Floor Statements

Madam Speaker, I rise today to express the appreciation of the entire House of Representatives to Irvin Nathan for his service and commitment as our General Counsel.

Since beginning his tenure more than three years ago--taking his place as the sixth individual to serve as House General Counsel--Mr. Nathan helped assemble and supervise a highly competent and professional staff. He successfully and actively maintained the General Counsel's Office as a trusted, non-partisan resource. Through their hard work and achievements, he and his office have earned the respect of Members on both sides of the aisle.

Under Mr. Nathan's leadership, the General Counsel's Office provided invaluable assistance and advice to the House and its Members, Officers and Committees in connection with a broad range of legal matters. He defended Members and other House employees and entities in judicial proceedings at the trial and appellate levels; responded to deposition, trial, grand jury and administrative subpoenas; and advised Members and Committees in connection with their interactions with both private and other governmental entities.

Many House Committees and Subcommittees, in particular, have come to rely on Mr. Nathan's expertise and guidance in connection with their investigative and oversight activities.

During the past three years, Mr. Nathan has also played a significant role in safeguarding the legal and institutional interests of the House, and in addressing specific challenges to the House's interests and prerogatives. In particular, his work vindicated the House's congressional subpoena authority in the landmark case of Committee on the Judiciary v. Miers.

All Members of the House know that Irvin Nathan will continue his stellar work as Attorney General for the District of Columbia. We know that the District will benefit from his counsel, wisdom, and guidance.

On behalf of the House of Representatives, I express my deepest gratitude and thanks to Irvin Nathan for his dedication to the House, and extend our very best wishes to him in the future.

Madam Speaker, I thank the gentleman for yielding and for his kind words. More especially, I thank him for his great leadership. Few people who have served in this Congress and outside the Congress have done more to promote that ``science, science, science'' agenda than Bart Gordon.

Sadly, for Mr. Gordon, this will be the last bill that he will bring to the floor. I want to take the occasion to thank him for his tremendous leadership as chair of the Science and Technology Committee and for being a leader on these issues. When the report came out about the gathering storm, he was the first to say we need to not only respond to it, but he had already taken initiatives, recognizing what would be in that report, seeing what was happening to science, technology, engineering, math, and all the rest of it in our country. His departure from the Congress is a loss for us, but I know he takes with him this passion that he has for science. It is something that has served our country well in the Congress, and I know he will continue to do so outside the Congress.

So, Mr. Gordon, thank you for your tremendous leadership. I know I speak for everyone here when I say it is an honor to call you colleague, and that today would be a day, toward the end of the session, that we would be taking up your bill--this is your bill, Mr. Chairman.

On these occasions I am reminded, Madam Speaker, that nearly 50 years ago, in launching the initiative to send a man to the Moon and back safely within 10 years, President Kennedy summed up America's common commitment to innovation and competitiveness when he said, ``The vows of this Nation can be fulfilled only if we are first, and therefore we intend to be first. Our leadership in science and in industry, our hopes for peace and security, our obligations to ourselves, as well as others, all require us to make this effort.''

Since then, Americans have lived up to those words. Science and technological innovation have formed the backbone of our progress as a people and our prosperity as a Nation. And today we have the opportunity to play one more part in that same tradition to support the COMPETES Act, to reaffirm our leadership in science and technology, to keep America first.

Again, few have done more for this Congress than Chairman Bart Gordon, who recognized the urgency of this challenge early on and has never stopped fighting to keep science and technology at the top of our agenda. And to the distinguished ranking member, one of the beauties of this agenda, this innovation agenda, is there's really nothing partisan about it. It isn't ideological. It's scientific. It is about keeping America number one and using the best resources technologically in our country to have us be competitive in the world economy.

In acting to update and extend the COMPETES Act, we will spur innovation, invest in cutting-edge research, modernize manufacturing, and increase opportunity. You know the provisions. Others have spoken to them. The gentleman from Wisconsin (Mr. Kind) has talked about the importance of the STEM--education, science, technology, engineering and math--and how important that is not only to the fulfillment of our students but to competitiveness internationally and the success of our economy.

With this bill, we will lay the foundation for new industries that provide good jobs for our workers; that open new markets for our American products; that offer more students, more young people, and entrepreneurs a better chance to live out the American Dream.

Simply put, we will continue to ``rise above the gathering storm'' and keep America number one.

The COMPETES Act is a central component of our innovation agenda, rolled out by Democrats 5 years ago to ensure our Nation's economic competitiveness around the globe and double basic research funding.

Yes, as has been mentioned, the COMPETES Act was signed by President Bush and now will be signed by President Obama; but I wish to acknowledge that it was only when we got into the Recovery Act that we were able to get the substantial funding to move forward with these initiatives. We had a little downpayment before that, but we got serious about our commitment in the Recovery Act.

As part of that effort, again, we passed the Recovery Act, investing $17 billion for basic research and $19 billion to promote the adoption of health IT. We dedicated $11 billion to improve our smart grid capabilities and provided more than $7 billion to expand broadband access nationwide. It is very important for us to do so in rural areas. Through a series of actions, the Democrat-led Congress has extended broadband to rural and underserved areas, invested in clean energy jobs and energy independence, and helped spur the development of new technologies.

The America COMPETES Act builds on that record of achievement. This bill is about good-paying jobs for American workers, strong American leadership in the global economy, an investment in America's students, and long-term prosperity for America's families and businesses.

As I have said, as was mentioned by Mr. Kind, this bill passed the first time with overwhelming bipartisan support. I think the majority of Republicans voted for the bill the first time it was put forth, and now we are reauthorizing it.

What we are doing today is about echoing President Kennedy's call once more to fulfill the vows of our Nation, to make the effort to strengthen America's future, to be first. In voting ``aye'' today, we can come together for innovation, for competitiveness, and for our prosperity. I urge all of my colleagues to support the reauthorization of the America COMPETES Act.

As I close, I once again want to salute Chairman Bart Gordon for his tremendous, tremendous leadership. He has a wealth of knowledge, a depth of understanding, a boundless commitment to the future.

Thank you, Mr. Chairman.

Madam Speaker, I rise, not to talk about the continuing resolution that is before us, but in praise of the gentleman from Wisconsin (Mr. Obey), the chair of the Appropriations Committee. And this, hopefully, will be the last piece of legislation, not that hopefully it's your last, but hopefully it's the last that this body will hear from the Appropriations Committee. And I want to take the time on this bill to express the gratitude of our colleagues in the House, to the people of our country who care about America's working families, and to all who care about a world at peace, to thank Mr. Obey for his tremendous leadership. I rise to celebrate his career and the contributions. I think he is one of the greatest appropriators and one of Congress' greatest legislative minds.

For more than four decades he has fought in favor on this floor for the people of the Wisconsin seventh district and for America's middle class. He is a visionary for a better life for the American people and a legislative genius. He has an ability to see around corners, anticipate challenges and opportunities, and sustain a fight on behalf of what is right.

I had the privilege of serving on the Appropriations Committee under the leadership of Dave Obey. He was my chairman on the full committee and on Labor, Health and Human Services, and he was chair for a long time of the Foreign Operations Subcommittee of Appropriations, which appropriated our foreign aid. To that committee, the Foreign Ops Committee, he brought the values of middle America to our foreign policy. Values-based, people-oriented, again, in the interest of our national security, the strength of our country and recognizing that that strength was also about our values.

He then chaired the Health and Human Services Subcommittee, where he measured the strength of our country in another way, in the health, the education, the economic well-being of America's working families. To see him operate on that committee was to see a master at work. We use that phrase from time to time. In the case of Dave Obey, it is an understatement. I sometimes think, when he's working, of the phrase, you'll understand when you understand, because when David sees so far down the road from the rest of us, sometimes we're not quite up there with him, and then he is always right. I don't know whether he's a self-fulfilling prophecy or he's just always right from the start.

For nearly half a century, from demanding open committee hearings, more transparency in our caucus, ethics reform, he has been an unyielding and unflinching reformer.

Mr. Obey, again, as I've said, was my chairman and, as a chairman, he had no parallel. He refused to allow measures designed to harm our air, water, and environment into the Federal budget. And after 9/11, he reached across the aisle to secure funding for first responders and the recovery effort and to extend our investment in homeland security.

Of course he championed Federal investments in education, and devoted his energy to making health insurance a right, not a privilege for all. And it was a special privilege for all of us here to see Dave Obey gavel down the health care reform bill. It is a well-deserved privilege for him, a recognition by his colleagues in the House that he was the one who should do that.

In every hearing in his committee, and with every vote, Chairman Obey sought to strengthen the middle class, and he acted on the belief that how we invest the public's money reflects our values as a people and will determine the future of our country.

The reach of Mr. Obey's achievements has extended nationwide. But his first priorities have always been for the families, the workers, the businesses, and the communities of his beloved district.

LIHEAP, for one. We always knew how important low-income--LIHEAP is a term of art here, and Dave Obey has been a great champion for it, as he has been for Pell Grants and other initiatives that affect America's working families. But the aspirations of his constituents, their hopes, their challenges, that was his call to action.

Chairman Obey's official biography opens with these words: ``Every American who works hard should be able to fully share in the bounty of America, and so should their families.'' This has been Dave Obey's mission statement. He has been a transformational figure in Congress. His leadership on behalf of the American people, as I said, is unsurpassed.

He has been blessed by a wonderful family. And we all are grateful to his wife, Joan, and his sons for sharing David with us. We also want to salute his staff person, his staff director, Beverly Pheto, for her leadership and her excellent work, and some might say, her patience with this great mind.

I just have to tell one story on Dave Obey because I just love it so much.

Dave Obey, as I mentioned, was the Chair of the Foreign Ops Subcommittee. Some years later, after Charlie Wilson was chair in that, I had the privilege of becoming the ranking member on that committee, no longer in the majority. So when we went to the floor for the first bill that we were managing, that I was managing on the minority side, I was very prepared and ready and wanted to please David.

So I made my case, we won our amendments. I see Congresswoman Lowey is here who now chairs the Foreign Ops Committee. And after we won our amendments, it was very bipartisan then. It wasn't that confrontational.

But, in any event, after it was finished, and the job was done, I looked to David for some sign of something, at least that it was over. And David said to me, You did all right, but I think you could have been more diplomatic.

Now, hearing Dave Obey tell me I should be more diplomatic, well, David, of all the things he is known for, diplomacy is not among them. And that happened to be on the heels of running into Barney Frank on my way to the rostrum to manage the bill. He said to me, That suit you have on, give it away. It looks terrible on you.

And I thought, In 1 day, I have gotten fashion advice from Barney Frank and diplomacy advice from David Obey. Maybe I will go home and start all over again, with all due respect to their various strengths.

Reformer, visionary, public servant, David Obey has our gratitude and our appreciation. We will miss him enormously. He cannot be replaced. His legacy will live long in this body and in this country. We will long benefit from his leadership, his commitment, his values, his impatience, his eloquence, his Archy. His Archy, whose words of wisdom have guided us on occasions where other eloquence may have fallen short.

The Congress he loves so much will miss Dave Obey. And I hope that he leaves here knowing the high regard that his colleagues hold him in, the deep respect we have for his intellect, his boundless energy, and from time to time, yes, his humor, and occasionally his diplomacy.

So, Mr. Chairman, thank you. It has been an honor to serve with you. I know, again, that I speak for all of our colleagues when I say it is an honor to call you ``colleague.'' Thank you, Mr. Obey, for what you have done for our country.

I thank the chairman for yielding and I commend him and Ranking Member, soon-to-be Chairwoman Ileana Ros-Lehtinen for giving us this opportunity to address the resolution presented by our chairwoman, Congresswoman Nita Lowey, who chairs the Foreign Ops subcommittee.

All of you on Foreign Affairs and on Foreign Ops in appropriations know full well the magnitude of the leader that Richard Holbrooke was. As I address some personal remarks about him, I want to say how significant it was that he understood the important role that Congress plays in our foreign policy, whether it was as the Ambassador to the United Nations, whether it was in his work forging a peace agreement, the Dayton Accords, or whether it was in his role now as Special Envoy to Afghanistan and Pakistan.

He would come to Capitol Hill bringing his tremendous and brilliant mind, his great intellect, his boundless energy, and his sense of humor. He had a tenacity about him that was unsurpassed. His determination was palpable. You could see it in the air. When he addressed an issue, you knew that a solution would be found and he, indeed, worked very, very hard in all that he did; but he also brought, as I say, a brilliant, great intellect.

With the passing of Ambassador Holbrooke, our country has lost a brilliant and respected diplomat. We have--but his life and his legacy will continue to affect our search for peace in the world, resolution of conflict, improving relationships among countries, having a values based American foreign policy.

He was a strong fighter for peace throughout the world and an advocate for American values at the United Nations. He will be long remembered, again, for forging the agreement among bitter rivals to end 3 years of bloody sectarian war in the former Yugoslavia. Now that peace is in the region, it is hard to remember how bitter that fight was, one forever, that went on for a long time.

I just want to say this aside, just to tell you the magnitude of the task that

he had. When Adolf Hitler was asked how he learned the power of hatred, he said he learned it by watching the Balkans, people who had come to Vienna, settled there in some ghettos, and he saw how they interacted among themselves in a very, very bitter way. That gives you a flavor for the attitudes of people in the region.

They came to the table in Dayton. Richard Holbrooke understood, he put himself in the shoes of each of these rivals, and was able to forge an agreement. It was quite historic. Again, the force of his determination was key to securing peace, restoring hope, and saving lives. It was really monumental. It is thought that his work in the Balkans saved thousands of lives.

Today, as the resolution states, Congress recognizes him for the monumental contributions he has made to United States national security, humanitarian causes, and peaceful resolutions of international conflict.

Again, all of us who have worked with him admired his great intellect and tenacity to resolve conflict. When we got news of his passing, which was shocking to all of us, we immediately flew a flag over the Capitol that evening in his name. How appropriate--this great patriot-- how appropriate that there would be a flag flying in his name over the Capitol of the United States. I think that is a tremendous, tremendous tribute.

I hope it is a comfort to Kati, our dear friend--many of us are personal friends of the Holbrookes--to his children, to their children and to the many who loved him that so many people in our country and throughout the world mourn their loss with a deep, deep sadness and that we are praying for them at this sad time.

Mr. Chairman, I thank the gentleman for yielding, and I thank him for his leadership on fairness for growing the economy, for reducing the deficit and for creating jobs, because that is some of what is done in this bill.

I think I want to use my time to make some distinctions here. President Obama and the Democrats have supported initiatives to protect the middle class. We are fighting for the middle class. We are wanting to grow the economy and to create jobs and reduce the deficit, so we must subject whatever legislation that comes before us as to how it meets those tests.

This legislation on the Democratic side of the ledger does create jobs and the demand that creating jobs injects into the economy helps reduce the deficit. For example, unemployment insurance provisions that are in the legislation economists across the board tell us return more money to the economy than almost any initiative you can name. People spend that money quickly. These are people who are looking for work, people who have lost their jobs through no fault of their own. Their unemployment insurance is spent immediately, again injecting demand into the economy, creating jobs.

Low income tax credit, refundable.

Child tax credit; refundable. All of this placed in the hands of the working families in America, again, spent immediately, injecting demand, creating jobs. The college tuition tax credit, very important for America's working families and their children.

So here we are with a bill on one side of the ledger that benefits 155 million Americans. We have tax cuts for the middle class across the board. Everybody gets that tax cut. But in order for the middle class to get that tax cut, the Republicans insist that those who make the top 2 percent in our country get an extra tax cut, adding billions of dollars to the deficit and not creating any jobs. To add insult to injury, they have now added this estate tax provision--and, mind you, the Democratic side of the ledger benefits 155 million Americans. In order for the President to get those terms accepted, the Republicans insisted that $23 billion in benefits go to the 6,600 wealthiest families in America. 6,600 families holding up tax cuts for 155 million Americans. Is that fair? Does that meet any test of fairness that we have? Again, this $23 billion not creating jobs, this $23 billion increasing the deficit by 8 percent in the fiscal year.

Think of what we could do with that $23 billion. We could triple our research in cancer and diabetes. I think that means something to all Americans, including those 6,600 wealthiest families. We could give a $7,000 raise to every public school teacher in America. We could create, investing in new technology, 780,000 jobs--780,000 jobs. Instead, we're giving a bonanza to 6,600 of the wealthiest people in America who really don't need the help.

It's just amazing to hear our colleagues on the other side of the aisle talk about deficit reduction when everything on their side of the ledger increases the deficit and does not create jobs. Tax cuts to the wealthiest 2 percent; the most egregious of all, the estate tax provision that they have that benefits not 1 percent, not one-half of 1 percent, but one-quarter of 1 percent of the American people. We have to borrow that money from China and send the bill to our children and our grandchildren. And that is not good policy. It does not have a favorable impact on the deficit. It does not create jobs. It does not grow our economy. It does not stimulate growth in our country.

And so I hope that our colleagues will vote favorably for the Pomeroy amendment to bring some fairness and clarity to the estate tax issue. On that, 99.7 percent of all Americans are exempted. 99.7 percent of all Americans are exempted from paying estate tax under Pomeroy. But we had to get that upper 3 percent in this legislation in order to benefit 155 million Americans. These figures have to be engraved in our being-- 155 million. You can't have that unless 6,600. I've said it over and over.

And then, on top of all of that, on the Democratic side of the ledger we have the green initiative, 1603, that the Senate put in the bill. This is just a very positive provision for renewable energy--wind, solar, et cetera. But the Republicans said, That's the limit. We won't accept any more. And so all of the initiatives for innovation that have been passed the past few years that should have been extended, we said ``no'' to innovation, we said ``no'' to the future, we said ``no'' to keeping America number one for encouraging our competitiveness.

So if we're talking about growth, we have to talk about investments in the future. If we're talking about being number one, we have to have an innovation agenda to do it. The Republicans said ``no'' to that. They only

said ``yes'' to tax cuts to the wealthiest.

As Mr. Weiner said, we recognize success. We admire success. We all want to be part of it. God bless them for having the wealth that they have, whether it is inherited or earned. We recognize success and what wealth does to create jobs, et cetera. But we also want to reward work. We want to reward work. So in order to reward work in this legislation, we had to have a big payoff to the top one-quarter percent of America's wealthiest families.

So for my colleagues, as they review this, this is very difficult. Nobody wants taxes to go up for the great middle class. In fact, everybody gets a tax cut in this. We just don't see why we have to give an extra tax cut to the wealthiest and then an extra, extra estate tax benefit to the top one-quarter percent.

As Members have to make up their mind about this, I hope that they will vote for the Pomeroy amendment to this legislation. They'll have to make their own decisions as to whether it is necessary to be held hostage, to pay a king's ransom, in order to help the middle class. We absolutely cannot allow taxes to go up come January 1.

The previous speaker said we have to look to how we were forced to this precarious ledge. Yes, let us look to how we were forced to this precarious ledge. This situation, the recession that we were in--the deep recession that we were in--President Obama was a job creator from day one with the Recovery Act and pulled us back from that recession. The financial crisis that they created, President Obama pulled us back from that. And, oh, by the way, remember the financial crisis? Remember the banks that all that money went to and they didn't extend credit? Now those same people are giving out over $100 billion in Christmas bonuses. And these Republicans in this House of Representatives are saying, We don't want you to be taxed to the proper extent on that $100 billion. More money given in bonuses on Wall Street. Think of it. Over $100 billion dollars. And we want to give them a free ride in terms of paying their fair share.

So if it comes to creating jobs, growing the economy, reducing the deficit, investing in growth and competitiveness and innovation to keep America number one, I applaud President Obama for his side of the ledger. I'm sorry that the price that has to be paid for it is so high. At a time when everybody is preaching the gospel of deficit reduction, the Republicans come in with an increase in the deficit to the tune of over $100 billion dollars for people in our country who need it the least and, again, where it does not create jobs.

So Members will have to make up their minds as to how we go forward on the bill. But I hope that all of them in their consideration of it will vote for the Pomeroy amendment, which addresses the most egregious--with stiff competition, mind you, in this bill--the most egregious provision when it comes to fairness, reducing the deficit, and not creating jobs.

I, again, commend the chairman of the Ways and Means Committee and all of our colleagues who have had to explain through all of the misrepresentations that have been made about what this legislation is about. And, again, I salute President Obama for getting in the bill what is in there. I'm sorry at the price that has to be paid by our children and grandchildren to the Chinese government to pay for the increase in the deficit that the Republicans insisted upon.

I thank the gentlelady from California, the distinguished chair of the subcommittee on this important issue, for her leadership on ending discrimination in how we defend our country.

I want to salute Steny Hoyer, our distinguished Democratic leader, for bringing this bill to the floor expeditiously. It has been a long time in coming, but now is the time for us to act.

I want to thank Barney Frank, Jared Polis and Tammy Baldwin for their leadership, and I particularly want to acknowledge Patrick Murphy.

Before Congressman Murphy came to the House, he was a captain in the 82nd Airborne Division and served as a paratrooper in the Iraq war. He understands the issues of military readiness and has demonstrated tremendous leadership on the battlefield and on repealing a policy that does not contribute to our national security.

Mr. Speaker, today we have an opportunity to vote once again to close the door on a fundamental unfairness in our Nation. Repealing the discriminatory Don't Ask, Don't Tell policy will honor the service and sacrifices of all who have dedicated their lives to protecting the American people.

We know that our first responsibility as elected officials is to take an oath of office to protect and defend. Our first responsibility is to protect the American people, to keep them safe; and we should honor the service of all who want to contribute to that security.

As Admiral Mullen, the current Chairman of the Joint Chiefs, said on this issue of Don't Ask, Don't Tell, ``It is my personal belief that allowing gays and lesbians to serve openly would be the right thing to do. We have in place a policy which forces young men and women to lie about who they are in order to defend their fellow citizens. For me, personally,'' he said, ``it comes down to integrity--theirs as individuals and ours as institutions.''

Seventeen years ago, in 1993, many of us were on the floor of the House. I had the privilege of speaking, calling on the President to act definitively to lift the ban that keeps patriotic Americans from serving in the U.S. Armed Forces because of their sexual orientation. Instead, we enacted the unfortunate Don't Ask, Don't Tell policy that has resulted in more than 13,000 men and women in uniform being discharged from the military. Thousands more have decided not to reenlist. Fighter pilots, infantry officers, Arabic translators, and other specialists have been discharged at a time when our Nation is fighting two wars.

Don't Ask, Don't Tell doesn't contribute to our national security, and it contravenes our American values. That is why the support for its repeal has come from every corner of our country.

Just today, ABC News and The Washington Post released a poll showing that eight in 10 Americans say gays and lesbians who do publicly disclose their sexual orientation should be allowed to serve in the military.

Recently, the Department of Defense issued its report about the impact of repealing the discriminatory policy, and as the gentlelady from California, Congresswoman Davis, has said, the action that we took earlier on the DOD bill was an action predicated on what that report would say, and that report reached the same conclusions that a majority of men and women in uniform and a majority of Americans have reached: repealing Don't Ask, Don't Tell makes for good public policy--and a stronger America, I add.

But to do so, to repeal Don't Ask, Don't Tell, Congress must act quickly. Since courts are now reviewing the Don't Ask, Don't Tell policy, both Secretary Gates, the Secretary of Defense, and Chairman Mullen, Chairman of the Joint Chiefs, have called for Congress to act on the repeal with urgency so that they can begin to carry out the repeal in a consistent manner.

In May, with an over 40-vote majority, this House of Representatives passed legislation to end this discriminatory policy. It was a proud day for so many of us in the House, and today, by acting again, it is my hope that we will encourage the Senate to take long overdue action.

America has always been the land of the free and the home of the brave. We are so because our brave men and women in uniform protect us. Let us honor their sacrifice, their service, their patriotism by recommitting to the values that they fight for on the battlefield.

I urge my colleagues to end discrimination wherever it exists in our country. I urge them to end discrimination in the military, to make America safer.

Madam Speaker, I rise today to celebrate the 90th birthday of a great leader, a true public servant, and a proud resident of San Francisco: George Pratt Shultz.

Secretary Shultz has lived by the mantra he set forth during his decades of service: ``You've got to dream a little bit if you're going to get somewhere.'' Throughout his life, he dreamed more than ``a little bit''--and his dreams led him to the height of academia, government, and business.

His dreams led him to the Marine Corps during World War II. They led him to become a celebrated and decorated professor of economics at some of our most prestigious institutions of higher learning. And they certainly drove him to ``get somewhere'' in the public square: serving as an advisor to Presidents; as a Director of the Office of Management and Budget; as the Secretary of the Treasury, Labor, and State.

In the closing years of the Cold War, as our leading diplomat, Secretary Shultz was a powerful, passionate voice for American values around the world--negotiating when possible to advance the interests of the United States; standing firm when necessary to defend our country; striving for peace among nations and advocating on behalf of our strong moral leadership worldwide.

In recent years, Secretary Shultz brought his experience and wisdom to two critical challenges facing our country and our planet: climate change and nuclear non-proliferation.

He understood that global warming is a threat to our national security, our economy, and our environment. And in California, he joined the campaign to halt efforts to weaken environmental protections--and fought to strengthen our clean energy future.

Forever a statesman, he issued a clarion call to build a world free of nuclear weapons, recognizing that these instruments of war are no longer necessary in this day and age, and represent a threat to global security now and in the future.

Known for his dynamic partnerships over the years, Secretary Shultz has no greater partner than his wife, Charlotte Maillard Shultz. When Charlotte served as Chief of Protocol for the city and county of San Francisco, and for the state of California, Secretary Shultz supported her with his own diplomatic acumen. Today, their partnership, in both the public and private spheres, continues to enhance our city.

Secretary Shultz has always been, and will always remain for Paul and me, a patriot, a dedicated public servant, and a friend. An economist, a business leader, and a statesman: George Shultz followed his dreams. And on his 90th birthday, we honor his service.

Mr. Speaker, I thank the gentleman for yielding and for giving us this opportunity this evening to come to the floor of the House on behalf of many children in America.

It is one of those evenings when we can associate ourselves very directly with the aspirations of our Founding Fathers. How blessed we were at the beginning of our country, even before our country began, that these brave and courageous people stood up for independence for our country. And when they established our country, they designed the great seal of the country and it said, ``Novus Ordo Seclorum,'' a new order for the ages. How confident they were, how optimistic they were. No country in the history of the world had ever had founders founding on a new principle of equality of people and freedom, separating themselves from a great military power by winning independence

and saying this was about a new order for the future. And they could say that with confidence because they had a commitment to make the future better from one generation to the next.

That became known as the American Dream, eventually, and people flocked to our shores to be part of the American Dream. And when they came, they brought their hopes, their aspirations, their determination, their optimism for a better future for their families and for the next generation. And in coming here, these newcomers--at that time, a couple hundred of years ago--and to this day, by coming with that optimism and hope and commitment to a better future for the next generation, they made America more American.

And so tonight we have an opportunity to identify with the aspirations of our Founders. And we know that if we are going to have a better future for our country, it is important for us to recognize the children who are here. They have come from every continent in the world, from Europe, from Asia, from Australia, from Latin America. My colleague, Congresswoman Clarke, talked about children coming from the Caribbean. A lot of attention is paid to those coming from Latin America, but they have come from all over the world, and many of them to this day do not know what their legal status is. Some find out in a most unfortunate way when ICE shows up at their door to say, You weren't born here, because their parents may not have told them that.

But their identity is all American. Some of them don't even speak the language of the country of origin of their parents. So many of them come here with this great patriotism. Their families come with this great patriotism. Many of these young people serve in the military, so they strengthen our national security. Secretary Gates has said, The DREAM Act represents an opportunity to expand the recruitment and readiness of our armed services. That's what the Secretary of Defense said. We all know that the competitiveness of America depends on innovation, and innovation begins in the classroom. And these young people have an array of skills and talent, whether they're in the military, whether they're in college, whether they go to graduate school. And we know that many of them cannot reach their professional aspirations because that is when they bump into the fact that they are not fully documented.

If you have ever been to a DREAM Act occasion, when young people come together and speak about their love for America, you will hear anthems of patriotism that, again, would make you so very, very proud in how it echoes what our Founders had in mind. So we have an opportunity tonight to solve a problem, solve a problem for these young people, to help solve problems for our military and our national security, to help solve problems about innovation and education and making our country stronger economically as well as militarily.

This bill does not cost money. In fact, it sends money back to the Treasury, about over $2.5 billion. But as studies show, there will be hundreds of billions of dollars that will be paid in taxes by these young people when they reach their full aspirations.

This act is about Pedro Ramirez, the student government president at California State University Fresno. He was brought here when he was 3 years old and was unaware of his lack of citizenship until he was a senior in high school. In the midst of the controversy of his status, he reminded us, the DREAM Act itself symbolizes what it is to be an American. It's about equality. It's about opportunity. It's about the future.

Young people like Pedro and so many others like him represent the best reasons to pass the DREAM Act. We always think in numbers. Think of these individual young people and how they identify with America. They have no other identity in many cases. They want to participate in our Nation's future. They want to help build it. They want to use their degrees and their skills to help build something better for the next generation, and that's what our Founders had in mind when they said, Novus Ordo Seclorum, a new order. It's on the dollar bill. In case you have a dollar in your pocket, you can take out The Great Seal of the United States, ``Novus Ordo Seclorum,'' with that confidence, later to be called the American Dream.

We owe it to our Founders, and we owe it to these young people, we owe it to the future to cast a vote for a bill that makes America more American. And I want to thank Mr. Conyers. I want to thank Howard Berman, the author of this legislation; Chairwoman Zoe Lofgren, also on the Judiciary Committee; certainly Congresswoman Nydia Velazquez, chair of the Hispanic Caucus; Congressman Xavier Becerra, part of the House leadership; Luis Gutierrez; Congresswoman Lucille Roybal-Allard; and the entire Congressional Hispanic Caucus. But it is not confined to the Hispanic Caucus, as Representative Clarke has said. This is about kids from all over the world.

And as Steny said earlier, when the Prime Minister of Ireland came here and spoke, and when we attended the festivities each year surrounding the visit of the Taoiseach, they always talk about immigration. They always talk about this issue. This is one piece of it.

And I know the gentleman got up and said he couldn't be for this because it didn't have a motion to recommit. This isn't about a motion to recommit. This is about a commitment to our future. This is about a recognition of what these young people can mean for our country. And so I hope that that recognition will result in a very positive vote, and I hope a bipartisan vote in support of making the future better for the next generation, which is the strength of our great country. Thank you all, and please vote ``aye'' on the legislation.

I thank the gentleman from Florida for yielding and thank him for giving us this opportunity to talk about Liu Xiaobo on the floor of the House today. I especially want to thank Chris Smith, the gentleman from New Jersey, Frank Wolf, Dana Rohrabacher, three Members whom I heard speak on the subject, and I know many others have, David Wu, who is with us on this side, for their commitment to democratic freedoms in China.

Madam Speaker, Mr. Smith, Mr. Rohrabacher, and Mr. Wolf and I have been working on this issue for decades. Even before Tiananmen Square, many of us met with our former colleague, now gone from us, Tom Lantos, to meet with His Holiness the Dalai Lama. I think that was in 1987. A couple years later, we saw what happened in Tiananmen Square. And at that time, as advocates for human rights throughout the world, we were advocating for human rights in China as well. For a long time, we had that debate.

We were joined then by our colleague David Wu and others in this important statement that said, if we are advocating for human rights throughout the world, which this Congress has done over and over again, we lose all moral authority to talk about human rights in the rest of the world if we do not talk about human rights in China, despite the commercial interests we have in China, despite a number of other issues that had been called to our attention. And so the news that the Nobel Committee had awarded the Nobel Peace Prize to Liu Xiaobo came as good news to those of us who had been calling attention to this issue for a very long time.

Congressman Smith was instrumental in nominating Liu Xiaobo for the Nobel Prize. He has been a fighter. He and Frank Wolf, how many times did you go to China, visit the prisons and the rest? On this score, Mr. Rohrabacher has been relentless. And so for us, this is a very important occasion, not only that he is receiving the Nobel Prize, but that this Congress is recognizing that prize as well.

The Nobel Prize has been called the most prestigious prize in the world. It is appropriate that in 2010, Chinese democracy advocate Liu Xiaobo joins the illustrious group of former recipients.

On Christmas Day 2009, Chinese authorities sentenced Liu Xiaobo to 11 years in prison for inciting subversion of state power. It was a harsh sentence that disrespects the rule of law and the freedom of Chinese citizens to express their opinions, which is even guaranteed in the Chinese constitution. Liu Xiaobo is still in prison today, and his wife has been put under house arrest.

Liu Xiaobo was one of the original signers of Charter 08, an online petition calling for new policies to improve human rights and democracy in China. Mr. Liu wrote, ``The most fundamental principles of democracy are that people are sovereign, and that the people select their own government.''

Charter 08 now has over 10,000 signatories, many of whom have been harassed and intimidated by the Chinese authorities. The courageous efforts by the signatories of Charter 08 to express themselves in the face of arrest and detention are truly an inspiration around the world.

One of the things that we have done in the past decades is to make sure that those who have been arrested for expressing their views, whether they be religious or political, are not forgotten. One of the techniques of imprisonment is to tell those who have been arrested that on the outside nobody even remembers you, nobody cares that you are here; they have forgotten you and all that you have done. And, of course, with the awarding of the Nobel Peace Prize, what greater spotlight could there be placed on freedom of expression in China?

The awarding of the Nobel Peace Prize for the first time to a Chinese citizen is a momentous occasion for the Tiananmen democracy movement.

Liu Xiaobo was arrested in Tiananmen Square in 1989. At the time, he was on a hunger strike to protest martial law and support peaceful negotiations with Chinese students. He spent many years in Chinese prison camps for only expressing his right to free expression.

The Nobel Peace Prize is not only a testament to Liu Xiaobo, but Chinese dissidents, many, many Chinese dissidents, who have sacrificed so much in pursuant of freedom and democracy in China.

Today, the House of Representatives is congratulating Liu Xiaobo on the Nobel Peace Prize and sending a clear message of support for human rights and democracy in China. We do this in recognition of the importance of the relationship between China and the United States, that we have many issues where we have common ground or where we should seek common ground, but all of that is better served by the candor in our friendship and not ignoring sore spots.

We continue to call for Liu Xiaobo's immediate and unconditional release and for the Chinese Government to listen to the many Chinese citizens who are calling for human rights and freedom in China.

Once again, I thank Congressman Smith for his leadership over the many years and for nominating Liu Xiaobo and helping to bring this resolution to the floor, and I thank Mr. Klein for his leadership as well.

Madam Speaker, I rise today to celebrate the life and the accomplishments of Richard Goldman, a great American and a dear friend. The passing of Richard Goldman, an accomplished businessman, noted philanthropist and powerful advocate for environmental justice, will be felt throughout the world in the hearts of all who work to preserve the planet, protect women's rights, and strengthen the Jewish community.

Richard Goldman's story cannot be told without beginning with his life's love, Rhoda. As young children, they lived down the street from each other; in 1946 they were reunited at a friend's wedding, and were married within the year. Together they were inseparable until Rhoda's passing in 1996.

As two of the Nation's most noted philanthropists, Richard and Rhoda established their family foundation in 1951. In the decades since, it has given away more than half a billion dollars in support to charitable causes. As patrons of the arts and culture, Jewish community and the environment, their impact has been felt nationally and around the world. In San Francisco, their impact can be seen from the new headquarters for the Family Violence Prevention Fund in the Presidio to the Conservatory of Flowers and the Lands End Trails Forever project at the Golden Gate National Recreation Area.

Their commitment to the pursuit of knowledge is enshrined at the Goldman School of Public Policy at UC Berkeley. Their compassion for the suffering is self-evident in the $1 million gift to 14 HIV and AIDS organizations on the 25th anniversary of this devastating disease. And their work supporting the state of Israel and fighting anti-Semitism has made the world a better and safer place.

The Goldman's commitment to the air we breathe, the water we drink and the land that we share is among their greatest accomplishments. Their work has protected threatened habitats, reduced harmful impacts on the environment and restored California's pristine forests, coasts and wilderness. In 1990, Richard and Rhoda founded the Goldman Environmental Prize, nicknamed the ``Green Nobel Prize,'' which is awarded annually to grassroots environmental heroes from each of the world's six inhabited continents and is the largest award of its kind.

Richard Goldman's reputation for success and philanthropy is well known. Those who know him well have enjoyed is his wonderful personality. His love of his children John, Doug and Susan and his beloved late Richard; and his glowing pride in his grandchildren gave a twinkle to his eye.

His pride in San Francisco, its people, its arts and its sports--go Giants--were part of who he was. Richard Goldman was a great patriot who loved our country--the diversity of its people, the beauty of its natural resources and the freedoms we all enjoy. He served our country in uniform in his youth and every day since.

I hope it is a comfort to his children John and his wife Marcia, Douglas and his wife Lisa, and Susan and husband Michael Gelman, his eleven grandchildren and three great-grandchildren that so many people mourn his loss. Thankfully this next generation stands ready to ensure Richard and Rhoda's legacy of compassion, pursuing peace and protecting our planet goes forward.

I thank the gentleman from Michigan for yielding. I commend him for his great leadership in terms of working and being a champion for America's working families, for America's middle-income families who need so much help at this time of this down economy.

Mr. Speaker, this has been a very interesting week. Yesterday in the Capitol, hundreds of people looking for work came to the Capitol of the United States. They came because they knew that the day before unemployment insurance benefits had expired for people looking for work. They knew that by the end of December, unless this Congress acts, 2 million Americans will lose their unemployment insurance, 2 million Americans. This is the first time in American history when unemployment benefits would have been allowed to expire at this rate of unemployment.

They came looking for jobs. They came in the spirit of fairness to say until we can find jobs, we need to continue unemployment insurance. And what they heard was that the Republicans in the Senate had said, if you want unemployment insurance, it has to be paid for. Well, they have paid into unemployment insurance. But we want to give tax cuts to the wealthiest people in America to the tune of $700 billion, and that doesn't have to be paid for.

Now, I think we should use as a measure for everything that we do: What does it do to create jobs? What does it do to reduce the deficit?

Unemployment insurance, the economists tell us, returns $2 for every dollar that is put out there for unemployment insurance. People need the money. They spend it immediately for necessities. It injects demand into the economy. It creates jobs to help reduce the deficit.

Giving $700 billion to the wealthiest people in America does add $700 billion to the deficit, and the record and history shows it does not create jobs. It does not create jobs. I mention this because this is the context in which we bring up this tax cut for middle-income families in America today. And while some on the other side say this is not going to make a difference, it indeed makes a difference.

Let me say, unequivocally, there will be no tax bill for any situation unless there is a tax cut for middle-income people in our country. That is what this vote is about today. That is our declaration. That is what we send to the table for the discussion that the President has so rightfully called for.

Now what our Republican colleagues are saying is we know they must support tax relief for the middle class, right? And this is tax relief for every income filer in our country; everyone gets a tax break. But what they are saying is unless you give an additional tax break to the wealthiest people in our country, adding to the deficit and not creating jobs, we are not going to vote for middle-income tax cuts.

As Mr. Hoyer said, holding the middle-income families of America hostage

to a tax cut for the wealthiest, and who are they? Well, some of them create wealth, create jobs. We want to reward success in America, and they do get a tax cut in this bill.

Some of them are getting bonuses on Wall Street. Did you see the announcement? Almost $90 billion in bonuses on Wall Street after all that they have put us through, not all of them, but some of them, $90 billion, billion with a ``B,'' dollars in tax bonuses, and under what the Republicans want to do, they are not going to pay. They want a tax break for that, a bonus and a tax break on top of it. But, no, we can't give middle-income tax cuts unless you do that; and, no, if we do unemployment insurance, it has to be paid for but not a tax break for these billionaires with these bonuses on Wall Street.

This is so grossly unfair. It is so grossly unfair. I can't imagine that my colleagues on the Republican side don't want to give a tax cut to the middle class. Why don't they just vote for that? They can try to add whatever else they want and have that debate. But to say that this is not the right thing to do, I think, is not the right thing to say.

So we have a situation where we come out of an election: jobs, jobs, jobs, jobs. That's what those hundreds of people looking for work came to Capitol Hill looking for. They were looking for jobs. They were looking for security for their families.

One young man, 35 years old stood up and said, I am 35, I am married, I have a 4-year-old child. I have been out of work for 2 years. I am a college graduate; I am a trained professional. Don't tell me to dip into my savings. My savings are all gone.

Don't tell me to go ask help from my family. I have already done that. They have done what they can, but they are strapped as well.

Don't tell me to cut back on what we do as a family. That was something we did a long time ago.

So we have tried to live as we look for work on unemployment insurance, and you are now telling us that Congress cannot pass that unless it is paid for while it is giving, I am saying, a tax cut to the wealthiest people in America, $700 billion unpaid for, $700 billion added to the deficit. Something is very wrong with this picture.

But we come to this floor, we Democrats today, with great clarity. The tax cut for middle-income families will create jobs because people will spend that money again, inject demand into the economy, and create jobs. That is something that will help. That growth will help to reduce the deficit while the record shows, and history, recent history, acknowledges that the tax cuts at the high end did not create jobs.

Those tax cuts were in place during the Bush years and more private sector jobs have been created this year than the entire 8 years of the Bush administration. They simply did not create jobs.

If you want to create jobs, if you want to reduce the deficit, if you want to stabilize the economy, if you want to support the value of what the middle class, middle-income families mean to our country, these workers who came were veterans, they were the backbone of our country. They came from the heartland of America. They came from a place where we in this Congress and with this President saved the auto industry, saved the auto industry.

Without the measures taken by the Obama administration and this Congress, we would have unemployment that's even higher. But that's not good enough. We want unemployment that is lower. This tax cut takes us to that place. This tax cut, not what the Republicans are proposing, will help create jobs, instead of what they want to do, which is not create jobs and increase the deficit.

The choice is clear. It's not about who signed 44 signatures, that I am not going to do this unless you do that. We are very clear. There will be no tax bill unless there is a tax legislation that gives middle-income families in America the fairness they deserve, the respect that they have earned and the economic opportunity for creation of jobs, reducing the deficit, and stabilizing our economy. I think this choice is clear.

I urge our colleagues, and I hope we could have some bipartisan support for middle-income families in America, to vote ``aye'' on this important legislation.

I again salute Mr. Levin for his leadership.

Mr. Speaker, I thank the chairman, and I thank Congresswoman McCarthy, Chairwoman

DeLauro, Congressman Jim McGovern, all for their leadership in bringing this important legislation to the floor today. I especially want to acknowledge the exceptional leadership of First Lady Michelle Obama for recognizing a tremendous need in our country for proper nutrition for our children, children who have issues of having the proper nutrition, having issues about being susceptible to diabetes. So many members of our caucus in this Congress have participated in this legislation, in this House, Congresswoman Barbara Lee, the chair of the Congressional Black Caucus, as have other Members; Leader Hoyer. We all come together with a shared value, and we come together proudly to support a bill that passed unanimously, with bipartisan support, passed unanimously in the United States Senate. I congratulate the Senate for the action that they took to give us an opportunity to be here today.

When I became Speaker, my first action was to gavel the House to order on behalf of all of America's children. I feel very proud that toward the end of this Congress, I have an opportunity to come to speak for those children as well. I come as a mother and as a grandmother. I come as one whose children and grandchildren every day pray for the one in five children in America who lives in poverty. Many of those children go to sleep hungry at night. How could that be in this, the greatest country in the world.

This Congress, the United States Senate in a bipartisan way, the First Lady and the President of the United States have decided to take action upon the tremendous need our children have. We all know that this legislation is important for moral reasons. It is also a competitiveness issue for our country. It is important for children to learn in order for us to compete internationally. They can't learn if they are not eating, if they don't have the proper nutrition. So it is not just about what it means to the children, although that is foremost. It is what it means to our country, our community, to our economy.

It is a national security issue as well. Just a little bit of history that many of you are familiar with, but I will recall, in order to create the strongest possible military, we must address obesity among America's children. A little history, the National School Lunch Act was made law in 1946 as a response to the alarming number of Americans who were rejected from World War II military service because of diet- related health problems. That is how we got food stamps and many of the food initiatives in our country. More than 60 years later, America faces the same problem: 27 percent of young Americans are unable to serve in the military because they are overweight. That is why Mission Readiness, an organization of more than 150 retired military leaders, is urging Congress to pass this bill.

The faith-based community supports it. The children's organizations support it. Those who are concerned about nutrition and feeding our children support it. The military supports this legislation. It will strengthen our competitiveness, it will improve our military readiness, and it will honor our commitment to our children. And it does so in a fiscally responsible way, improving the efficiency and the effectiveness of Federal child nutrition initiatives and ultimately saving the taxpayer money.

The United States of America spends $147 billion each year in excess medical costs treating obesity-related diseases. Indeed, we cannot afford not to address this problem. We must address this problem. Again, I commend my colleagues for their leadership over the years. I know that Congressman George Miller, now chairman of the Education and Labor Committee, but way back when, before he came to Congress, decades ago as a staffer in Sacramento, California, worked on child nutrition issues. So he brings a long history and great commitment in making a tremendous difference for children and their health.

Again, let us address this moral issue, this competitiveness issue, this national security issue. Let us join the United States Senate in passing this legislation with strong bipartisan support for all of America's children.

Mr. Speaker, I rise to sing the praises of a great man, Chairman Ike Skelton. We all heard his beautiful address to us, and in it he started where his heart is, with his family, expressing his love for his family, his appreciation for his staff, his respect for his colleagues, his admiration for our great country.

I am so pleased that we have been joined by Senator Claire McCaskill, coming over from the Senate side to make the respect for Mr. Skelton bicameral, and that we are joined by Congresswoman Jo Ann Emerson, making that support bipartisan, as well as being joined by so many Members of the Missouri delegation, and that you, Mr. Carnahan, are in the chair for Mr. Skelton's presentation. I know we will be hearing from our distinguished majority leader Mr. Hoyer, but I think it is important to note that Emanuel Cleaver of Missouri is here, Lacy Clay of Missouri is here, and other Members, Chairman Miller, chairs, colleagues, new Members, senior Members--that is how Mr. Skelton is regarded and respected in the Congress of the United States.

He made his speech the way he served in Congress, surrounded by friends, admired by all, on both sides of the aisle, on both sides of the Capitol. He began by talking about his family, and he ended by talking about our men and women in uniform, which are like sons and daughters to him.

He has always taught us that, as President Kennedy said, We'll pay any price, bear any burden. Mr. Skelton said to us over and over again, as he did this evening, that protecting the American people is our first responsibility. Our young men and women in uniform make us the home of the free and the land of the brave, and we can never forget that. They have no greater champion in the Congress than the chairman of the Armed Services Committee.

I know I speak for every person in this Chamber when I say, Mr. Skelton, thank you for your leadership for our country. It is an honor to call you colleague. Thank you, Mr. Skelton.

Madam Speaker, I rise today to pay tribute to William Coblentz, a legendary San Franciscan, a great American and citizen of the world who passed away on September 13th. Bill's leadership on many of our most important physical and cultural landmarks profoundly shaped the city's landscape and character, and his impassioned defense of human rights and intellectual freedom helped to define our ideological heritage. He was a visionary whose work helped make San Francisco the international city it is today.

A native of San Francisco, Bill was born in 1922 and attended Lowell High School and the University of California, Berkeley. After studying law at Yale, he returned to join a small real estate practice in San Francisco. He would remain at this firm for more than 55 years--guiding it to become one of the biggest and most influential in the city.

As a partner at the firm, now known as Coblentz, Patch, Duffy & Bass, Bill helped shape many of San Francisco's most significant post-war building projects, such as Yerba Buena Gardens, AT&T Park, the Fillmore Auditorium, Levi Plaza, and Mission Bay. He was a highly respected attorney and influential political leader, both as special counsel to California Governor Pat Brown and to San Francisco Mayor Joseph Alioto.

Beyond his professional accomplishments, Bill inspired others with his profoundly compassionate soul. Bill loved people, and those of us who were fortunate enough to know him will always remember the warmth and ease of his friendship. He believed in the value of every individual, and generously gave his time and energy to those from all walks of life. An example of this can be seen during his service on the Airport Commission, when he would volunteer as a janitor for the day on Christmas so that a custodian could spend that time with his family.

His courage and vision were perhaps most evident in his leadership on the University of California Board of Regents, where he served as a member from 1964 to 1978 and as chairman from 1978 until 1980. As a Regent on a conservative board, he pressed the university to fight apartheid in South Africa and to uphold the right of controversial thinkers Angela Davis and Eldridge Cleaver to teach in the University of California system.

Bill's combination of legal expertise and warm egalitarianism drew some colorful, high profile clients. In the sixties, he worked with Bill Graham on the Fillmore Auditorium, and soon found himself connected to the vibrant San Francisco rock scene. He gave personal and professional legal advice to groups as the Jefferson Airplane, Santana, and the Grateful Dead, and in doing so was an unlikely contributor to one of the major cultural movements in San Francisco's history.

San Francisco has lost a beloved son. I hope it is a comfort to his wife Jean, his sister Lolita Erlanger, his children Wendy and Andy, and his four grandchildren that countless San Franciscans join them in mourning Bill's passing.

I thank the gentleman, but I, in turn, want to salute Congressman Peter King, Congresswoman Carolyn Maloney, Congressman Jerry Nadler, and the entire bipartisan New York delegation for giving us this opportunity today to do what is right and fair and just.

Mr. Speaker, in observance of 9/11 earlier this month, we stood on the steps of the Capitol, Democrats and Republicans alike, to honor the memory that we lost that day. As we were standing there, I was thinking back to my first visit to Ground Zero. When you went there at that time following the tragedy, you knew that when you stepped there you were walking on sacred ground. There was an incredible silence as the workers feverishly, feverishly tried to retrieve the remains of those who were lost, and just repair the damage that was done to clear the wreckage.

No pictures were allowed in recognition that we were on sacred ground. No photographs were allowed, and of course, silence was generally observed so that those who were working could hear each other as they quietly went about their very, very sad assignment.

They, and those who rushed to the scene in real time when it happened, risked their lives and their health to do so. They didn't ask any questions: Is anybody going to take care of me? They were there to help.

Again, back to the steps of the Capitol. When we were standing there earlier this month, I am sure Congresswoman Maloney, Congressman Nadler, Congressman King and others recall that many signs went up in the crowd that was gathered there. It said: ``Remember us next week.'' That was in anticipation that the bill might

come up the following week. Well, it is another week later. And we are here today to say that we do remember you this week. We remember what you did at the time. And it isn't only your sacrifice. It is the sacrifice of your families, of your health and the impact that that has on your family. You are community to New York, so there is the impact that it has on the community, and also the impact on our conscience to do what is right by those who we call heroes and we want to treat as such.

Today we remember all the heroes of 9/11. We praise the strength of thousands of firefighters, rescue workers, first responders and medical personnel who turned tragedy into inspiration and gave of themselves to help a city and our Nation rebuild.

We promised to help those who spent days, weeks and months doing the hard work our government and the American people expected them to do in the recovery effort. They went above and beyond the call of duty. We all know that. We all looked in frustration to think, if only we could help. But they were there. It was emotional, but it was professional. And we pledged to do everything in our power to ensure that their health and well-being would be taken care of. We did not want them to be unsung heroes. We wanted them to be recognized heroes.

Today we are here to honor that pledge. It is long overdue, but nonetheless we are here to do right by these workers and vote for the James Zadroga 9/11 Health and Compensation Act.

Words are, of course, inadequate to recognize and honor the bravery and courage of these brave Americans. But by this act of Congress, more than words, but by this act of Congress, we can truly express our gratitude to the ordinary men and women. Ordinary? No. Extraordinary men and women who took extraordinary action at that time.

Named for Officer James Zadroga, a hero of the New York Police Department who died from respiratory disease contracted during the Ground Zero recovery effort, this legislation will help those who jeopardized their health to rescue others secure necessary medical treatment, especially for the unique exposures suffered at Ground Zero which are real; and ensure survivors and victims' families can obtain compensation for their losses through a reopened 9/11 victims compensation fund.

It is fully paid for. This legislation does not increase the deficit. It is the least we can do for those who answered the call of duty and continue to suffer the ill health effects of their service. On September 11, 2001, all Americans were shocked by the horrifying images of terror and destruction. Yet, in the aftermath of that dark day, we responded in the best possible way, the best way Americans can: with resolve, with courage, with unity and with hope for a better future.

So many of us couldn't be at the scene ourselves. We all were willing to help. People from all over were trying to send assistance. Those who did, though, did not do so for recognition or accolades or awards or medals. They did it because their fellow Americans were in need. In those acts they became heroes.

The American people are looking to us to cast a vote that will allow these heroes to live out their lives with health and happiness.

Again, I want to commend Congresswoman Carolyn Maloney, Congressman Jerry Nadler, Congressman Peter King--thank you, Peter--for their efforts to bring this bipartisan bill to the floor.

We are all inspired by the firefighters and first responders who have advocated so hard and so long on behalf of their fellow heroes. And I am so pleased that so many of them are with us today to help us make this historic decision.

We must now join together to provide this critical assistance. We must vote ``aye'' for the Health and Compensation Act. We must do so in a strong, bipartisan manner.

I thank our colleagues for the personal involvement that they have taken in this. At times it has been emotional. There is a lot of passion in this issue, but this bill is a very dispassionate response to the needs of our heroes. Let's get a great big vote for it today.