a shower or a change of clothes. When visiting these children, one lawyer reported, the children are locked in their cells. They said they can't bring themselves to play because they are trying to stay alive in there.

And yet, last week, the Trump Department of Justice argued in court that the government should not have to provide children in custody with soap, toothbrushes, or beds.

This situation is child abuse. It is an atrocity that violates every value we have, not only as Americans, but as moral beings. Today, sadly, our values are being undermined by the President's failed policies which has intensified the situation of heartbreak and horror on the border, which challenges the conscience of America.

Today, our legislation is a vote against the cruel attitude toward children of this administration. This bill does not fund the administration's failed mass detention policy. Instead, it funds effective, humane alternatives to detention that have a proven record of success. This legislation secures limits on how the money is spent and how the administration treats children. And it creates strong oversight by Congress so that we can protect children and ensure this crisis never occurs again.

This legislation also helps address the root causes of this situation. It reverses the administration's senseless decision to block the humanitarian funding that Congress had already appropriated for the Northern Triangle countries, where many of these refugees are coming from. And it ensures that the funding is used by these countries to curb migration, improve border security, and prevent human smuggling and drug trafficking, in addition to combating corruption, reducing poverty, and promoting growth. That is what the agenda is about.

A recent trip by some of our colleagues, led by Chairman Eliot Engel, Chairman Jerry Nadler, and other Members to the Northern Triangle, saw the effective use of those funds. And while they were there, exercising oversight and seeing the effective use of those funds, at that very moment, the President reversed the policy.

We are launching a $200 million pilot initiative to improve the Customs and Border Protection's processing system, based on a proposal from the UN High Commissioner for Refugees.

The evangelical community, Madam Speaker, a while back when there was another Muslim ban, we were not in the majority, but we did have a hearing where many people came. National security experts, diplomats, everyone came. People of faith-based organizations came to object to the President's Muslim ban. And, at that time, representatives of the evangelical community of America--this is not an individual, but a representative of the evangelicals in America--stated that America's refugee resettlement program is the crown jewel of America's humanitarianism.

We must protect and strengthen this pillar of our immigration system and our democracy. Families belong together. And as we face the challenges presented by the President's policy, we must help immigrants know their rights. Immigrants must know their rights. Families belong together.

Every Member of this body has a sacred moral obligation to protect the human rights and the lives of vulnerable families, no matter who they are and from where they came. They all are God's children. They have a spark of divinity within them that we must respect. And we must remember our own spark of divinity as we view these children and our responsibilities to them.

Madam Speaker, I urge a strong, bipartisan vote for the children, the children, the children.

Madam Speaker, since 1983, the U.S. Congress House and Senate and the German Bundestag and Bundesrat have conducted an annual exchange program for staff members from both countries. The program gives professional staff the opportunity to observe and learn about each other's political institutions and interact on issues of mutual interest.

A staff delegation from the U.S. Congress will be selected to visit Germany from Friday, November 1 to Sunday, November 10, 2019. During this exchange, the delegation will attend meetings with Bundestag/ Bundesrat party staff members, and representatives of numerous political, business, academic and media agencies.

A comparable delegation of German staff members will visit the United States from Saturday, September 14 to Sunday, September 22, 2019. They will attend similar meetings in Washington.

The Congress-Bundestag/Bundesrat Exchange is highly regarded in Germany and the United States and is one of several exchange programs sponsored by public and private institutions in the United States and Germany to foster better understanding of the politics and policies of both countries. This exchange is funded by the U.S. Department of State's Bureau of Educational and Cultural Affairs.

The U.S. delegation should consist of experienced and accomplished Hill staff who can contribute to the success of the exchange on both sides of the Atlantic. The Bundestag reciprocates by sending senior staff professionals to the United States.

Applicants should have a demonstrable interest in events in Europe. Applicants need not be working in the field of foreign affairs, although such a background can be helpful. The composite U.S. delegation should exhibit a range of expertise in issues of mutual concern to the United States and Germany such as, but not limited to, trade, security, the environment, economic development, health care, and other social policy issues. This year's delegation should be familiar with transatlantic relations within the context of recent world events.

Please note that the U.S. participants are expected to plan and implement the meetings and programs for the Bundestag/Bundesrat staff members when they visit the United States.

Participants are selected by a bipartisan committee.

Members of the House and Senate who would like a member of their staff to apply for participation in this year's program should direct them to submit a resume and cover letter in which they state their qualifications, the contributions they can make to a successful program and some assurances of their ability to participate during the time stated.

Applications should be sent to the Office of Interparliamentary Affairs, HC-4, the Capitol, by 5 p.m. on Wednesday, July 10, 2019.

Madam Speaker, I rise with my colleague Congresswoman Betty McCollum to honor the life of a dedicated public servant, Congressman Donald Fraser. A lifelong Minnesotan, Congressman Fraser devoted his life to fighting for the people of Minneapolis and all Americans. Whether serving in the Navy during WWII, in the Minnesota State Senate, in the U.S. Congress or as the longest-serving mayor in Minneapolis's history, Congressman Fraser was a patriot who never wavered in his commitment to lifting up hard-working families and building a brighter future for our children and grandchildren.

Congressman Fraser was a true champion for good. Together with his beloved wife of 68 years, Arvonne, a deeply respected women's rights advocate, he fiercely promoted human rights and championed progressive values. In the U.S. House of Representatives, Congressman Fraser earned the respect of all his colleagues on both sides of the aisle as a skilled and thoughtful legislator. He was a man of quiet dignity, who allowed the power of his ideas build coalitions for progress.

He believed deeply in the importance of ensuring that our nation's foreign policy upheld our bedrock principles of liberty, justice and human rights. Congressman Fraser lived his values through action, introducing legislation to ensure that American humanitarian aid never enriched tyrants or enabled oppression and persecution. He was persistent in his work to deepen America's commitment to democracy, not only abroad but at home: introducing the Home Rule Act of 1973 to allow the citizens of our nation's capital the right to self-governance and have their voices heard.

Congressman Fraser was also a dedicated conservationist who helped protect many of Minnesota's and America's most beautiful natural places. As the father of the Boundary Waters Canoe Area Wilderness Act, he helped guarantee that this beautiful landscape would be preserved and enjoyed by generations of Americans for years to come.

We all saw how much joy Congressman Fraser took in being mayor of Minneapolis. During his 14 years in office, he brought transformational change to the city he called home. He prided himself on his ability to listen to the needs of his constituents and never assumed to know the answers, but worked to bring people together to address the most pressing problems facing their community. He distinguished himself as a champion of early childhood education, recognizing that a free, quality public education was the key to success for America's young people and the most effective tool for fulfilling our founding promise of equality and opportunity for all.

Congressman Fraser has left an enduring legacy of progress for the people of Minneapolis, communities throughout Minnesota and for all Americans. May it be a comfort to Thomas, Mary, John, Jean and the entire Fraser family that Don is now reunited with the love of his life, Arvonne, and with his beloved Anne and Lois. May it be a comfort that so many people across the country mourn with and pray for them at this sad time.

Mr. Speaker, I thank the gentleman for yielding, and I thank him for giving us this opportunity to protect and defend the Constitution of the United States, which is our oath of office.

Let me salute the chairs of the committees of jurisdiction who have led us down this path of great respect for law, precedent, and the oath we take: Congresswoman Maxine Waters, Congressman Cummings, Congressman Nadler, Congressman Richard Neal, and Congressman Eliot Engel, all of whom have been fighting the fight and gathering the facts to protect and defend our Constitution.

The oath of office that we take is why we are on the floor today, to hold Attorney General of the United States Barr and former White House Counsel McGahn in civil contempt for their refusal to comply with Congress' subpoenas. We must follow the facts and uncover the truth for the American people.

At the birth of our democracy, amid war and revolution, Thomas Paine said the times have found us. We are here today because the times have found us. While we do not place ourselves in the same category of greatness as our Founders, we do recognize the urgency of the threat to our Nation that we face today.

This body has a solemn duty, Mr. Speaker, to protect and defend our democracy, honoring the oath we take and the Constitution that is the foundation of our freedom. That Constitution begins with our beautiful preamble, ``We the People.''

Immediately following those words of the preamble is Article I, establishing a Congress in which ``all legislative Powers herein granted are vested.''

The Founders conferred upon the first branch responsibilities that are sweeping in scope. We set an agenda. We hold the power of the purse. We write the laws that all of us are bound by, including the President of the United States and those who surround him.

Fundamental to those responsibilities is oversight of the executive branch and all the areas essential to the well-being of the American people.

Oversight is our institutional duty, to ensure against the abuse of power, protect the rule of law, and expose the truth for the people who are ``the only legitimate fountain of power,'' in the words of James Madison.

To conduct that oversight, the Congress is both constitutionally obligated and legally entitled to access and review materials from the executive branch, which it can subpoena.

Yet, the President and the administration have shown an unprecedented and unjustifiable refusal to furnish Congress with that information. President Trump himself has said, ``We're fighting all the subpoenas,'' and, ``I don't want people testifying,'' and, ``No do-overs.''

His administration has employed every tool it can find to obstruct legitimate committee oversight, everything from witness intimidation to blanket stonewalling to spurious claims of executive privilege, absolute immunity, and lack of legislative purpose.

This obstruction violates decades of established legal precedent. Throughout our history, the courts have made absolutely clear that the House has the authority to follow the facts to uncover the truth for the American people and that ``the power of the Congress to conduct investigations is inherent in the legislative process.''

Our oversight responsibility continues to be resoundingly affirmed in the courts again and again. Last month, the U.S. District Court for the District of Columbia ruled in the Mazars court decision that ``there can be little doubt that Congress' interest in the accuracy of the President's financial disclosures falls within the legislative sphere.''

That same week, the judge ruled in the Deutsche Bank case that Congress' ``subpoenas are all in service of facially legitimate investigative purposes.''

The administration's obstruction not only violates long-established precedent, but it also endangers our very democracy. We need answers on the many questions left unanswered by the Mueller report, which made clear that the Russians waged an all-out attack on our democracy, and the Mueller report documented 11 instances of obstruction from the White House itself.

This is a grave threat to our democracy, but the President calls it a ``hoax'' and refuses to protect our democracy. Why is that? We take an oath to protect our Constitution from all enemies, foreign and domestic. What the White House and the administration are doing is a danger and a threat to our democracy.

At the same time, the administration's campaign of stonewalling extends far beyond the Mueller report. The administration is obscuring the truth behind its disastrous policy decisions, from attacking Affordable Care Act coverage for millions of Americans, including those with preexisting conditions, taking it to court to overturn it while saying to the American people that it supports preexisting conditions coverage; to tearing apart vulnerable immigrant families at the border; to stealing military funds for an ineffective, wasteful border wall; to rolling back key civil rights protections for women, LGBTQ Americans, and people of color. The list goes on and on.

In court, they also tried to defend their abuse of power when it comes to the Census, which the Constitution is very clear about, that every 10 years the people of the country will be enumerated. They want to put a citizenship phrase in there to put a chilling effect on our getting an accurate count.

The well-being of the American people and the integrity of our democracy are imperiled by this brazen behavior. Senator McConnell declares ``case closed,'' enabling this campaign of blanket, unprecedented obstruction.

We see the obstruction in this House to trying to uphold our proceedings, but we have the votes to proceed. The United States Senate has a responsibility to protect and defend the Constitution, but they are ignoring that. As Members of Congress, we have a responsibility to honor our oath of office

and strengthen the institution in which we serve for the people.

We have a responsibility under the vision of our Founders and the text of the Constitution to ensure that the truth is known. No one is above the law. Everyone will be held accountable, including the President of the United States.

The people's House will continue to fight to make the truth known for the American people and will defend Congress' role under Article I.

I urge a strong bipartisan vote for this resolution to hold Attorney General Barr and former White House Counsel McGahn in civil contempt for their refusal to comply with Congress' subpoenas and to honor the oath of office that they take.

I urge an ``aye'' vote.

Madam Speaker, I thank the gentleman for yielding, and I thank him for his lifelong commitment to promoting human rights throughout the world. I thank him, also, for his leadership in bringing this legislation to the floor today.

Madam Speaker, I also thank Mr. McCaul, Mr. Engel, and Mr. McGovern for their leadership, and Chris Smith, who has been working on this issue for decades.

Madam Speaker, I rise in remembrance of the horror perpetrated by the Chinese Government 30 years ago today and of the heroism of those who died demanding human rights and human dignity.

Again, I salute Chairman McGovern, Chairman Engel, Chris Smith, Mr. McCaul, Mr. Malinowski, and so many others for bringing this resolution forward, which ensures that we do not merely remember that dark chapter of history, but that we record it in the official proceedings of the United States Congress.

Madam Speaker, 30 years ago, 1 million students, workers and citizens--men and women full of passion, idealism, and courage-- peacefully marched for a better future.

They raised their Goddess of Democracy in the image of our own Statue of Liberty. They quoted our Founders. They dared to dream of the democracy we cherish here in the United States--not necessarily the same kind of democracy, but for democratic freedoms. They stood up for freedom, only to be cut down by a hail of bullets and a line of tanks.

Earlier this year, the Tiananmen Mothers, who lost loved ones in the massacre, wrote to the Chinese leaders. Those mothers said: ``30 years later, while the criminal evidence has been covered up . . . the hard facts of the massacre are etched into history.

``No one can erase it; no power, however mighty, can alter it; and no words or tongues, however clever, can deny it.''

Today, and on all days, we reassure these mothers that we remember and that the heroism of their children will continue to be etched in our history.

It falls on us to remember, because China still, shamefully, tries to hide and deny these heroes' legacy.

As the writer Lu Xun wrote: ``Lies written in ink cannot disguise by facts written in blood.''

The memory and the spirit of the Tiananmen protestors live on in the hearts of all those who strive for freedom in China today:

In the hearts of the Uighur communities facing unabated abuse and repression at the hands of the Chinese Government;

In the hearts of the people living in Hong Kong, where China continues to make a mockery of the ``one country, two systems'' pledge;

In the hearts of the Tibetan people, who, for decades, have faced a brutal campaign to erase their religion, their culture, and their language; and

In the hearts of journalists, human rights lawyers, Christians, and democracy activists unjustly imprisoned.

They always say--speaking of those in prison--that one great form of torture of the Chinese officials is to tell the prisoners that no one remembers them, nobody knows why they are there, they are forgotten.

Well, we are here in the House of Representatives today to tell those prisoners they are not forgotten: We know many of their names; we convey them to Chinese officials every chance we get; and we carry them in our hearts.

As Liu Xiaobo wrote in his final statement, ``I Have No Enemies'': ``Freedom of expression is the foundation of human rights, the source of humanity and the mother of truth.''

As we support those fighting for freedom from China's oppression, we do so in the name of human rights, humanity, and truth.

If we do not speak out for human rights in China because of economic concerns, then we lose all moral authority to talk about human rights in any other place in the world.

In their March letter, the Tiananmen Mothers also quoted the Holocaust survivor and Nobel Peace laureate Elie Wiesel, who once said: ``If we forget the dead, the dead will be killed a second time.''

With this resolution, the Congress pledges to the Tiananmen generation that we will never forget. With the spirit of the Tiananmen protestors in our hearts, we pledge to continue to work toward our shared dream, a dream of the day when the world's most populous nation can be called the largest democracy.

And, again, China is a very important country. The U.S.-China relationship is a very important relationship. At the time when this oppression took place, China was abusing not only the rights of their own people; they were not allowing U.S. products into China. They were abusing our trade relationship, and they were selling technologies of mass destruction and missile delivery systems to rogue countries.

We thought at the time if we highlighted what happened at Tiananmen Square, where the trade deficit at the time was $5 billion a year--it was $5 billion a year, Chairman McCaul--we thought that gave us great leverage to free the prisoners, open their markets to our products, stop their violations of our intellectual property rights, as well as stop their transfer of technologies that were unsafe--$5 billion.

With corporate America, who hoped to benefit from the trade relationship--not your everyday small- to moderate-sized businesses. They knew the abuse of China and the trade relationship. But corporate America weighed in with Democratic and Republican Presidents and said: We cannot use that trade relationship, that $5 billion as leverage to free the prisoners and make other changes. If we just proceed as we do, everything will work out.

Well, now the trade deficit with China isn't $5 billion a year. It is more than $5 billion a week--a week. We rode the dragon, and the dragon will decide when we get off.

But as a tribute to corporate America, our policy was to ignore the violations, whether it was trade violations, human rights violations, or violations of trading missiles and other technologies to rogue countries--and now over $5 billion a week. It was a serious, serious mistake.

But as we made that mistake, we also betrayed our values, our values of respecting the dignity and worth of every person and respecting their aspirations for freedom of expression, freedom of religion, and freedom of belief in this great country of China.

So with respect to our prospects for our relationship with China, I would hope that in our trade talks with them now, that we are also bringing up the important subject of our values as well as the dollars that are involved in the relationship.

Again, I salute those who have been so important in this discussion. I called

Mr. McGovern our spiritual leader as we traveled to China and within China, to Tibet, and Hong Kong, and the rest, for his incredible leadership as not only the chair of the United States-China Economic and Security Review Commission, but the chair of the Tom Lantos Human Rights Commission.

Madam Speaker, I urge our colleagues to give this a big strong vote.

Mr. Speaker, I thank Congresswoman Zoe Lofgren for yielding and for her extraordinary leadership.

Congresswoman Lofgren has been an immigration lawyer. She has taught immigration law, and she has served now as chair of the Subcommittee on Immigration and Citizenship. She was masterful in bringing elements together to make today possible. I commend our distinguished chairman, Mr. Nadler, for his leadership, and Congresswoman Jayapal for making this success possible.

But also, I commend Congresswoman Lucille Roybal-Allard. When we passed this bill on the floor a long time ago, it was her legislation. She is the godmother--they are young godmothers--she is the godmother of this legislation. And I commend Congresswoman Nydia Velazquez, who was the chair of the Hispanic Caucus when we passed the bill the first time; Congresswoman Yvette Clarke, who has been a champion on this issue; Congresswoman Judy Chu, the chair of her caucus; Congresswoman Karen Bass of her caucus; and Congressman Joaquin Castro of the Hispanic Caucus--inside maneuvering, but the outside mobilization is what made today possible.

The stories of the Dreamers elevated this issue, their stories told with such dignity and patriotism for our country, the mobilization that they evoked from their stories for other people to take up their cause and their case, because it is so important to America. And today, we are not only honoring and rewarding our Dreamers, but we are also addressing the temporary protected status and DED recipients so that they feel much safer.

A year ago, I stood on the floor of this House--yes, in 4-inch heels, for 8 hours, if you want any more statistics--and told many stories of our Dreamers. I couldn't yield because then I would give up my time, so I told the stories of Dreamers. These Dreamers are the constant reinvigoration of America.

Dreamers such as Fernando, who lives in my district, came to the U.S. when he was just 9 years old. He had an excellent education, which I will submit for the Record. He now works at UCSF--that would be the University of California, San Francisco--Helen Diller Family Comprehensive Cancer Center, where he is working hard to provide new insights into deadly diseases and disorders.

There are other stories to tell.

To our businesses and economy, Javier came from Mexico City when he was 5 and now employs hundreds of Americans as CEO of an investment firm.

To technology and innovation, Saba came from Pakistan and is now a Ph.D. candidate studying cancer and other deadly genetic diseases.

And to our security, Andrea came from Peru and is hoping to follow in her father's footsteps as a member of the Air Force.

The list goes on and on. My colleague from California, Mike Thompson, is always bragging that, in California, 5,000 of our teachers are DACA, are Dreamers. We want to give back to them.

The courage, patriotism, and determination to succeed of those young people strengthens our Nation and they must be allowed to stay.

There is nothing partisan or political about protecting Dreamers and TPS and DED recipients.

If the Dream Act had been brought to the floor in the last Congress under the Republican majority and leadership, I do believe that it would have passed under a Republican majority by strong, bipartisan support.

Every President in recent memory--Democrat and Republican--has understood the value of immigration to our Nation.

In his last speech as President of the United States, President Ronald Reagan said he had an important message to communicate to the country he loves, and he went on to say: ``Thanks to each wave of new arrivals to this land of opportunity, we're a nation forever young, forever bursting with energy and new ideas, and always on the cutting edge, always leading the world to the next frontier. This quality is vital to our future as a nation.''

President Reagan went on to say: ``If we ever closed the door to new Americans, our leadership in the world would soon be lost.''

Today, our new Democratic House majority is advancing that leadership in the world, in a bipartisan way, hopefully, with the American Dream and Promise Act.

We are pleased that this legislation opens a door of opportunity to TPS and DED recipients, who are American in every way: raising families, starting businesses, contributing to our communities, and fighting in our wars over decades.

Once we pass this bill--we want it to pass the Senate and be signed by the President. We want it to be a bridge to understand why we need comprehensive immigration reform for an immigration system that embraces the contributions of our newcomers.

Protecting Dreamers and TPS and DED Americans is about honoring the respect for family that is at the heart of our faith and at the heart of who we are as Americans.

Mr. Speaker, I urge a strong, bipartisan vote to pass this legislation, and to safeguard every person's right to pursue his or her American Dream. And to my colleagues, today, on the floor of this House, we have the opportunity to be part of history, to be on the right side of history, but, more importantly, to be on the right side of the future by voting and recognizing the value of Dreamers to that future.

Announcement by the Speaker Pro Tempore