Floor Statements

I thank the gentleman for yielding.

I thank the distinguished member and longest-serving member--I don't want to say ``senior member''--in the New York delegation for getting us off to a start to sing the praises of Mario Cuomo. It is my honor to join the New York delegation. I feel honored to do so. Four of our children were born in New York, so that gives me some standing on the subject.

Mr. Speaker, I come to the floor to join the New York delegation in paying tribute to the memory of Governor Mario Cuomo. I am reminded of Ecclesiasticus. We all know this, but just think of how appropriate it is for Mario Cuomo.

In Ecclesiasticus, it says:

Now let us praise great men, the heroes of our Nation.

They led the people by their counsel and their knowledge of

the laws. From their font of wisdom, they gave instruction.

These are godly men whose righteous deeds have not been

forgotten. Their wealth is their descendants, and their

inheritance is their children's children. Their bodies are

buried in peace, and their names will live forever.

The people will tell of their wisdom, and the congregation

will continue to sing their praise.

Does that remind you of Mario Cuomo? Is that perfectly appropriate for him? Surely, those words apply to the life and legacy of our great departed friend, Mario.

As a fellow Italian American, I have always taken great pride in his leadership. As a San Franciscan who hosted the Democratic Convention, we in California had some kind of claim on Mario Cuomo because of the great speech that he made at that convention which Mr. Rangel referenced, but my observing of his greatness goes farther back than that.

It was during a trip to Italy that we were invited by President Carter in 1980 to bring the sympathy and support of the American people to Italy at the time of the earthquake, when they lost 2,700 lives and which left 265,000 people homeless. I mention that because we went by helicopter from village to village to village. Villages were devastated.

Mario Cuomo, here was this person who had such a large spirit and a good soul, who could sympathize with these people in English and Italian. For example, in a village where a First Communion class was rehearsing for First Communion, all of the 7-year-olds in that village were in that church when the earthquake hit. The roof came down, and every 7-year-old in the village was lost.

Imagine the grief of those individual families and of that community to lose those children, but as you would expect, he was up to the task, knowing that words were completely inadequate and that no sympathy could meet the pain that they were feeling; nonetheless, there was this beautiful, sympathetic man identifying with these people from a region from which his family had come in southern Italy.

Mario Cuomo was a pillar of strength through his community, his State, and our Nation. His values, his vision, and his effectiveness for the people of New York were an inspiration around the world. He was a man of principle and eloquence--that was good--and all the world saw, again, that manifested in the ``shining city on a hill'' speech at the 1984 Democratic Convention.

With those soaring words, Governor Cuomo summoned the best of America and called us to empower the working people and middle class families who are the backbone of our Nation. He asked us to remember how futures are built. We know Mario Cuomo's language and leadership will echo through the ages just as vital, just as urgent, just as energizing as his words were that day.

In word and deed, Governor Cuomo challenged us to make real the American Dream. He had it for his family. He wanted it for everyone else, for all who strived to realize it, and opened the doors of opportunity for every American family.

Family meant everything to him. He was a proud Governor of New York for three terms, but his proudest achievement was his beautiful family. No one could miss the pride and inspiration he found in his immigrant parents and how he talked about them so beautifully or in his boundless dedication to Matilda and his children.

Our country has lost a great leader, but his family has lost a devoted husband to his wife of over 60 years, to Matilda. He was a loving father to five children--Margaret, Andrew, Maria, Madeline, and Christopher--and was a doting grandfather to some really lovely grandchildren.

My husband, Paul, and I and our entire family are heartbroken. We are really heartbroken by his passing, and we continue to extend our deepest sympathy and love to Matilda and their family.

I hope it is a comfort to them that so many people in their own State, in the country, and, really, throughout the world mourn their loss and continue to pray for them and continue to be inspired by this great man.

As Ecclesiasticus says:

People will tell of his wisdom, and the congregation will

continue to sing his praise.

I thank Mr. Crowley for yielding. I thank him for bringing us together to sing the praises of Mario Cuomo.

Mr. Speaker, I come to the floor to celebrate the unanimous Senate confirmation of a public servant of integrity, energy, expertise, and ability; a person of deep dedication to our country, to ending poverty, fighting disease, and advancing democracy; someone I have had the privilege to have on my staff for the past 15 years, the new assistant administrator for Asia at USAID: Jonathan Stivers.

Over the years, Jon worked closely with USAID and congressional committees to promote our national interests, fight poverty and disease around the world, and address ongoing challenges in global development across Asia.

He played a central role in advancing foreign policy priorities of our country, especially in the fields of human rights, appropriations, HIV/AIDS, international trade, and in countries across the Asia-Pacific region. Many of our Republican colleagues know that Jon worked very much across the aisle on all of these issues.

Jonathan's professionalism and attention to detail were unparalleled, and I can say with confidence on the most challenging and critical issues of our day, Jon Stivers consistently exhibits the leadership needed to improve the global community.

Though we will miss his expertise and his experience, I am proud that he is serving these critical issues in his new position, and I wish him; his wife, Ramsey, who is here with us; his baby daughters, Josephine and Parker, all the best in their new adventures.

Thank you, Jonathan Stivers. Congratulations and good luck.

Section 5:

``The Congress shall have the power to enforce, by appropriate legislation, the provisions of this article.''

Amendment XV, section 1:

``The right of citizens of the United States to vote shall not be denied or abridged by the United States or by any State on account of race, color, or previous condition of servitude.''

Mr. Speaker, I know at some point the House will take more official and formal notice of what happened in Paris as we awakened early yesterday morning. It was such a tragic terrorist act not only upon freedom of the press, but upon freedom of expression and life in a civil society.

In this Chamber, there are two paintings, as you know, Mr. Speaker. One is of our patriarch, George Washington, and the other is of the Marquis de Lafayette. After 9/11, the French newspaper Le Monde said, ``We are all Americans.'' Last night, we heard, ``Je suis Charlie.'' People all over the world were saying, ``I am Charlie,'' referencing Charlie Hebdo, the publication that was assaulted.

I am certain the Speaker is putting together a formal moment of silence, but I didn't want the day to go by without acknowledging the tragedy that befell our friends in France. They were with us to help the founding of our country, hence the Marquis de Lafayette painting in this Chamber, along with our own patriarch, George Washington.

My thoughts and prayers and those of our Members are with the families of those who lost their lives in this terrible terrorist act and also with the people of France as they mourn their loss.

My colleagues of the United States House of Representatives, it is a high honor to welcome you and your families to the 114th Congress.

To our newest Members, this is a special pleasure to give you an exceptional welcome and congratulations. Welcome to our newest Members.

As was indicated by the vote, many of our colleagues from the State of New York are not with us because they are attending the funeral of Governor

Mario Cuomo. I extend condolences to our colleagues from the State of New York and have extended the sympathies of many in this body to Governor Cuomo's widow, Matilda, and to his family. As an Italian American, I am especially proud of his leadership and extend sympathies to his family. Thank you, Cuomo family. Thank you, New York delegation.

None of us would be standing here without the support and the strength of our families. Today, I am going to thank my dear husband of 51 years, Paul Pelosi, and my five children and nine grandchildren, all the Pelosis and D'Alesandros. Let all of us applaud all of our families.

To my Democratic colleagues and to my constituents in San Francisco, I thank you for the privilege of serving in the House, but to my colleagues, I thank you for the honor of serving as leader, but all of us should applaud all of our constituents for sending us here. So let us, again, applaud our constituents.

Each one of us, Mr. Speaker, as you know, represents Republicans, represents Democrats, Independents, and others, and we should always pay tribute to the American people. The American people have called upon each of us to serve them. They have entrusted us with their hopes, their dreams, and they have asked us to address their challenges.

The financial stability of a strong middle class and those who aspire to it is the bedrock of our economy and the backbone of our American democracy. We have a moral imperative to ensure that working men and women enjoy the bounty of their unprecedented productivity and to expand the purchasing power of families.

To that end, today, Democrats will put forward a legislative package to put Americans back to work building our roads and bridges and meeting the needs of the American people, paid for by bringing our tax dollars back home and to increase the paycheck of America's working families.

We invite our Republican colleagues to join us in supporting the Stop Corporate Expatriation and Invest in America's Infrastructure Act. It is time to stop rewarding companies to move overseas and instead use those dollars to create good-paying jobs here at home.

We ask for Republican support and action on the CEO-Employee Pay Fairness Act, legislation to ensure that workers share in the fruit of their productivity, denying CEOs the ability to claim tax deductions on annual income over $1 million unless they give their employees a well- deserved raise.

We must have an economy that works for everyone, not just the privileged few, and we hope Republicans will join us to achieve a better infrastructure and bigger paychecks for the working people of our country--better infrastructure, bigger paychecks.

We open this 114th Congress in the year we celebrate the 50th anniversary of the Voting Rights Act, one of the most consequential pieces of legislation in our history. President Lyndon Johnson and Congress passed it. The President signed it. Reverend Martin Luther King, Jr., and others, along with our own John Lewis, fought for it and inspired it. We must continue to inspire the engagement of every American. It is the vote that preserves our democracy, ends injustice, advances dreams, and sustains our freedom.

In terms of protecting our freedom, let us recognize, salute, and thank all of those brave Americans who protect our rights--indeed, protect all of our liberty--our men and women in uniform, our veterans, and our military families.

Mr. Speaker, today, we are at the start of a new year and a new Congress, with fresh opportunity for the American people. Today is the Feast of the Epiphany, the visit of the magi; so let us have our own epiphany, for this moment, on this day, we are not just Republicans and Democrats, we are Americans not just in name, but in spirit, standing on higher ground than the last election.

My hope is that in the inevitable exchanges and clashes that may happen in the months ahead, we will not lose sight of the truth that is as fresh as this ceremony is today and as historic as our Republic that the ideals that unite us are stronger than the issues that divide us in this House.

That does not mean that we are dispensing with all disagreements in this debate. Our democracy is robust precisely because we have beliefs and we stand proudly, even persistently, for them; and our democracy endures and prevails because in the end, we are humble enough to find a way forward together.

My fellow colleagues of the 114th Congress, let us uphold our deep and different convictions, but let us honor our common obligation to our country. In this Congress, we will do so under the leadership of Speaker John Boehner.

This House will continue to be led by a proud son of Ohio and a happy fan of the Ohio State football team. A man of abiding faith, great heart, and deep dedication, John Boehner is truly a gentleman from Ohio.

Congratulations to you, John, to Mr. Speaker, to Debbie, to your daughters, Lindsay and Tricia, and the entire Boehner family. Thank you for sharing John Boehner with us. God bless you and your family, Mr. Speaker.

May God continue to bless the Members of the House of Representatives. This is the people's House. This is the people's gavel. In the people's name, it is my privilege to hand it to the Speaker of the House for the 114th Congress, the Honorable John Boehner.

God bless you, Mr. Speaker, and God bless America.

Mr. Speaker, I thank the gentlelady for yielding, and I thank her for her wonderful work on behalf of the American people as the ranking member on the Rules Committee for such a long time and in such a very strong way.

My colleagues, I congratulate you and your families on your swearing in today. We had a lovely ceremony earlier. Eventually it became that, after we knew the outcome of the vote. But it is clear that the election at the polls in November demonstrated that the American people are hopeful that this new Congress can work together to grow our economy and, in turn, grow paychecks for American workers. Honoring that trust, House Democrats today are putting forward a legislative package to increase paychecks for working families and put Americans back to work building the roads and bridges our country needs, paid for by keeping our tax dollars here at home. I

talked about this a little bit earlier when I introduced the Speaker.

What we are proposing, sadly, is in sharp contrast to what the Republicans have in this rule. The first vote that the Republicans are asking this Congress to take in the new Congress will be to advance additional tax cuts for the wealthy and special interests. When they talk about dynamic scoring--when they talk about dynamic scoring--it is a very bad deal for middle-income families in our country.

In sharp contrast to them, we will bring forth the Stop Corporate Expatriation and Invest in America's Infrastructure Act, which prevents U.S. corporations from renouncing their citizenship in order to dodge paying their fair share of taxes. It is time to stop rewarding companies that move overseas and instead use those dollars to create good-paying jobs here at home.

Every chance any of us gets, we have to make that point. I don't see anything partisan about it. And many Republicans have voted in this manner in the past. So this was supposed to be something where we have common ground.

House Democrats will also put forth the CEO-Employee Pay Fairness Act, and that is legislation to ensure that workers share in the fruit of their productivity, denying CEOs the ability to claim tax deductions on income over $1 million unless they give their employees a well- deserved raise.

The American people are owed an open and transparent debate on these issues. Today, with this rules package, Republicans are shutting down debate for Democrats and Republicans. With their extending of the amount of time it takes for Members to put forth a motion to instruct, they are shutting down debate. They are rejecting transparency and openness. That is what the American people want: transparency and openness.

In all that we do in Congress, we must keep the hopes, dreams, and aspirations of the American people in the forefront. We must be committed to do this is a bipartisan way, an open and transparent way. This bill today rejects that.

Now what I want to say, and we all have been reading our Christmas cards and all the rest, but one of the ones that I want to share with you which is irrelevant to our discussion today is from my friend Jack Trout. What he said in ``A Seasonal Greeting for the Times'':

To borrow a Biblical reference, the money changers have

taken over the temple.

What is behind all of this is a concerted effort by wealthy

companies and people to protect the status quo and their

vested interests. The result is the sad fact that the middle

class gets squeezed while the rich get richer. This squeeze

is why the consumer-led economy has been so slow to rebound

after the financial crisis.

What people fail to realize is the simple fact that the

middle class are the real job creators in America. They

generate demand, which, in turn, builds markets. The middle

class put ``merry'' into Merry Christmas.

I mention this because the fact is that it is true that when the consumer economy, which is what we are, is alive and well and thriving, they spend money, inject demand in the economy, create jobs, and our economic recovery is accelerated.

Dynamic scoring, suppressing debate, and some of the other things contained in this rule are contrary to that and antagonistic to the financial stability of the middle class. So I hope that our colleagues--and there are so many reasons to go through. But what means the most to America's working families is their financial stability. On that subject alone, were it not even for other things in this bill which we could talk about all day that should be rejected, but just because it, again, has a negative impact on the growth of our economy when it comes to supporting the financial stability of the middle class we should vote ``no'' on this.

The Democrats offer a sharp contrast. The motion that will be made to call the previous question is one that calls for us to talk about building the infrastructure of America. The motion to commit that will be put forth by Mr. Van Hollen is one that is fair in terms of pay to our workers.

So for many reasons, Mr. Speaker, I urge our colleagues to vote ``no.'' This isn't what was talked about in terms of ideals and values this morning. This is about putting the squeeze on the middle class, doing it in a nontransparent way, and doing it under the rules of the House. I urge a ``no'' vote.

Mr. Speaker, I thank the gentlelady for yielding, and I commend her for her tremendous leadership. With great pride, we point to her as our ranking member on the Appropriations Committee.

I thank you for yielding and for your leadership.

Thank you, Mr. Rogers, for your leadership.

As an appropriator for many years, I know the hard work that goes into putting an appropriations bill together. There was a day when we did them individually. It seems lately we just keep putting them on a bus, an omnibus. That is too bad. But in any event, I appreciate the work you have done to bring this bill to the floor. That is why I was so really heartbroken. I don't think I have ever said that word on the floor of the House. I was heartbroken to see the taint that was placed on this valuable appropriations bill from on high.

I am sorry that we cannot have a full homeland security bill, that is for sure. We knew that was possible. The Speaker says in January we will vote on a full homeland security bill. I hope that that is the case.

But the taint I refer to is what the President described in his letter today as a rider that would amend the Dodd-Frank Wall Street Reform and Consumer Protection Act and weaken a critical component of financial system reform aimed at reducing taxpayer risk.

So when people are talking to you about what is in the bill and this or that, I am going to say to you what you are putting your name next to if you choose to vote for this bill. And why I am so appalled--well, I will tell you why.

It was September 2008. Things were happening in the financial services industry. Lehman Brothers, down; Merrill Lynch, down; AIG, whatever. It all happened within a matter of days. I called the Secretary of the Treasury and I said: ``How can we be helpful? What is going on?''

He said: ``It is terrible.''

I said: ``Well, is one of the major financial institutions going down?''

He said: ``No, it is bigger than that. We are in a serious meltdown.''

``Why am I calling you, Mr. Secretary Paulson?''

``Well, the White House wasn't ready for Congress to know about this. But you are the Speaker.''

At the time I was.

``I am the Secretary of the Treasury. You are asking me; I am telling you. We are in a terrible situation.''

So they came to my office that night, the Speaker's Office, House and Senate, Democrats and Republicans. We came together and we heard an appalling meltdown of our financial institutions.

And I said to the Chairman of the Fed, Mr. Ben Bernanke, who was there: ``Mr. Bernanke, what do you think about what the Secretary said?''

He said: ``If we do not act immediately, we will not have an economy by Monday.''

We will not have an economy by Monday. By the policies that were in place at that time, we were taken to a place where we wouldn't have an economy. No commercial paper, no economy by Monday.

Here we are, 2014, going down the same path.

Earlier today, the Republicans put a bill on the floor that would make certain tax incentives permanent and unpaid for. We should be doing revenue reform, but not that way, because the revenue policy of the Bush administration contributed to the Great Recession, taking us close to a depression. So their tax policy jeopardized our economy.

Then, their laissez, laissez, laissez-faire attitudes of no regulation, that took us to a meltdown of our financial institutions to the point where we, the taxpayers, had to rescue the financial institutions to the tune of $700 billion. That is twice as much as in the domestic discretionary spending of the bills that will come before us--two-years' worth of non-defense discretionary domestic spending.

We put provisions in the bill that the American taxpayer would be paid back. But that wasn't enough for the Republicans to vote for it. They voted against it, by and large. It was the Democrats who voted for the TARP, the most difficult vote for Members to vote for and the most politically harmful to them.

So here we are in the House being blackmailed--being blackmailed--to vote for an appropriations bill. I am not asking anybody to vote one way or another. I am just telling you why I would not put the name of my constituents in my district next to a bill that does, as the President says, ``weaken a critical component of financial system reform aimed at reducing taxpayer risk.''

At that time, they accused us of bailing out Wall Street at the expense of Main Street. The public still doesn't understand fully why everybody would benefit from what we had to do. But we shouldn't have had to do that, $700 billion, because of laissez-faire attitudes and trickle-down tax policies of the Bush administration, which got us to that place. Because of initiatives taken by President Obama when he became President, working with the Democratic Congress, with our initial Recovery Act, we were able to reverse some of that, and pull ourselves out of the ditch Republicans took us in.

So here we are today. This should be a day where we say, isn't it too bad we can't do more for the American people, but in the interest of bipartisanship we have put together a bill on the Appropriations Committee that helps meet the needs of the American people. Wouldn't that have been just fine?

Except, popping out of the wilderness comes two things: one, this provision, this provision, as I described, that the President described, and then another one, to make matters worse--to make matters worse--a bill that lifts political contributions to such a height that it is really unimaginable as to why those who put this in there thought that that was a good idea. They told me it was $90,000 for the convention. It turned out to be millions of dollars from a donor or from a family in that regard. So they weren't even on the level of how it was portrayed.

But be that as it may, what is important is what is in the bill. As Congressman Sarbanes said, it is ``quid pro quo.'' You have quid: give Wall Street what they want, relax the responsibility of that.

This is a moral hazard. We are being asked to vote for a moral hazard. Why is this in an appropriations bill? Because it was the price to pay to get an appropriations bill. I was told we couldn't get all these other things that have been described here so beautifully unless we gave Wall Street this gift. And, on top of that, that we gave their donors, high-end donors, all the opportunity in the world to pour money into the process.

Now, maybe the public is right about Washington, D.C. I heard this funny line about Lily Tomlin when she was Ernestine, the operator, when she said: ``Am I communicating with the people that I am speaking to?'' Are we communicating with the people we are speaking to when we say to them it is an important priority and we have to put it in our budget bill that we give donors the opportunity to spend endless money, undermining the confidence the American people have in our political system, at the same time--at the same time--as we say to Wall Street, you can engage in risky activity with your derivatives and the FDIC will ensure your action? That is just plain wrong.

Under the Dodd-Frank Act, if a bank wanted to engage in those risky activities they had to be pushed out to another entity, and that entity could engage in those activities, but they were not insured by the American taxpayer.

With this bill now we are saying the exposure, the recourse, is with the U.S. taxpayer. Just plain wrong--and what is it doing in an appropriations bill, except to have this bill be taken hostage? This is a ransom, this is blackmail. You don't get a bill unless Wall Street gets its taxpayer coverage.

So it is really so sad that something which I respect enormously, the appropriation process--because it is hard. There are so many competing calls on resources, so much that we have to try to invest in the American people, their health, their education, the economic stability of their families, the air they breathe, the water they drink, and how we fund all of that. I have some questions about some of that in this bill, but the fact is it is all a compromise, and it could have been a good compromise. So whatever Members choose to do.

I am enormously disappointed that the White House feels that the only way they can get a bill is to go along with this, and that would be the only reason I think they would say they would sign such a bill that would ``weaken a critical component of financial system reform aimed at reducing taxpayer risk.'' Those are the words in the administration's statement.

I feel sad for the American people today, because we are saying in order for us to invest in the education of our children and all of the responsibilities we have to the American people, we have to pay off Wall Street in addition to that. And I don't begrudge Wall Street, and I don't paint everybody there with the same brush. But what I am saying is the taxpayer should not assume the risk. It is back to the same old Republican formula: prioritize the gain, nationalize the risk. You succeed, it is in your pocket; you fail, the taxpayer pays the bill. It is just not right.

So I think we have a missed opportunity today to have some strong bipartisanship, and there will be bipartisan support for this bill. But the fact is, my colleagues, you are being asked to put your name next to privatizing the gain and nationalizing the risk. You are asked to put your name next to practically unlimited contributions to political campaigns just at a time when we are trying for reform to reduce the role of politics and money and increase the voice of the American people.

So, again, a missed opportunity. But I respect decisions that Members will make because there are equities to be weighed here. But the biggest equity we have is our responsibility to the American people to do the right thing. What was added to this bill, which may be a good bill, what was added to this bill is not the right thing. That is why it has bipartisanship, it has good things in it, but it will not have my support.

Mr. Speaker, I thank the leader of our California Democratic delegation. Zoe Lofgren, thank you for bringing us together this evening for a very bittersweet circumstance, that is to say how proud we are to honor the leadership of two great giants of the Congress, Henry Waxman and George Miller. How sad we are that they are leaving us.

I come to the floor, Mr. Speaker, today, to join in celebrating two of the most accomplished Members of this great body, and when I say ``most accomplished,'' I am not just speaking in the context of the present Congress.

I am talking about two of the most accomplished Members of this great body of all time, a pair of Californians with 80 years between them, 80 years of service in the House, retiring with unparalleled record, certainly an unsurpassed record of legislative achievements to their names, Congressman Henry Waxman and Congressman George Miller.

I am proud to do that as a Californian and to thank our chairwoman, Zoe Lofgren, again, for this opportunity.

As they depart for new endeavors at the end of this session, which is in about 48 hours, each of them leaves a legacy of leadership that is felt in the lives of everyday Americans, and that is so important.

In doing so, they are both pioneers. For four decades, Henry Waxman's name has been synonymous with responsible action, extraordinary legislative skills, passionate public service, and bold leadership on behalf of the people of Los Angeles, whom he represents, and the American people. Time and again, Henry has been the first to appreciate the seriousness of the challenges before us and the first to bring forward solutions to resolve them.

Time does not allow, and other Members will mention so many accomplishments, but I just want to focus on from the start, this is where I saw up close and early, from the start in the early dark days of the HIV/AIDS epidemic, Henry Waxman fought to invest in AIDS research, support treatment, and care prevention and pass the landmark Ryan White CARE Act.

Long before the rest of our Nation awakened to the gathering storm of climate change, early on, Congressman Waxman worked to create bold new protections for the air we breathe, the water we drink, and the Earth we call home.

From the first days of his long career, he recognized the urgency of delivering quality, affordable health care to all, and together with some of our other colleagues, with his leadership as chair of the Energy and Commerce Committee, we honored that commitment with the Affordable Care Act.

Also working on the Affordable Care Act from his committee, the Education and Labor Committee, Chairman George Miller has left an indelible mark on the laws and the Members of this august body. George has been the model of a serious and substantive legislator, a champion of working people who has had his hand in some of the most innovative and important legislation of our time.

Members over and over--some already have and others will--talk about his legislative accomplishments. I just will name some. I mentioned the Affordable Care Act; Lilly Ledbetter, the first bill signed by President Obama to end discrimination in the workplace; the repeal of Don't Ask, Don't Tell, the last bill that passed by a House Democratic majority; ending discrimination for women in the workplace, for men and women in the military.

One thing I want to mention, this PAYGO--because again this is something I saw firsthand. George Miller put together the initiative for pay as you go, so that we were not increasing the deficit as we made investments for our future.

It was 1982; we were at a midterm convention of the Democrats in Philadelphia. George Miller had the resolution to pass PAYGO. It was very fiscally sound and responsible. It passed. The resolution passed. It was so revolutionary that they never had a midterm convention again because it was really there not to make speeches but to make change.

In any event, they made that change, and it didn't become effective really until several more years later when President Clinton became President of the United States, and then we want on a pay-as-you-go basis, so whatever we were doing, we were not increasing the deficit.

So he has been a deficit hawk, a very progressive, liberal deficit hawk in the lead on that subject.

So when he was doing the earned income tax cut; Healthy, Hunger-Free Kids; ENDA--really, we haven't passed it yet, but George has advanced it in the House any number of times--early childhood education to lifetime learning, I keep coming back to the children.

I have said that when people ask me what are the three most important issues facing the Congress, I always say the same thing: our children, our children, and our children. Their health, their education, the economic security of their families, the air they breathe, environment in which they live, a world at peace in which they can reach their fulfillment. No one in the Congress has done more for our children, our children, our children than George Miller, George Miller, George Miller.

So his focus on the children, but having them live in a world at peace has taken him outside of our country. So forceful was he in his advocacy for children in other countries, for fairness and opportunity and social justice, that he became a subject of the Salvadoran death squads. They tried to search him down in the United States because he was such a fierce champion for fairness in their country as well.

So here we are--two great, very committed people. If you ask them what the secret of their success would be and how they achieved so much, they will be modest--well, sometimes. But what they will both tell you separately and the guidance they give the rest of us, just stick with it. Just keep on working. Just make sure that the other side, whoever that might be, knows you are not going to go away because you have a goal that is responsible, you have an urgency for the people, and you will make sure that you make the difference.

In many ways we all live in a nation shaped, defined, and strengthened by George Miller and Henry Waxman. Their keen vision, abiding determination, courageous leadership have put them in the ranks of the greatest legislators in our history. When they leave this House, we can be certain that they will use their extraordinary knowledge and talent in new venues and in new ways to serve America's children and families.

As we acknowledge them and express our appreciation to them, we also have to acknowledge their spouses. Janet Waxman and Cynthia Miller have contributed 80 years of being spouses to Members of Congress. That is really almost like 80 years each. That is twice as long as serving, to be a congressional spouse with all the sacrifice that that involves.

Tonight we say a heartfelt ``thank you'' not only to George and Henry and voice our gratitude to them, but to the Waxman and Miller families for sharing these great men with our great Nation.

Mr. Speaker, I thank the gentleman for yielding, and I appreciate his friendship with the distinguished leader of the entire Congress, the dean number one, as Congresswoman Kaptur said.

Mr. Speaker, I am going to be brief and put some of my statement in the Record and hopefully return to the floor in the couple of days ahead to say more about Mr. Dingell because so many Members are waiting, and I hope more time will be afforded for us to sing the praises of this great man.

Every now and then, you hear the expression ``somebody is a living legend.'' That doesn't even begin to describe John Dingell. He is a living legend. He has had a hand in nearly every major legislative accomplishment over the past six decades from protecting civil rights and workers' rights--and I am so glad to see John Lewis here--to ensuring food safety, to enacting essential consumer protections, and to creating jobs in Michigan's Twelfth District and throughout our country.

Among his countless achievements, none holds greater significance than his contribution to the good health of the American people. Each congressional term since 1955, he introduced legislation to secure affordable health care for all Americans.

In 1965, he held the gavel in his hand as Medicare became law of the land, and in 2010, more than half a century later, it was my privilege to hold that same gavel in my hand as we passed the Affordable Care Act, realizing the dream of the Dingell family.

To work alongside John Dingell is to be inspired by his strength, by the history of our institution, and by the seriousness of his work, not only the length of his service for sure, but the quality of his leadership. He is our distinguished chairman, our distinguished dean, a cherished colleague and friend, a living legend as I said, but that only begins to tell the tale.

His experience, his leadership, his partnership, and his passion will be sorely missed by all of us who had the honor to serve alongside him. We wish him and his beloved wife, our soon-to-be colleague, Debbie, and the entire Dingell family the very best.

Mr. Speaker, I rise today to join in the tributes to a public servant of unmatched leadership and quality.

The distinguished gentleman from New Jersey has followed the many footsteps of Mr. Dingell on the Energy and Commerce Committee.

Mr. Speaker, I thank the gentleman for yielding. I commend him for his leadership as chairman and now ranking member of the Judiciary Committee and his important work for comprehensive immigration reform.

I also salute the ranking member of the Subcommittee on Immigration and Border Security, Congresswoman Zoe Lofgren of California, who has not only chaired the Immigration and Border Security Subcommittee, she has taught immigration law, she has been an immigration lawyer. She represents a very diverse district in California blessed with a strong immigrant population.

Mr. Speaker, more than 520 days ago, the Senate passed bold bipartisan comprehensive immigration reform by an overwhelming margin. It was bipartisan, it was overwhelming, 520 days ago--more than that.

Time and again, the Republican leadership of the House has promised productive action to fix our clearly broken immigration system; yet, time and again, Republicans have refused to give the American people a vote on this critical issue.

They have ignored law enforcement, the badges; faith leaders, the Bibles; and business groups--the three Bs. They have denied our country billions of dollars in economic benefits and $1 trillion in deficit reduction, turned their backs on millions of hardworking immigrant families forced to live in daily dread of separation and deportation.

In the face of Republicans' failure to act, President Obama has used his well-established legal and constitutional authority to bring our immigration system back into line with our needs as a Nation and our values as a people.

The President's executive actions will restore accountability to our immigration enforcement: securing our borders; deporting felons, not families; and requiring undocumented immigrants to pass a criminal background check and pay taxes.

Presidents have had broad authority to defer removal when it is in the national interest, and past Presidents have regularly used this authority. President Ronald Reagan understood that immigration was the constant reinvigoration of our Nation.

As a new President in 1981, President Reagan said:

Our Nation is a nation of immigrants. More than any other

country, our strength comes from our own immigrant heritage

and our capacity to welcome those from other lands.

In the lead-up to the Immigration Reform and Control Act, President Reagan, again, called our Nation to action when he said:

We are also going to have compassion and legalize those who

came here sometime ago and have legitimately put roots down

and are living as legal residents of our country, even though

illegal. We are going to make them legal.

In his signing statement of the Immigration Reform and Control Act, President Reagan said:

We have consistently supported a legalization program which

is both generous to the alien and fair to the countless

thousands of people throughout the world who seek legally to

come to America.

He went on to say:

The legalization provisions in this act will go far to

improve the lives of a class of individuals who now must hide

in the shadows without access to many of the benefits of a

free and open society.

Does that sound familiar?

He went on to say:

Very soon, many of these men and women will be able to step

into the sunlight, and, ultimately, if they choose, they may

become Americans.

In the years immediately following the enactment of the 1986 Immigration Reform and Control Act, President Reagan and President George Herbert

Walker Bush took bold action to protect the spouses and children of people who received status under that law.

Although Congress explicitly chose not to grant status to these people, Presidents Reagan and Bush recognized that it was not in the national interest to separate families. Using their authority to establish a family fairness program by executive action, they offered spouses and children indefinite protection from deportation and gave them work authorization.

Every President since President Dwight David Eisenhower has used this same broad authority, Republicans and Democrats alike. Dating back more than 50 years, Presidents have granted Extended Voluntary Departure to nationals of more than a dozen countries, including Cuba, Vietnam, Laos, Cambodia, Chile, Poland, Afghanistan, Ethiopia, and Uganda.

President George Herbert Walker Bush granted Deferred Enforced Departure to Chinese nationals after the Tiananmen Square massacre, even though he vetoed a similar bill passed by Congress.

I remember that well. It was my bill. He vetoed the bill because he didn't want to sign the bill, and then he issued the executive order doing exactly what the bill would do. Several years later, he granted the same status to 200,000 Salvadorans.

Thanks to President Obama's immigration accountability executive actions, in the same vein, millions of hardworking, law-abiding families will be able to celebrate the holidays with renewed hope in the future.

In response to this Presidential action of common sense and compassion, Republicans are advancing today on this floor a radical bill of appalling callousness and cruelty. With this bill, Republicans are demanding that we deport hundreds of thousands of young DREAMers who know no country but the United States. With this bill, Republicans would tear apart millions of families and throw thousands upon thousands of American children into foster care.

With this bill, Republicans would deport the family members of our heroes in uniform who are serving overseas, deny relief and respite to victims of human trafficking and domestic violence, and reject the values that are at the heart of our heritage and our history.

This legislation is unworthy of our Nation.

Don't take it from me. That is why this bill is opposed by groups, including the United States Conference of Catholic Bishops, who wrote:

Instead of traumatizing these children and young adults--

the future leaders of our country--we should invest in them

by ensuring that their families remain intact.

Mr. Speaker, I hope our colleagues will take the advice of the Conference of Catholic Bishops and vote against this legislation.

Democrats in the House will continue to demand comprehensive immigration reform, which honors our heritage, giving certainty to families, fueling innovation, creating jobs, and reducing the deficit. We know that the President's steps cannot be a substitute for legislation. They must be a summons to action.

Here in Congress and across the country, we will keep up the drumbeat for the progress of advancing comprehensive immigration reform. We will do so in heeding the advice of President George W. Bush, who told us as we dealt with this issue to treat the people who are affected by it with respect.

Republicans should reject this coldhearted bill and give the American people the vote on immigration reform that they deserve.

Mr. Speaker, as a longtime season ticket holder and proud fan, I rise today to pay tribute to the 2014 World Series Champions, the San Francisco Giants.

On October 29, 2014, our beloved Giants won San Francisco's third championship in five years, defeating the Kansas City Royals in the seventh game of a down-to-the-wire World Series.

The Giants' post-season performance was masterful, a shared victory built on the shoulders of our entire team. The people of San Francisco salute our champions--players, coaches and staff who carried forward the banner of our city to seize the pennant and final victory. With timely hitting and phenomenal pitching, the Giants rose from the Wild Card to reclaim their position as baseball's champions.

In their hard-fought victory, the Giants have once again made us the proudest city in baseball, and given fresh energy to the talk of a rising dynasty on the Bay. Congratulations to all our `Stronger Together' players, especially the members of the World Series roster: Tim Hudson, Jake Peavy, Ryan Vogelsong, Jeremy Affeldt, Santiago Casilla, Tim Lincecum, Javier Lopez, Yusmeiro Petit, Sergio Romo, Hunter Strickland, Buster Posey, Jean Machi, Andrew Susac, Joaquin Arias, Brandon Belt, Brandon Crawford, Matt Duffy, Joe Panik, Pablo Sandoval, Gregor Blanco, Travis

Ishikawa, Michael Morse, Hunter Pence, Juan Perez and of course, our latest legend on the pitcher's mound, NLCS and World Series MVP Madison Bumgarner.

Bumgarner's composure and phenomenal pitching silenced the bats of the Kansas City Royals, and vaulted himself into the ranks of the greatest playoff pitchers in history--pitching more innings in a single post-season than anyone in history and securing the lowest World Series ERA of any pitcher with at least 25 World Series innings pitched: only one run allowed in three World Series.

In our march back to the championship, we were also grateful for our gifted announcer, Renel Brooks-Moon, and talented English and Spanish- language broadcasters: Duane Kuiper, Mike Krukow, Jon Miller, Dave Flemming, Tito Fuentes and Erwin Higueros.

The Giants represented excellence from the field to the front office. As San Francisco cherishes our latest victory, our gratitude extends as well to the team's Chief Executive Officer Larry Baer, General Manager Brian Sabean, Manager Bruce Bochy, and to the men and women of the Giants' excellent staff. Their leadership and vision continue to support and strengthen our team.

The heart and hard work of the Giants extend well beyond the baseball diamond through the Giants Community Fund, which has donated more than $18 million to vital community efforts. Under their auspices, communities and non-profit organizations throughout Northern California team with our champions to promote health and violence prevention, youth fitness and recreation, education and literacy. And, as the Junior Giants celebrate their 20th anniversary with more than 24,000 participants, we know there is perhaps no better gift we could have received than the Commissioner's Trophy.

As we celebrate our latest championship and turn our eyes to future World Series, we know that our team is blessed by the millions of passionate and devoted San Francisco Giants fans in Northern California, across the country, and around the world. We are proud fans of a proud community. In pride, let us say once more say: Go Giants!

Mr. Speaker, today, I rise to celebrate the life and legacy of Dr. John Glen Sperling, the visionary educator, entrepreneur, and University of Phoenix founder who passed away in August at the age of 93.

Sperling embraced education as the foundation for living a full life--and as a resource for overcoming poverty and creating new ladders of opportunities for fellow citizens to fulfill their potential.

Throughout his life, Sperling drew wisdom from the wellspring of his own experience. Coming of age in rural Missouri during the Great Depression, Sperling struggled with childhood illnesses, physical abuse, and learning disabilities. When he received his secondary school diploma, Sperling was still illiterate.

He decided to join the U.S. Merchant Marine, where he would finally learn to read. After the U.S. entered the Second World War, Sperling joined the U.S. Army Air Corps. His service made him eligible for the educational benefits of the G.I. Bill.

The affordable education made available through the G.I. bill unlocked previously unimaginable possibilities for Sperling. He discovered a passion for learning, receiving his Bachelor's from Reed College and earning a Master's in history from the University of California at Berkeley. He capped his studies with a Ph.D. in 18th century mercantile history from the University of Cambridge.

Education had lifted the sharecroppers' son to attend one of the most august institutions in the English-speaking world, and Sperling was determined to help other non-traditional students realize their full potential.

So began the passion for education that would become Sperling's defining legacy. As a professor at San Jose State University, Sperling made a point of working with police officers and other educators who aided teenagers with behavioral troubles--championing the value of flexible, patient, and non-judgmental teaching for students struggling to find their way forward.

Sperling knew there was an opportunity and a need for an institution dedicated to people reaching for education at all times of their lives--a place that recognized the circumstances of students already juggling the demands of work or a family.

As he wrote in his memoir, Sperling found himself a ``Rebel With a Cause,'' working to put higher education within the grasp of working adults. In 1973, Sperling started what

would become the University of Phoenix, one of the largest institutions of higher education.

Sperling created an institution that has empowered thousands of working adults with the tools needed to provide a better quality of life for themselves and their families. His enduring legacy of innovation and entrepreneurship in education has inspired new thinking and a renewed focus on non-traditional students across all of academia.

John Sperling inspired so many Americans to see--and seize--the opportunities in their lives. We hope that it is a comfort to son, Peter, his family, Joan Hawthorne, his companion, and all of John's loved ones that so many share their sadness.

Mr. Speaker, I am here to join the distinguished delegation from Illinois, especially Congresswoman Bustos, who represents a district in Congress that was once magnificently also represented by Congressman Lane Evans. So it is with great sadness that I come to the floor to join his colleagues, Congresswoman Jan Schakowsky, Congressman Danny Davis, who served with him, Congressman Luis Gutierrez, and others who will be here.

Thank you, Congresswoman Bustos, for bringing us together to honor the life and service and leadership of Lane Evans, who passed away this month at the age of 63, my colleagues.

He was the ranking member on the Veterans' Affairs Committee and served our veterans so well. He served our country in uniform. He served our country in the Congress. He served our country in the community. He was just a great person. We were honored to call him colleague, many of us privileged to call him friend.

The son of a firefighter and a nurse, Lane Evans was born and raised in the district he represented here for 24 years. From his service in the Marines--and he was proud of that--to his work as an attorney with the Western Illinois University Legal Assistance Fund, to his time in the House, Lane spent his life fighting for those who could not fight for themselves.

Each and every day, Lane Evans fought to strengthen the middle class and to expand the ladders of opportunity that define the American Dream. He stood strong and resolute against efforts to privatize Social Security. That was one of his fights here.

As a Vietnam-era veteran who served on Okinawa, Lane took the struggles of our military families personally. It is especially fitting that we honor Lane today and this week as we observe Veterans Day, for he was one of the House's most dedicated legislators of those who served our country in uniform and, as I say, a leader in the Veterans' Affairs Committee.

From that position as ranking member on the Veterans' Affairs Committee, Lane worked relentlessly to ensure that veterans of all generations would receive the support and benefits they deserve. He championed veterans with posttraumatic stress disorder and traumatic brain injury. He was instrumental in passing legislation to assist veterans exposed to Agent Orange.

But on the subject of posttraumatic stress disorder and traumatic brain injury, Lane had whatever symptoms he had of his service to our country.

As the ranking member, he traveled the country. I had the privilege on a number of occasions to welcome him at Fort Miley, our veterans hospital in San Francisco. The way he connected with the veterans, because he understood, he shared their pain--literally, shared their pain--he fought for all kinds of research, whether it was the hidden injuries of war that we now know so much more about. But there in that hospital we had not only met the needs of our veterans, but we had tremendous research, whether it was about Parkinson's or other traumatic brain injury.

He was a champion for our veterans and military families, hardworking people across America. Many of us who had been invited by--he was so proud of his district, and many of us had the privilege of being invited there to join his constituents in honoring him. It was just an all-American experience to see people from all walks of life honoring this great man and, of course, his colleagues from the military being a very important part of it.

Diagnosed with Parkinson's in 1995, Congressman Evans continued to serve the people in his district for almost another 12 years. He was determined to make a difference and help create a better world for the next generation. He surely has left our country stronger for having served it. He was a pioneer in terms of the hidden wounds of war for our soldiers.

Today we remember his courage, his commitment, his vision, his beautiful smile, his lovely personality, his gracious being, his strong commitment to our vets. We hope it is a comfort to his brothers and loved ones that so many here in this body and around the world

mourn their loss, pray for them, but we feel very strengthened as a country because of the blessing of Lane Evans' life to us.

So again I thank Congresswoman Cheri Bustos for bringing us together to honor this great man. It is my privilege to join the members of the Illinois delegation and other Members who will be on the floor to honor Lane.

He was a proud son of Illinois, that is for sure. I remember seeing him in Moline just so proud, so proud of his district, of his constituents, and they were all, in turn, as we are, proud of him.

Thank you, Congresswoman Bustos.

Mr. Speaker, I rise to honor the memory of James Scott Brady, a courageous champion in the fight against gun violence and the legacy of lifesaving leadership he leaves behind. Through triumph and tragedy, Jim Brady remained an insistent and impassioned voice of clarity and consequence in our national effort to strengthen our gun laws. His death at age 73 concludes a life defined by public service and personal bravery--and renews the call to action that he made so well for so long.

Jim Brady, a proud alumnus of the flagship institution in his home state, the University of Illinois at Urbana-Champaign, discovered a life-long passion for public policy after earning a Bachelor of Science degree in political science.

After graduating, Brady worked with some of the leading American political figures of the late 20th century. As an aide to then-State Senator Everett Dirksen--who would later serve in the U.S. House of Representatives and as the U.S. Senate Minority Leader--Brady deepened an abiding belief in the power of public service to build a better world.

As an advisor to top-level public officials at the Department of Housing and Urban Development, Office of Management and Budget, Department of Defense and the U.S. Senate, Brady became an indispensable counselor and trusted friend to many. He was tapped to serve as Director of Public Affairs and Research for the Reagan-Bush Committee and, following the election, as Spokesperson for the Office of the President-Elect and White House Press Secretary.

On a fateful March in 1981, Jim Brady suffered a gunshot wound to the head during the assassination attempt on President Reagan's life. The road to recovery would be hard, but Jim and his wife, Sarah Brady, would inspire the nation with their resolve.

Strengthened by their own struggle, Jim and Sarah vowed to take a stand on behalf of all victims of gun violence. This couple's heroic leadership challenged our nation to act, and because they did, millions of Americans are safer and many of our communities are more secure.

It took the Bradys six years, seven votes, three administrations, endless strength and boundless courage to enact the Brady Handgun Violence Protection Act. But, thanks to their dedication, the Brady bill became the law of the land.

By 2010, the Brady law had blocked felons trying to buy guns more than a million times--an average of 171 felons denied applications to buy firearms a day. Almost 300,000 domestic violence offenders were prevented from buying guns. Thanks to Jim and Sarah Brady, countless families have been spared the tragedy of gun violence.

In recognition of this leadership, Jim Brady was awarded the Presidential Medal of Freedom by President Bill Clinton. Today, the White House press secretary addresses the media--and the nation--from the James S. Brady Press Briefing Room.

Every day, the Bradys' legacy is felt in lives saved by the law that bears his name. Jim Brady's perseverance challenges all of us to never stop fighting for the common sense gun violence reduction measures our nation needs. Jim Brady was a man of extraordinary wit, charm and courage, and he will be sorely missed by all who had the good fortune to know him

I hope that it is a comfort to Jim's wife, Sarah, his children and all of his loved ones that so many people across the country share their grief and mourn the loss of such a valiant and dedicated man.

Mr. Speaker, I rise to celebrate the life of Carol J. Lancaster, the visionary educator, public servant, and trailblazing dean of the Georgetown School of Foreign Service, who passed away last month.

Born to working-class parents during the Second World War, Lancaster became the first in her family to attend college. At Georgetown University, she became one of the first women to earn a bachelor of science degree from the School of Foreign Service. Following graduation, Dean Lancaster was awarded a Fulbright fellowship to study at the Universidad de San Andres in La Paz, Bolivia, adding Spanish to the five additional languages she would learn in adulthood. Lancaster later earned a doctorate in international relations from the London School of Economics in 1972.

After teaching in England and following a series of prestigious fellowships, she was called to serve in the U.S. Department of State as a member of the policy planning staff, and in the early eighties she became Deputy Assistant Secretary of State for African Affairs at the State Department. During the Clinton administration, she served as Deputy Administrator of USAID. In every position, she focused her time and talent on creating a better world for all our children.

At the end of her government service, Lancaster's commitment to building the next generation of global leaders compelled her to teach at the Walsh School of Foreign Service, where she inspired students, encouraged scholars, strengthened diplomacy, and authored numerous books and articles for more than 30 years. At Georgetown, Lancaster motivated a new generation of young leaders, thinkers, and problem solvers to soar to greater heights and tackle today's challenges with vigor, compassion, and courage.

Mr. Speaker, her legacy of excellence continues to echo through Georgetown's community. Georgetown University President Jack DeGioia noted that Lancaster ``provided extraordinary leadership as dean of SFS and was a leader and a professor contributing in countless ways to our community through her vision and scholarship. Moreover, the joy and dedication that Carol brought to her work inspired us all to be the very best versions of ourselves,'' he said.

Chairman of the Foreign Service School's Board of Visitors, my husband, Paul Pelosi, noted that as the first woman and first alumnus to become dean of the School of Foreign Service, she ``was renowned for her commitment to her students; she demonstrated both intellectual curiosity and courage and had a profound effect on the way we think about global development. Carol will be remembered as a pioneering woman in international affairs and a stalwart champion of human dignity.''

In conclusion, when speaking around the world, Lancaster also had to stand on what she called the ``Madeline Albright box'' to be seen over podiums. Today, thousands of young students and women from across the world stand on her shoulders, inspired by her example and empowered by her leadership to speak boldly, act bravely, and make their mark in the world.

May it be a comfort to her husband, Curt, their son, Douglas, who is with us today with his wife, and the entire Farrar family that so many people around the world mourn their loss, share their grief, and are praying for them at this sad time.

President Ellen Johnson Sirleaf of Liberia said it best: ``May she rest in peace for her long years of labor to make the world a better place.''