Floor Statements

Mr. President, I ask unanimous consent that the order for the quorum call be rescinded.

Mr. President, the Senate today has the opportunity to live up to its best traditions. We can put our democracy over any political party.

Later today, we will take the first step that could put us on the path to having an open debate about the John Lewis Voting Rights Advancement Act. I have championed and sponsored this bill to restore the landmark Voting Rights Act of 1965. I have done this for years.

Today, Senators of both parties have the chance to show they are willing to do the job we were elected to do--to debate and vote on legislation. And no legislation could be more foundational to our democracy than that which protects the right to vote.

We 100 Senators all have the right to vote. Let us exercise that right and not avoid voting on the John Lewis Voting Rights Act. This is such a fundamental part of our democracy. Let's set the example here, where all 100 Senators know we have the right to vote. Let's make sure we vote and not avoid voting. I hope that we as a Senate will honor the rich bipartisan history around the Voting Rights Act in the name of our hero John Lewis, in the name of our democracy, and in the name of a foundational value that is the bedrock of our country.

Just yesterday, we announced a bipartisan compromise in the hopes of building support for the John Lewis Voting Rights Advancement Act. I am grateful to Senators Murkowski and Durbin and Manchin for their dedication to reaching this compromise. That bill, which we would seek to advance after proceeding to S. 4, will fully restore the Voting Rights Act, which is needed after two devastating decisions by the Supreme Court.

I have been clear that should the Senate eventually proceed to this bill, then I would welcome amendments to further strengthen and solidify this restoration of the Voting Rights Act, which, after all, has been bipartisan since the first enactment, usually passing the Senate unanimously, being signed into law by Presidents Reagan and Bush and others. But we should at least have that debate. Certainly, Senators should not avoid debating, and certainly Senators should not hide behind some procedural role so they don't have to vote one way or the other on the basic rights of Americans to vote.

So that is why we are here--to debate, vote on bills. There is simply no reason for any Senator to look at their constituents and say that this topic, that of protecting the right to vote, is just too political or too controversial--not the Voting Rights Act; not a voting rights bill that has a 56-year history of bipartisanship. No Senator should act as though they are afraid to vote one way or the other on this. Is that the message we want to convey to American voters eager to know what the Senate is doing to protect and strengthen our democracy? Ours is the

longest surviving democracy in history. The American people are watching and the world is watching what we do. Americans expect us to vote yes or no, not hide behind procedure.

Restoring and updating the Voting Rights Act on a bipartisan basis is how we have always done it. The core provisions of the Voting Rights Act have been reauthorized five times. Every time, there has been overwhelming bipartisan support, Republicans and Democrats alike.

Presidents Nixon, Reagan, and George W. Bush all signed Voting Rights Act reauthorizations into law. They touted the profound importance of this landmark law for our democracy. In fact, I remember--I was here-- the most recent Voting Rights Act reauthorization in 2006 and the vote: 98 to 0. We still have Senators serving today, both Republicans and Democrats, who voted to support that legislation. The compromise bill I crafted with Senator Murkowski follows the very same blueprint of these other bipartisan efforts to restore the Voting Rights Act.

I am aware of the toxic partisanship of American politics today, but I hope that is not going to obscure what has for decades united us as Americans and across party lines, and that is the belief that every one of us should have that protecting our right to vote--the very right that gives our democracy its name--is bigger than party or politics. It is the belief that a system of self-government--a government of, by, and for the people--is one that is worth preserving for generations to come. It is the belief that government exists to serve the will of the people, not the other way around.

So I hope that today we are going to rise above partisanship. Let's do what is right for our democracy. Let's not be afraid to vote. I hope we show Americans the Senate is still capable of being the conscience of the Nation and a unifying force during a divided time. I still believe we can be the Senate that acts together to maintain Americans'--our constituents'--constitutional right to vote.

When Senators come to the floor to cast their votes today, I hope they keep in mind the rich bipartisan history of the Voting Rights Act. I hope they decide to live up to that history. I hope they are also mindful of how history will remember us. Decades from now, when history tells the story of today's current threats to democracy, let it also tell the story of Senators who rose above the fray to protect the right that gives democracy its very name. Let all Senators vote so that all Americans can vote.

I yield the floor.

I suggest the absence of a quorum.

Mr. President, the Senate today is going to vote on the confirmation of Vermont's own Justice Beth Robinson, a vote to confirm her to serve as a judge on the Second Circuit Court of Appeals.

As an advocate, Beth Robinson has been rightfully hailed as a tireless champion for equal rights and equal justice, but more importantly, her record as a Vermont Supreme Court justice clearly demonstrates her fairness, her impartiality, and loyalty to the rule of law above all else.

We Vermonters overwhelmingly support her nomination, including elected officials--both Republicans and Democrats--the entire Vermont Supreme Court, and the Vermont Bar Association; they overwhelmingly support her.

Justice Robinson will fill Vermont's seat on the Second Circuit, and I believe she is the best, strongest candidate for this position. She deserves bipartisan support in this Senate, as she got last week on a vote.

Beth Robinson was appointed to the Vermont Supreme Court by Governor Peter Shumlin in November 2011. To give you some idea of the bipartisan support she has had over the years, the Vermont Senate, Republicans and Democrats, have to vote on her nomination, and they voted unanimously to have her on the Vermont Supreme Court.

All current Vermont Supreme Court justices, appointed by both Democratic and Republican Governors, have signed a letter supporting her nomination to the Second Circuit. For the past decade, she has served on the court honorably. She has also participated in nearly 1,800 decisions.

Now, I am a member of the Vermont bar, and I pay attention to what happens, and I see her tenure as being a display of a commitment to the rule of law. Her unwavering, decade-long dedication as a jurist and her loyalty to the law above all else has made Beth Robinson an outstanding Vermont Supreme Court justice. No Vermonter doubts she will carry that approach to justice with her in the Second Circuit.

Let me talk a little bit about before she was on the bench. Prior to the time on the bench, Justice Robinson dedicated her legal career to pursuing liberty and justice for all. She spent the beginning of her legal career defending workers' rights and advancing discrimination cases. It was during this time that she worked pro bono as cocounsel to the plaintiffs in the case Baker v. State that challenged Vermont's then-protection on same-sex marriage.

She successfully litigated this landmark decision in which the Vermont Supreme Court upheld equal protections for same-sex couples and actually led Vermont to become the first State in the Union to enact civil unions in the country.

As a litigator, her work served as a blueprint for LGBTQ advocacy across the country. She successfully represented an employee at the University of Vermont, who sought recognition of his Canadian marriage to a same-sex partner for health insurance purposes; another, a couple seeking recognition of their out-of-State marriage in the context of second-parent adoption; and

a same-sex partner seeking Social Security survivor benefits for her child after her civil union partner died.

In every case, she fought to secure legal protections and equality under the law. In fact, Beth changed the trajectory of LGBTQ rights in this country. Her tireless work has led our Nation toward justice.

Unfortunately, in what is becoming more and more of a toxic atmosphere, Justice Robinson's path to confirmation has faced baseless attacks. At her confirmation hearing, Justice Robinson's commitment to religious liberty was called into question. Now, these attacks are simply not grounded in reality. Any honest reading of her record proves that Justice Robinson is committed to protecting religious liberty. Some members argued that Robinson's work representing a Catholic woman who believed she had been discriminated against due to her own religious beliefs was, astonishingly, evidence of Robinson's hostility toward religious liberty.

At Justice Robinson's hearing, other members of the Judiciary Committee quoted her out of context in what I saw as an attempt to support a false narrative. One member of the committee read part of a sentence from a marriage law symposium that Justice Robinson participated in and suggested that it was proof of her hostility toward religious liberty.

I said ``read part of'' it, but the attack line falls apart the moment you bother to read the full sentence. In the full quote, Justice Robinson states:

I've always said that if somebody tried to force the

Catholic Church to do a gay wedding, I would represent the

Church pro bono.

You can't construe that as hostility to religious freedom.

Justice Robinson has a long record of supporting the fundamental right to religious liberty, both as a judge and as an advocate.

The Vermonters I have heard from--regardless of party or ideology, regardless of their religion--are delighted that President Biden nominated Beth Robinson to fill the Vermont seat on the Second Circuit. Our leading Republicans, our leading Democrats agree with that.

If confirmed, she knows she will become the first openly gay woman to serve on a Federal circuit court of appeals.

I would urge all Senators to evaluate Justice Robinson's record. And I hope that Senators of both parties will see, as I have, that she possesses exactly the right qualities, skills, and experience to excel as a judge on the Second Circuit.

Before I was in the Senate, I had the privilege to argue cases before the Second Circuit. I saw it as a court where you never thought of whether they were Republicans or Democrats; you thought about their abilities, and I always felt comfortable arguing there. Justice Robinson, when she becomes Judge Robinson, will give that same view to anybody who is a litigant before that court.

I yield the floor.

Madam President, the situation in Tigray continues to deteriorate. Recent bombings by the Ethiopian Government of Tigray's densely populated capital city, Mekele, has reportedly killed civilians, including children. Millions of people have been displaced, and many in Tigray are facing famine. Combatants on both sides of the conflict have committed atrocities.

The United Nations Office for the Coordination of Humanitarian Affairs reported recently that only 14 percent of trucks with relief aid were getting through to the people of Tigray, due to roadblocks and lack of fuel. Lifesaving medications have been blocked from getting into Tigray, which cripples the ability of the UN and their NGO partners to respond to urgent health needs. If the government does not permit deliveries of humanitarian aid, more and more people will needlessly starve to death.

The United States has imposed sanctions against the government in Addis Ababa. The Congress has also acted. The Fiscal Year 2022 Department of State and Foreign Operations Appropriations bill was introduced in the Senate on October 26, and it would prohibit U.S. military aid to Ethiopia. It would also require the Department of the Treasury to oppose international bank loans to the Ethiopian Government, except to meet basic human needs, until the government ceases offensive military operation, takes credible and sustained steps toward a genuine political dialogue to end the conflict, implements measures to protect human rights, allows unimpeded humanitarian access, and cooperates with independent investigations of violations of human rights.

Ethiopia is a country facing every imaginable problem, increasingly exacerbated by climate change. There is no military solution to the ethnic rivalries that have divided the country for generations. Any sustainable solution will only be achieved through negotiation and compromise. The international community, including the United States, can help support such a dialogue, but it is the Ethiopian Government's responsibility to create the conditions for that to occur. Rather than squander the country's scarce resources on a fruitless, brutal campaign to dominate Tigray by force, Prime Minister Abiy would be well advised to listen to the international community

and support a diplomatic solution. The alternative is famine, displacement, and unending misery for the people of Tigray, and for this Nobel Peace Prize winner to be held accountable for crimes against humanity.

(At the request of Mr. Thune, the following statement was ordered to be printed in the Record.)

I suggest the absence of a quorum.

I ask for the yeas and nays.

Madam President, it has now been more than 4 months since Daniel Ortega's police arrested and subsequently disappeared political opposition leaders Felix Maradiaga and Juan Sebastian Chamorro in Nicaragua. On June 8, police stopped Maradiaga's vehicle, forcibly removed him, and took him away. Later that day, over 40 police officers forced their way into Chamorro's home and arrested him as well. For nearly 3 months, they were held in undisclosed locations, without access to their lawyers, doctors, or families and without being charged with any crime. They were reportedly kept in solitary confinement, subjected to frequent interrogations, deprived of sleep, and they have each lost 20 to 25 pounds.

In August, they were indicted for operating an international conspiracy to funnel foreign resources ``to provide logistical support and create favorable conditions to harm the supreme interests of the nation.'' These charges, which are blatantly political, were brought before an unnamed judge in a secret hearing in which their lawyers were not permitted to be present. This is what is called ``justice'' in Nicaragua today. Nothing more than a sham process intended to silence Daniel Ortega's political opposition, and it is yet another example of the flagrant repression and abuses of human rights that have become a trademark of his government.

This summer alone, more than 30 other opposition leaders were subjected to similar abuses, and the government is reportedly currently unlawfully detaining more than 150 political prisoners, including former Ambassador to the United States Arturo Cruz who is known to many of us. He was kept in solitary confinement for approximately 80 days, has reportedly lost 40 pounds, and is even denied access to reading material so he has almost no way of learning about current events outside the prison walls.

There is only one explanation for such blatant injustices and cruelty inflicted on individuals who have done nothing that would remotely amount to a crime under international law or in most countries of the world, and that is that Daniel Ortega is afraid. He knows that if he allows a free and fair election, he and his wife Rosario Murillo, the Vice President, would almost certainly lose.

The sad reality is that it did not have to be this way. Ortega could have chosen a different path, and won the support of the Nicaraguan people by trusting them and treating them with respect, and allowing those with different views to speak freely. Instead, he chose repression and has held onto power through force and by blaming everyone but himself for Nicaragua's chronic under-development. On November 7, with the opposition silenced and hidden away, he and his wife will likely be victorious in another sham election, a farce that will fool nobody.

I join those in condemning the repressive tactics of the Ortega government and in calling for the immediate and unconditional release of Felix Maradiaga, Juan Sebastian Chamorro, Arturo Cruz, and the many other political prisoners falsely accused or imprisoned without charge. I urge the Nicaraguan Government to end the repression of dissidents, the shootings of peaceful protestors, and the crackdown on press freedom and voting rights.

It is no secret that the United States and Nicaragua have had a difficult history. The United States was the primary benefactor of the dictatorial Somoza family, which ruled the country for more than four decades, enriching themselves and their cronies, and brutalizing their opponents. Daniel Ortega had the opportunity to be different, but to many Nicaraguans and international observers, he and his wife are even worse.

The Biden administration has already responded to this summer's arrests by imposing sanctions on four members of the Ortega government and has denied access to visas for 169 Nicaraguans in response to the political crackdown. The U.S. actions encouraged the EU and Canada to also impose targeted sanctions on Nicaraguans complicit in politically motivated crimes.

I commend the Biden administration, the EU, and the Canadian Governments for standing up for the rule of law and the rights of the people of Nicaragua. I urge the White House to investigate the assets and holdings of the Nicaraguan armed forces in the U.S. and to consider appropriate actions to hold its leadership accountable for their role in the gross violations of human rights in that country. I encourage President Biden to use every diplomatic tool and every form of targeted sanctions to obtain the release of Daniel Ortega's prisoners and to create the conditions for a genuinely free, fair, and transparent election in Nicaragua.

Mr. President, I ask unanimous consent that the order for the quorum call be rescinded.

Mr. President, I know we are going to be voting soon, but I wanted to comment. I hope that Democrats and Republicans can rise above party to come together to protect our precious right to vote. I know, in Vermont, we do that. We make it very clear that voting is a right. Everybody can vote. We try to make it as clear and open as possible. People can be in jail for a crime; they still have a right to vote. We do not take it from anybody. You can vote right until the last minute. You can get absentee ballots. As a result, we have an overwhelming vote in Vermont--one of the highest percentages in the country.

Some suggest, well, you do it to favor one party or the other. I just point to the last election. The Governor and Lieutenant Governor are elected separately in our State. We elected a Republican as Governor and a Democrat as Lieutenant Governor. It went back and forth like that all the way across the ballot.

It is just an example that we just want people to vote. And the timing right now couldn't be more urgent. In the wake of the Supreme Court's Shelby and Brnovich decisions, dozens of States are trying to restrict access to the ballot for tens of thousands of Americans, even millions of Americans--minority voters, the elderly, rural voters, student voters, the disabled, and others. These are the people we protect in my State.

The threats to the voting rights of any American are threats to all Americans. Indeed, they are threats to America, itself.

I am glad the Senate has taken much-needed action this week on the Freedom to Vote Act. It is a vital piece of legislation. It establishes commonsense rules of the road for voting procedures and ensures equal access to the ballot box for all Americans.

This bill is a compromise version of the original S. 1, and I note it reflects good faith efforts to broaden support for the legislation here in the Senate. I look forward to supporting this legislation on the floor. I can only hope it doesn't fall prey to the knee-jerk partisanship we have seen all too often lately in the Senate.

I am also proud to have recently introduced the John Lewis Voting Rights Advancement Act. That is a bill I have long championed and sponsored. This legislation would restore the core pillars of the 1965 Voting Rights Act that have been gutted by the Supreme Court's damaging and strange Shelby and Brnovich decisions.

But it also would provide critical protections to Native American communities across the country, including Alaska Native communities. This bill would fundamentally restore the Justice Department's powers to oversee and prevent harmful discriminatory changes to voting laws and procedures.

How can anybody stand up and say, ``I am a proud American, but I am going to let some of these legislative bodies do things that will stop other Americans from voting''?

If you are a proud American and really mean it, then you want every single American--I don't care what their political party is, they should be able to vote.

I am working extremely hard to build bipartisan support for this bill, which--especially the past few Congresses--has been overwhelmingly bipartisan. I am optimistic we can arrive at a good bipartisan compromise that can serve as a starting point for continued bipartisan discussions here in the Senate.

You wouldn't know it if you listened to the partisan sound bites and Twitter wars in the modern media era, but this goal--protecting our right to vote--was never a partisan issue.

Our hero, a man I loved and was proud to serve with, John Lewis, once said:

We all know this is not a Democratic or Republican issue.

It is an American one.

Well, truer words haven't been spoken. John Lewis was absolutely right. This is an American issue. If you believe in democracy, you believe in the right for everybody to vote. For those of us who run for elected office, I have always fought in Vermont to make sure everybody could vote, knowing that there were some sections of the State where there may be a majority voting against me. I have always insisted everybody be able to vote. That is democracy.

The core provisions of the act have been reauthorized five times-- five times. Every single time it was with overwhelmingly bipartisan support in Congress. Republicans and Democrats alike voted for it. President Nixon, President Reagan, President George W. Bush proudly signed Voting Rights Act reauthorizations into law. Those Presidents-- Presidents Nixon, Reagan, George W. Bush--spoke of the profound importance of the landmark law for our democracy.

In fact, just to show how it goes, the most recent Voting Rights Act reauthorization in 2006--you know what the vote was in the U.S. Senate: 98 to 0.

Some people feel we couldn't get a vote like that to say the sun rises in the East. But the fact is, every Republican, every Democrat said we need this to make sure Americans vote. It is not a case of saying Democrats vote or Republicans vote or Independents vote; it is Americans vote and we want all Americans to.

You know, the toxic partisanship of American politics today has sadly obscured what has united us across party lines for so long. The belief that protecting our right to vote--the very right that gives democracy its name--that is bigger than party or politics. It is the belief that a system of self-government--a government of, by, and for the people-- is one that is worth preserving not only today, but for generations to come. It is the belief the government exists to serve the will of the people, not the other way around.

If I can just wear my hat as dean of the Senate--one who has been privileged to serve here all these years--I ask Senators, let's get back to doing things the way we have always done them: reaching across the aisle in good faith, meeting each other in the middle, legislate to protect the rights of the American people.

Even after all these years, I still have faith the Senate can serve as the conscience of the Nation. I believe it can shine a light on the path forward even on the most difficult, seemingly insurmountable issues. I believe we can do that again now on the fundamental issue of voting rights. So let's get to work. Our democracy--indeed our country as we know it--may very well depend upon it.

I suggest the absence of a quorum.

Mr. President, Middlebury College, in my State of Vermont, is known worldwide as an outstanding educational institution. What is less well-known is that the college is also a leader in addressing climate change.

The college first became carbon neutral not by simply purchasing carbon credits, but by doing the hard work of actually becoming carbon neutral, including the implementation of 123 individual efficiency projects that are collectively saving the college nearly $1 million a year. With that work complete, they set about securing their energy entirely from renewable sources--first, with one of the largest biodigesters in Vermont and, now, with a 5 megawatt solar array, that will provide 30 percent of the college's electricity.

The project includes energy storage, which will benefit the electric grid by spreading out when the power enters the grid. Perhaps more importantly, that stored energy will also serve as a source of emergency power for a nearby hospital, Porter Medical Center. The project also involves two Vermont companies: Encore Renewable and Green Mountain Power.

Earlier this month, it was an honor to join the groundbreaking for the project, where Middlebury College President Laurie Patton shared her vision for how to get to a better climate future. All should read her impressive remarks at the event, and I ask that a copy of them be printed in the Record.

Mr. President, these days, it is not uncommon for people to frequently change careers, companies, or job paths. At one iconic Vermont entity, though, Vermont Creamery, president and chief executive officer Adeline Druart has dedicated more than 17 years to growing and expanding the company's product line and brand. She was recently featured on the Positive Enterprise Podcast, and hers is a story in which all Vermonters can find pride and motivation.

The cheese and butter that Vermont Creamery produces is some of the best in the world. As a Certified B Corporation, Vermont Creamery follows a long Vermont legacy of investing in environmental sustainability, local supply chains, and worker satisfaction. These investments have clearly paid off. In 2017, Vermont Creamery was acquired by Land O'Lakes, a century-old farmer-owned cooperative, and has continued on an impressive path of conscious growth. With Land O'Lakes' support, Vermont Creamery has expanded its facilities nearly 40 percent and is now a recognizable brand in grocery stores across the country. In 2020, the company supported our community through the pandemic, donating 12,000 pounds of food to hungry Vermonters, providing hazard pay to their employees, and advocating for universal childcare for Vermont's working families. They also converted their Websterville-based facility to run on 100-percent renewable energy. And these changes have only underlined their belief that consciously crafted products made with the best ingredients just taste better. Today, the beloved Vermont Creamery makes the No. 1 best-selling goat cheese in the country.

Adeline Druart is responsible for so much of this impressive growth. In the early 2000s, Adeline, then a student from France, came to Vermont Creamery to complete an internship for her master's degree. She just couldn't stay away. Adeline worked her way up the ranks at the creamery, before being named president and CEO in 2015. In that role, she has shown exactly what tenacity and hard work, when paired with a people-first approach to business, can do. The mother of two young sons, Adeline has reinforced Vermont Creamery's original family- oriented culture while steering the company's growth. She is an inspiration to me, and I am so proud that she calls Vermont home.

Vermont is home to some of the finest agriculture, wood-based, and other products in the country. We feature many of these at the annual Taste of Vermont here in Washington, a tradition I hope to return to next year. At the helm of so many of these Vermont companies are people like Adeline. It is in these hard-working and creative leaders that we can find great hope for Vermont's economic recovery and vibrant future.

Mr. President, I ask unanimous consent that I and Senator Cornyn be able to complete our remarks prior to the vote.

Mr. President, I just want my colleagues to know that the Senate Appropriations Committee, yesterday, released nine appropriations bills. They allocate important resources and they help to address the pressing priorities of America's families and communities, but they also promote U.S. national security.

For more than a decade, this country has underinvested in our children, in our infrastructure, in science, and in public health. Frankly, that means we underinvested in our future.

These bills include historic increases to educate our Nation's children, to combat climate change, promote affordable housing, and improve healthcare. I am proud of the work of the committee in producing these bills, and I commend each of the subcommittee chairs for their commitment to America's future.

Now, the bills comply with the topline spending allocation contained in the fiscal year 2022 budget resolution passed by both the House and the Senate earlier this year.

So you combine this with the three bills reported from the Appropriations Committee in August, the bills provide a 13-percent increase for nondefense discretionary programs and a 5-percent increase for defense programs compared to what fiscal year 2021 enacted.

The 5-percent increase for defense programs, that is consistent with the National Defense Authorization Act, NDAA, which was reported by the Senate Armed Services Committee on an overwhelming bipartisan vote, and it passed the House last month again with overwhelming bipartisan support.

The Labor, Health and Human Services, and Education bill makes long overdue investments to help care for and educate our Nation's children, including doubling the funding for Title I-A grants to local educational Agencies. That program I mentioned is the foundation of Federal support to schools across this country.

It also increases funding for the Child Care and Development Block Grant by 23 percent, and Head Start by 11 percent. We do this to provide high-quality childcare and education to working families across the Nation.

It provides a 24-percent increase over last year for the Centers for Disease Control. That is done to strengthen U.S. public health infrastructure. We know we have to do that in the wake of a global pandemic that has created terrible problems in that area.

The Commerce, Justice, Science bill provides historic funding levels for the Department of Justice Violence Against Women Act programs. That is a 48-percent increase over the last fiscal year. It is the largest appropriation for the Violence Against Women Act since its creation.

The Transportation, Housing, and Urban Development bill includes significant increases to reduce homelessness and improve housing conditions and increase affordability--something that touches all 50 of our States.

The Interior bill includes significant resources to promote conservation, to preserve our natural infrastructure, and to protect our Federal lands. And we made climate change front and center when drafting these bills, and each contains new and critical funding to help combat this challenge.

For example, for the first time ever, we invested $54 million in a new Climate Conservation Corps; and we provide historic increases, 46 percent over last year, for EPA's air and climate program. And, for the first time in 4 years, the U.S. will contribute to the Green Climate Fund and the Clean Technology Fund, rejoining the international fight-- it has to be an international fight--against climate change. We had a global retreat with the last President. The United States is standing up again and is back in the game.

We also make historic investments in medical research. I don't know anybody who doesn't want us to always improve our medical research. It ensures that America remains on the cutting edge of advanced medical science and research. So we put a 6-percent increase for the National Institutes of Health, and $2.4 billion to create the first ever Advanced Research Projects Agency for Health, and that is because of the President's bold and promising proposal to accelerate the pace of breakthroughs in medicine.

And, finally, the bills contain critical funding increases for mental and behavioral health services and to combat substance abuse--something that is a problem in every single State. These funds are desperately needed, as we saw the rates of anxiety and depression soar during the COVID-19 pandemic and drug overdose deaths are expected to reach their highest levels to date.

Now, these are just some of the highlights of the important programs funded in the nine bills we released yesterday. They make a real difference in the lives of millions of Americans, especially after the tough year and a half we faced with COVID-19. These bills demonstrate the good work we can do with a topline in fiscal year 2022 budget resolution, which was passed by the Senate and the House earlier this year.

Now, I wish we could have followed regular order and done these bills in committee, but our Republican colleagues said they would prevent any additional consideration of bills until we have a negotiated topline. I cannot and will not allow that to stop our work. It would be irresponsible. We need to move the ball forward. In posting these bills, we show the American people what we are for.

Now, some on the other side of the aisle may characterize these bills as partisan. That is simply not true. In the spirit of comity and bipartisanship, which is the tradition of our Appropriations Committee, we worked hard to accommodate the funding priorities of all Members, both Democrats and Republicans. And the posted bills reflect that effort with many, many, many of the priorities of Republicans and many of the priorities of Democrats.

I am proud of the work of this committee in producing these bills, but our job is not done. The Federal Government is existing under and operating under a continuing resolution only until December 3. Time can go by very quickly around here. Between now and then, it is imperative that we make progress on negotiating a topline--one that is bipartisan and bicameral--so we can enact these bills into law.

I think we struck the right balance with the bills we produced and made public this week. As with everything in Congress, we rarely end where we begin.

So I look forward to working with Chair DeLauro, Ranking Member Granger, and Vice Chairman Shelby to move this process forward with the goal of enacting all 12 bills by December 3.

If we fail to do that, then we face a long-term continuing resolution, which would lock in outdated spending priorities that will not serve the American people, will not meet the challenges of today, and, unfortunately, will not contain those things that both Republicans and Democrats have asked and were submitted and included in the bills that we have put in.

I know that my friend and colleague from Texas is waiting to speak.

I yield the floor.

Mr. President, I suggest the absence of a quorum.

Mr. President, it is really with hope, pride, and optimism that I rise today to honor the legacy of an icon of the civil rights movement, a hero of democracy, and a dear personal friend of mine: John Lewis.

More than anything, John Lewis was a man of action. Where he saw suffering, he tried to end it. Where he saw injustice, he tried to correct it. Where ``good trouble'' was needed, he showed up for it.

The most fitting way to honor the legacy of John Lewis is to take action ourselves--the action that he would have. So it is with pride today that I introduce the John Lewis Voting Rights Advancement Act of 2021. It is a vital piece of legislation to restore the landmark Voting Rights Act.

Now, this legislation is the culmination of many months of tireless work across the Halls of Congress, back and forth between the House and the Senate. But that is exactly what Congressman Lewis would have wanted to see. That work began by building the record and telling the story of the current conditions for voters across the country.

But what did that record show?

A shocking picture.

Empowered by the Supreme Court's damaging 2013 decision in Shelby County v. Holder, States across the country have been advancing and enacting sweeping voter suppression efforts to make it more--not less-- difficult for American citizens to participate in their own democracy.

Can you imagine that--making it harder for Americans to participate in their own democracy?

And today, tens of thousands of Americans are being disenfranchised under the guise of State law. And it is no coincidence that certain communities consistently bear the brunt of these suppression schemes across the country.

Throughout our history, we have worked to make our democracy ever more inclusive, not exclusive. With each generation, we have sought to empower millions more to be equal participants in America's system of self-government. So make no mistake: This tidal wave of voter suppression effort seeks to bend the arc of equal justice and equal rights backward. We should not allow that to stand.

Action in Congress is desperately needed. The House answered the call from Congressman Lewis and others to protect our precious, almost sacred right to vote, and they passed a bold version of the John Lewis Voting Rights Advancement Act earlier this year.

Today, in the Senate, we will be introducing a version of that bill that should get the votes needed to restore the Voting Rights Act.

This legislation addresses the Court's 2013 and 2021 decision. This should be advanced here. It should be passed by the House, and it surely would be signed into law. And there is no reason for delay.

This legislation addresses the Supreme Court's Shelby County decision by restoring the Justice Department's preclearance powers to prevent States from enacting discriminatory voting changes. The legislation limits the harms caused by the Supreme Court's Brnovich decision earlier this year by enshrining a private right of action and clear factors with which voters can bring lawsuits against attempts to disenfranchise them.

Fundamentally, this legislation seeks to ensure that the Justice Department possesses the tools it needs to protect the right to vote for all Americans, regardless of party or race or creed or background.

Now, you wouldn't know by listening to the partisan rancor of today's politics, but this goal--protecting our right to vote--has never been a partisan issue.

John Lewis once said: ``We all know this is not a Democratic Republican issue. It is an American one.''

Truer words haven't been spoken.

We should remember that reauthorizing the Voting Rights Act on a bipartisan basis is the way we have always done it. The core provisions of the Voting Rights Act have been reauthorized five times. Remember that, five times. Every time, this has been done with overwhelming bipartisan support in Congress. It was signed by President Nixon. It was signed by President Reagan. It was signed by President George W. Bush. They all signed the Voting Rights Act reauthorizations into law. They knew the profound importance of the landmark law for our democracy. In fact, the most recent Voting Rights Act reauthorization was in 2006.

And do you know what the vote was in the U.S. Senate?

Ninety-eight to zero. And many Senators still serving today, both Republican and Democrat, voted to support that legislation.

The toxic partisanship of American politics today has obscured what has, for decades, united us across party lines. This is the belief that protecting our right to vote--the very right that gives democracy its name--is bigger than party or politics. It is the belief that a system of self-government--a government of, by, and for the people--is one that is worth preserving for generations to come. It is the belief that government exists to serve the will of the people, not the other way around.

And that, Mr. President, is what I believe.

And so, today, I hold the memory of John Lewis--of his advocacy, of his passion, of his zealous belief to our better angels--to urge all Senators, regardless of party, to join me in restoring and reauthorizing the Voting Rights Act. The John Lewis Voting Rights Advancement Act gives us that opportunity. Congressman Lewis, I know, would have wanted us to come together and find a path forward to addressing the many threats facing Americans' foundational right to vote.

I will tell you what he would not have accepted. He would not have accepted inaction. So let's try to live up to the memory and the example of John Lewis--a heroic man of action, one of my dearest friends in my years in the Congress. And I know he is watching over us. Let's make him proud.